wikileaks | There was nothing politically hapless about Eric
Schmidt. I had been too eager to see a politically unambitious Silicon
Valley engineer, a relic of the good old days of computer science
graduate culture on the West Coast. But that is not the sort of person
who attends the Bilderberg conference four years running, who pays
regular visits to the White House, or who delivers “fireside chats” at
the World Economic Forum in Davos.43
Schmidt’s emergence as Google’s “foreign minister”—making pomp and
ceremony state visits across geopolitical fault lines—had not come out
of nowhere; it had been presaged by years of assimilation within US
establishment networks of reputation and influence.
On a personal level, Schmidt and Cohen are
perfectly likable people. But Google's chairman is a classic “head of
industry” player, with all of the ideological baggage that comes with
that role.44
Schmidt fits exactly where he is: the point where the centrist,
liberal, and imperialist tendencies meet in American political life. By
all appearances, Google's bosses genuinely believe in the civilizing
power of enlightened multinational corporations, and they see this
mission as continuous with the shaping of the world according to the
better judgment of the “benevolent superpower.” They will tell you that
open-mindedness is a virtue, but all perspectives that challenge the
exceptionalist drive at the heart of American foreign policy will remain
invisible to them. This is the impenetrable banality of “don’t be
evil.” They believe that they are doing good. And that is a problem.
Google is "different". Google is "visionary". Google is
"the future". Google is "more than just a company". Google "gives back
to the community". Google is "a force for good".
Even when Google airs its corporate ambivalence publicly, it does little to dislodge these items of faith.45 The company’s reputation is seemingly unassailable. Google’s colorful,
playful logo is imprinted on human retinas just under six billion times
each day, 2.1 trillion times a year—an opportunity for respondent
conditioning enjoyed by no other company in history.46
Caught red-handed last year making petabytes of personal data available
to the US intelligence community through the PRISM program, Google
nevertheless continues to coast on the goodwill generated by its “don’t
be evil” doublespeak. A few symbolic open letters
to the White House later and it seems all is forgiven. Even
anti-surveillance campaigners cannot help themselves, at once condemning
government spying but trying to alter Google’s invasive surveillance
practices using appeasement strategies.47
Nobody wants to acknowledge that Google has grown big and bad.
But it has. Schmidt’s tenure as CEO saw Google integrate with the
shadiest of US power structures as it expanded
into a geographically invasive megacorporation. But Google has always
been comfortable with this proximity. Long before company founders Larry
Page and Sergey Brin hired Schmidt in 2001, their initial research upon
which Google was based had been partly funded by the Defense Advanced
Research Projects Agency (DARPA).48
And even as Schmidt’s Google developed an image as the overly friendly
giant of global tech, it was building a close relationship with the
intelligence community.
In 2003 the US National Security Agency (NSA) had already started
systematically violating the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act
(FISA) under its director General Michael Hayden.49 These were the days of the “Total Information Awareness” program.50
Before PRISM was ever dreamed of, under orders from the Bush White
House the NSA was already aiming to “collect it all, sniff it all, know
it all, process it all, exploit it all.”51
During the same period, Google—whose publicly declared corporate
mission is to collect and “organize the world’s information and make it
universally accessible and useful”52—was
accepting NSA money to the tune of $2 million to provide the agency
with search tools for its rapidly accreting hoard of stolen knowledge.53
In 2004, after taking over Keyhole, a mapping tech startup
cofunded by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) and the
CIA, Google developed the technology into Google Maps, an enterprise
version of which it has since shopped to the Pentagon and associated
federal and state agencies on multimillion-dollar contracts.54
In 2008, Google helped launch an NGA spy satellite, the GeoEye-1, into
space. Google shares the photographs from the satellite with the US
military and intelligence communities.55 In 2010, NGA awarded Google a $27 million contract for “geospatial visualization services.”56
In 2010, after the Chinese government was accused of hacking
Google, the company entered into a “formal information-sharing”
relationship with the NSA, which was said to allow NSA analysts to
“evaluate vulnerabilities” in Google’s hardware and software.57 Although the exact contours of the deal have never been disclosed, the NSA brought in other government agencies to help, including the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security.
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