pacemaker | I've been waiting for today, knowing it was pre-planned and coming. Today in Riyadh at the China-Arab Summit President Xi of China formally invited the Arab nations to trade oil and gas in yuan on the Shanghai Exchange. Now the way diplomacy works (because it seems to have been forgotten in the West) is that Xi would not have made the invitation unless all the Arab states gathered in Riyadh - and particularly Saudi Arabia as host - had already agreed as a matter of joint policy to take action accordingly. Oil and gas will price in Shanghai and in yuan, breaking the dollar monopoly the US has imposed and enforced since 1974. Since the dollar-for-oil monopoly was the lynchpin of Bretton Woods II stability, it follows Bretton Woods II ended today.
To
refresh memories, President Nixon unilaterally repudiated the US treaty
obligation under the 1944 Bretton Woods Agreement to redeem dollars for
gold in 1972. The chaos in foreign exchange markets that followed led
to instability, made worse with the inflationary OPEC oil embargo of
1973-74.
In July 1974 the US Treasury Secretary William Simon and US Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger made a top-secret flight to Riyadh to meet
King Fahd. They offered a deal: sell Saudi oil exclusively for US
dollars and buy US Treasuries with the proceeds, or we kill you, your
entire family, and occupy the oil fields with the US military. Unsurprisingly, they left with a secret agreement.
The
same deal was more or less extended to all of OPEC. Leaders like Saddam
Hussein of Iraq and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya who strayed from the US
dollar were killed, their countries destroyed and destablilsed, as an
example to others. Iran, Syria, and Venezuela have resisted more
successfully, but have been badly destabilised by US occupation, oil
theft, attempted coups, attempted assassinations, and economic
sanctions.
So today marks a big and admirably brave shift. After sending all the
weaponry it could spare to Ukraine all year, ending oil and gas trade
with Russia under sanctions, weakening allies with surging inflation,
and depleting the Strategic Petroleum Reserve of a record amount of oil
to blunt inflation before the midterm elections, the US is not in an
ideal position to launch wars in every Arab state at once. In fact, it
probably can't launch a war or coup even in Saudi Arabia because Saudi
Arabia will have prepared and provided for that risk. In any event, a
new war in the Middle East would make the inflationary shock of the
Ukraine war pale in comparison.
Signs of a shift have been in the wind all year. The fist bump and
low-key reception of President Biden compares poorly to the lavish state
reception of President Xi. Then Biden's attempt to get GCC states to
sanction Russia was unanimously rejected.
And
OPEC's outright refusal to defer oil production cuts until after the
American midterm elections was a further sign Saudi and OPEC+ no longer
take orders from Washington. Saudi took the unusual step of officially
rejecting the US request in public.
When
a presidential state visit by Xi to Saudi began leaking in the fall I
began to watch for confirmatory signs of OPEC moving East. There were
quite a few, but nothing as momentous as the extravagant welcome for
President Xi to Riyadh and the China-Arab Summit. President Xi and King
Salman signed a 30-year Strategic Partnership Agreement for cooperation
on virtually all forward economic plans yesterday: energy, telecoms,
investment, trade, infrastructure, regional development, Belt & Road
Initiative, etc. Significantly, the Agreement bars interference in
domestic affairs by either nation, a principle China has urged widely
for many years.
cointribune | Henry Kissinger became Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon
in 1973. That is, just two years after the end of the gold standard.
The collapse of the international monetary system established in 1944
at Bretton Woods should have dug the grave of the dollar. But that was
without counting on Henry Kissinger and his brilliant geopolitical poker
move: the petrodollar…
Indeed, the beginnings of the petrodollar date back to 1945, when
American President Roosevelt, returning from the Yalta Conference with
Stalin and Churchill, met with King Abdul Aziz aboard the USS Quincy.
This meeting was later called the Quincy Pact. Kranklin Roosevelt
secured a guarantee from Saudi Arabia to supply American energy needs
for 60 years.
Owing to current events, it is worth noting that the American
president had to promise not to allow the creation of a Jewish state in
Palestine. Unfortunately, or fortunately depending on one’s view,
Roosevelt died two months later and his successor Harry Truman, hand in
hand with the British, recognized the State of Israel immediately after
its creation.
Despite this betrayal, Saudi Arabia did not sever ties. It needed
Washington to counter the growing popularity of Nasser in Egypt. His
pan-Arab socialist policy was indeed an existential threat to the Saudi
monarchy. The United States saw an opportunity to counter the USSR,
which was then allied with Cairo.
But let’s focus on H. Kissinger.
The Masterstroke
His poker move took place in June 1974 during a meeting with King
Faisal bin Abdul Aziz in Saudi Arabia. It was the climax of a
Machiavellian plan rooted in the Israeli-Arab War of Yom Kippur (1973).
At the time, Kissinger convinced President Nixon to intervene in
favor of Israel. Henry Kissinger was indeed Jewish. In retaliation,
Saudi Arabia raised the price of a barrel of oil from $3 to $12.
This is exactly what Henry Kissinger wanted, who ended up simply threatening Saudi Arabia to use force to address what he then called the “strangulation of the industrialized world”. It wasn’t a bluff. The London Sunday Times revealed in February 1975 the existence of operation “Dhahran Option Four” which envisioned invading Saudi Arabia.
King Faisal heard these drumbeats loud and clear and, by the end of 1974, reached an agreement with Kissinger, who promised unlimited arms sales and a return of Israel to its 1948 borders.
In exchange, the kingdom had to commit to two things:
To sell its oil EXCLUSIVELY in dollars, To invest its dollar surpluses in US debt.
The petrodollar was born, thanks to H. Kissinger, who was undoubtedly a key player in the special relationship that the United States maintains with Israel.
The European nations that had the audacity to exchange their dollars for gold were forced to accumulate dollars again to buy the oil essential to any industrialized nation. Checkmate.
As for the agreement on Israel’s borders, it was quickly forgotten after the assassination of King Faisal a few months later…
dissentmagazine | At this point we need to ask whether the growing militancy
of the Republican right can be adequately explained by the triumph of
small over big business, as Tea Partiers and Trump himself would have us
believe. Even the most sophisticated commentators have taken the Tea
Party at its word on this matter. But as Trump’s example reminds us,
what is at stake here is less an alliance of the small against the big
than it is an insurrection of one form of capitalism against another:
the private, unincorporated, and family-based versus the corporate,
publicly traded, and shareholder-owned. If most family enterprise was
confined to the small business sector in the 1980s—when public
corporations accounted for the bulk of big business—this shorthand does
not apply today, as more large companies go private and dynastic wealth
surges to the forefront of the American economy. The historian Steve
Fraser has noted that the “resurgence of what might be called dynastic
or family capitalism, as opposed to the more impersonal managerial
capitalism many of us grew up with, is changing the nation’s political
chemistry.” The family-based capitalism that stormed the White House
along with Trump stretches from the smallest of family businesses to the
most rambling of dynasties, and crucially depends on the alliance
between the two. Without its network of subcontracted family businesses,
the dynastic enterprise would collapse as a political and economic
force. Meanwhile the many small business owners that gravitate toward
Trump are convinced that their own fortunes rise and fall along with
his.
It is no accident that Trump’s most significant donors
hail from the same world of privately held, unincorporated, and
family-based capitalism as he does. In 2020, Forbes named Koch
Industries as the largest privately held company in the United States.
The Mercers, who did so much to underwrite Trump’s rise to power, owe
their wealth to Renaissance Technologies, a privately held hedge fund
that was subject to the so-called “small business” tax on pass-through
income. Trump’s education secretary, Betsy DeVos, was born into a
business dynasty that made its fortune through the privately held Prince
Corporation. When she married Dick DeVos in 1979, she sealed an
alliance between the Prince family and Amway, still one of the largest
private companies in the country. Most of Betsy DeVos’s personal income
derives from pass-through entities like LLCs and limited partnerships,
which means that the Trump tax cuts would have saved her tens of
millions of dollars. Amway itself is structured as an
S-corporation, a type of pass-through that also would have qualified for
Trump’s 40 percent marginal tax cut to small business.
As the scions of private dynastic capital invest the halls
of power, they have also inflated the fortunes of their own trade and
political associations. Organizations such as the Koch-funded American
Legislative Exchange Council and the theocratic Council for National
Policy (the latter with its close connections to the DeVos and Prince
dynasties) once existed on the far fringes of the American right. Today
their progeny—from Americans for Prosperity to FreedomWorks and the
Family Research Council—dictate the form of Republican Party politics,
while the once all-powerful Business Roundtable and other corporate
trade associations watch from the sidelines. The newly ascendant
organizations would like to convince us that theirs is the voice of
small family business ranged against the vested power of the corporate
and bureaucratic elite. More plausibly, however, they represent a shift
in the center of gravity of American capitalism, which has elevated the
once marginal figure of the family-owned business to a central place in
economic life at every scale. If the large publicly listed corporation
was still the uncontested reference point for American business at the
turn of the millennium, it is now being increasingly challenged by a
style of family-based capitalism whose reach extends from the smallest
to the most grandiose household production units. The infrastructural
basis of today’s far-right resurgence is neither populist nor elitist in
any straightforward sense: it is both. The collapse of the public
corporation into a thicket of privately contracted commercial relations
has weakened the old union-mediated bonds among workers and created real
economic intimacies, however fraught, between the small family-owned
business and the dynastic enterprise. To prevent the emergence of some
more dangerous version of Trump, we would need to build an alternative
set of economic and affective solidarities potent enough to dismantle
this clientelist symbiosis of households.
patrick-wyman | Commercial agriculture is a lucrative industry, at least for those
who own the orchards, cold storage units, processing facilities, and the
large businesses that cater to them. They have a trusted and reasonably
well-paid cadre of managers and specialists in law, finance, and the
like - members of the educated professional-managerial class that my
close classmates and I have joined - but the vast majority of their
employees are lower-wage laborers. The owners are mostly white; the
laborers are mostly Latino, a significant portion of them undocumented
immigrants. Ownership of the real, core assets is where the region’s
wealth comes from, and it doesn’t extend down the social hierarchy. Yet
this bounty is enough to produce hilltop mansions, a few high-end
restaurants, and a staggering array of expensive vacation homes in
Hawaii, Palm Springs, and the San Juan Islands.
This class of
people exists all over the United States, not just in Yakima. So do
mid-sized metropolitan areas, the places where huge numbers of Americans
live but which don’t figure prominently in the country’s popular
imagination or its political narratives: San Luis Obispo, California;
Odessa, Texas; Bloomington, Illinois; Medford, Oregon; Hilo, Hawaii;
Dothan, Alabama; Green Bay, Wisconsin. (As an aside, part of the reason I
loved Parks and Recreation was because it accurately portrayed
life in a place like this: a city that wasn’t small, which served as
the hub for a dispersed rural area, but which wasn’t tightly connected
to a major metropolitan area.)
This kind of elite’s wealth
derives not from their salary - this is what separates them from even
extremely prosperous members of the professional-managerial class, like
doctors and lawyers - but from their ownership of assets. Those assets
vary depending on where in the country we’re talking about; they could
be a bunch of McDonald’s franchises in Jackson, Mississippi, a
beef-processing plant in Lubbock, Texas, a construction company in
Billings, Montana, commercial properties in Portland, Maine, or a car
dealership in western North Carolina. Even the less prosperous parts of
the United States generate enough surplus to produce a class of wealthy
people. Depending on the political culture and institutions of a
locality or region, this elite class might wield more or less political
power. In some places, they have an effective stranglehold over what
gets done; in others, they’re important but not all-powerful.
Wherever
they live, their wealth and connections make them influential forces
within local society. In the aggregate, through their political
donations and positions within their localities and regions, they wield a
great deal of political influence. They’re the local gentry of the
United States.
We’re not talking about international oligarchs;
these folks’ wealth extends into the millions and tens of millions
rather than the billions. There are, however, a lot more of them than
the global elite that tends to get all of the attention. They’re not the
face of instantly recognizable global brands or the subjects of
award-winning New York Times profiles; they own warehouses and
Applebee’s franchises, concrete companies and chains of movie theaters,
hop fields and apartment complexes.
Because their wealth is rooted
in the ownership of physical assets, they tend to be more rooted in
their places of origin than the cosmopolitan professionals and
entrepreneurs of the major metro areas. Mobility between major metros,
the characteristic jumping from Seattle to Los Angeles to New York to
Austin that’s possible for younger lawyers and creatives and tech folks,
is foreign to them. They might really like heading to a vacation home
in Bermuda or Maui. They might plan a relatively early retirement to a
wealthy enclave in Palm Springs, Scottsdale, or central Florida.
Ultimately, however, their money and importance comes from the
businesses they own, and those belong in their localities.
Gentry
classes are a common feature of a great many social-economic-political
regimes throughout history. Pretty much anywhere you have a hierarchical
form of social organization and property ownership, a gentry class of
some kind emerges: the local civic elites of the Roman Empire, the
landlords of later Han China, the numerous lower nobility of late
medieval France, the thegns of Anglo-Saxon England, the
Prussian Junkers, or the planter class of the antebellum South. The
gentry are generally distinct from the highest levels of a regime’s
political and economic elite: They’re usually not resident in the
political center, they don’t hold major positions in the central
administration of the state (whatever that might consist of) and aren’t
counted among the wealthiest people in their polity. New national or
imperial elites might emerge over time from a gentry class, even rulers -
the boundaries between these groups can be more or less porous - but
that’s not usually the case.
Gentry are, by definition, local elites.
The extent to which they wield power in their localities, and how they
do so, is dependent on the structure of their regime. In the early Roman
Empire, for example, local civic elites were essential to the
functioning of the state. They collected taxes in their home cities,
administered justice, and competed with each other for local political
offices and seats on the city councils. Their competition was a driving
force behind the provision of benefits to the common folk in the form of
festivals, games, public buildings, and more basic support, a practice
called civic euergetism.
opendemocracy | Neoliberalism was the form of capitalism that came, chronologically,
after colonialism, driving markets back into the public sectors of the
former colonial powers, allowing capital to monetise and extract wealth
from their soft underbellies. Surveillance capitalism, led by the data
giants, is taking its place.
As academic and writer Shoshana
Zuboff has argued, under surveillance capitalism, the new biggest
companies on the planet make money from drilling markets into our souls.
Facebook, Google and Amazon profit by turning each of us into an
individual cell of their vast, multidimensional spreadsheets, and
pinning us into these corners with endless streams of advertisements
telling us who we are and what we need to buy to make us whole.
As cultural politics lecturer Ben Little
points out to me, it shouldn’t be any surprise that people respond to a
breed of capitalism that exists to sell them new versions of their own
identities by pushing back, by insisting that that’s not who they are,
nor what it means to be who they are.
Data giants, Little says,
want our identities to be hard, static and regimented, so we “align more
neatly with commodities”. Anything that challenges this, he argues,
“becomes a form of resistance not just to traditional forms of
conservative hierarchy” but also to the very logic of modern capitalism.
Largely,
this resistance isn’t done individually: it’s done through collective
exploration and expression. Because while social media tries to profit
by selling people versions of who they might be, it also creates
opportunities for connections that allow people to discuss and discover
other versions of themselves.
Ultimately, identity is never an
individual matter. It’s always about how we relate to each other and
make sense of society: if I was the only person I’d ever met, I wouldn’t
see myself as having a race or a class or a gender. But it’s also about
how we’re related to, and made by, society. The construction of how we
see ourselves in the world is always an iterative process – Facebook
imposes its algorithm and we build our own groups.
And this isn’t
new. National identities were largely invented when capitalist printing
presses convened communities in the 19th century. Social media allows
people to gather from across the planet in their own communities. Gender
roles were foisted on people by church, state and capital. More than
ever, we are getting together and reinventing them. The class system was
built to facilitate control, and racial hierarchies to justify empire,
and people like the Common Sense Group feel a deep sense of moral panic
when these identities are prodded, poked and pulled apart.
strategic-culture | Were you following the news this last week? Vaccine mandates are
everywhere: one country, after another, is doubling-down, to try to
force, or legally compel, full population vaccination. The mandates are
coming because of the massive uptick in Covid – most of all in the
places where the experimental mRNA gene therapies were deployed en masse. And (no coincidence), this ‘marker’ has come just as U.S. Covid deaths in 2021 have surpassed those of 2020.
This has happened, despite the fact that last year, no Americans were
vaccinated (and this year 59% are vaccinated). Clearly no panacea, this
mRNA ‘surge’.
Of course, the Pharma-Establishment know that the vaccines are no
panacea. There are ‘higher interests’ at play here. It is driven rather
by fear that the window for implementing its series of ‘transitions’ in
the U.S. and Europe is closing. Biden still struggles to move his
‘Go-Big’ social spending plan and green agenda transition through
Congress by the midterm election in a year’s time. And the inflation
spike may well sink Biden’s Build Back Better agenda (BBB) altogether.
Time is short. The midterm elections are but 12 months away, after
which the legislative window shuts. The Green ‘transition’ is stuck too
(by concerns that moving too fast to renewables is putting power grids
at risk and elevating heating costs unduly), and the Pharma
establishment will be aware that a new B.1.1.529 variant has made a big
jump in evolution with 32 mutations to its spike protein. This makes it
“clearly very different” from previous variants, which may drive further
waves of infection evading ‘vaccine defences’.
Translation: a new wave of restrictions, more lockdowns, and –
eventually – trillions of dollars in new stimmie cheques may be in
prospect. And what of inflation then, we might ask.
It’s a race for the U.S. and Europe, where the pandemic is back in
full force across Europe, to push through their re-set agendas, before
variants seize up matters with hospitals crowded with the vaccinated and
non-vaccinated; with riots in the streets, and mask mandates at
Christmas markets (that’s if they open at all). A big reversal was
foreshadowed by this week’s news: vaccine mandates and lockdowns, even
in highly vaccinated areas, are returning. And people don’t like it.
The window for the Re-Set may be fast closing. One observer, noting all the frenetic Élite activity, has asked
‘have we finally reached peak Davos?’. Is the turn to authoritarianism
in Europe a sign of desperation as fears grow that the various
‘transitions’ planned under the ‘re-set’ umbrella (financial, climate,
vaccine and managerial expert technocracy) may never be implemented?
Cut short rather, as spending plans are hobbled by accelerating
inflation; as the climate transition fails to find traction amongst
poorer states (and at home, too); as technocracy is increasingly
discredited by adverse pandemic outcomes; and Modern Monetary Theory
hits a wall, because – well, inflation again.
Are you paying attention yet? The great ‘transition’ is conceived as a
hugely expensive shift towards renewables, and to a new digitalised,
roboticised corporatism. It requires Big (inflationary) funding to be
voted through, and a huge parallel (inflationary) expenditure on social
support to be approved by Congress as well. The social provision is
required to mollify all those who subsequently will find themselves
without jobs, because of the climate ‘transition’ and the shift to a
digitalised corporate sphere. But – unexpectedly for some ‘experts’ –
inflation has struck – the highest statistics in 30 years.
There are powerful oligarchic interests behind the Re-Set. They do
not want to see it go down, nor see the West eclipsed by its
‘competitors’. So it seems that rather than back off, they will go full
throttle and try to impose compliance on their electorates: tolerate no
dissidence.
popular | In the United States, only certain types of theft are newsworthy.
For example, on June 14, 2021, a reporter for KGO-TV in San Francisco tweeted a cellphone video
of a man in Walgreens filling a garbage bag with stolen items and
riding his bicycle out of the store. According to San Francisco's crime
database, the value of the merchandise stolen in the incident was
between $200 and $950.
According to an analysis
by FAIR, a media watchdog, this single incident generated 309 stories
between June 14 and July 12. A search by Popular Information reveals
that, since July 12, there have been dozens of additional stories
mentioning the incident. The theft has been covered in a slew of major
publications including the New York Times, USA Today and CNN.
In most coverage, the video is presented as proof that there are no
consequences for shoplifting in San Francisco. But the man in the video,
Jean Lugo-Romero, was arrested about a week later
and faces 15 charges, including "grand theft, second-degree burglary
and shoplifting." He was recently transferred to county jail where he is
being held without bond.
Just a few months earlier, in November 2020, Walgreens paid a $4.5 million settlement
to resolve a class-action lawsuit alleging that it stole wages from
thousands of its employees in California between 2010 and 2017. The
lawsuit alleged that Walgreens "rounded down employees' hours on their
timecards, required employees to pass through security checks before and
after their shift without compensating them for time worked, and failed
to pay premium wages to employees who were denied legally required meal
breaks."
Walgreens' settlement includes attorney's fees and
other penalties, but $2,830,000 went to Walgreens employees to
compensate them for the wages that the company had stolen. And, because
it is a settlement, that amount represents a small fraction of the total
liability. According to the order approving the settlement, it represents "approximately 22% of the potential damages."
So
this is a story of a corporation that stole millions of dollars from
its own employees. How much news coverage did it generate? There was a
single 221-word story
in Bloomberg Law, an industry publication. And that's it. There has
been no coverage in the New York Times, USA Today, CNN, or the dozens of
other publications that covered the story of a man stealing a few
hundred dollars of merchandise.
epochtimes | It is too often overlooked in all the discussions about the “transition” to a net-zero emissions economy that the most consequential transition is that from democratic capitalism to feudal serfdom.
This is the conclusion of American demographer and “blue-collar Democrat” Joel Kotkin, who has highlighted that the supposedly well-intentioned green policies being adopted across the West come at enormous expense to the working- and middle-classes.
As Kotkin wrote in ‘Spiked’ earlier this year, “extreme climate measures have driven the loss of traditional blue-collar jobs in manufacturing, construction and energy, while other environmental regulations have boosted housing prices.”
Kotkin’s thesis is that the West is on the road to serfdom. Rather than maintaining our capitalist societies where a large, asset-owning middle-class underpin a stable democratic system, we are becoming stratified feudal societies.
Home and small business ownership are declining, especially among the young and the less well-off, a group of technocratic elites are establishing themselves as permanent rulers in the apparatus of the administrative state, and corporate oligarchs are coming to dominate both the economy and broader society.
his transition has been occurring for some time, but it has been accelerated by the COVID-19-inspired lockdowns and the zeal with which Western governments have thoughtlessly adopted net-zero emissions targets.
Both play out as an aggressive form of reverse Robin Hood asset stripping, taking from the poor and giving to the rich.
Australia is now officially committed to a net-zero emissions by 2050 target.
But beyond the slogan “technology not taxes,” the Australian people do not know how the government plans on achieving its newfound ambition.
The UK Treasury, by contrast, recently released a Net-zero Review report (pdf) which provides some detail of how the UK government expects to reach net-zero.
The report includes a surprisingly honest admission from the bureaucracy: “The costs and benefits of the transition to a net-zero economy will ultimately pass through to households through a range of different channels.”
It includes a helpful chart that shows that, regardless of the specific policy or mechanism, the costs of net-zero will always fall on households, that is, everyday mums, dads, and workers.
This insight is evident to many but is too often obfuscated.
To put it into words, the problem we have is corruption in the
government contracting world, aided by immense amounts of useless
overpaid make work. In 2011, an antitrust attorney did a report on how
we overpay for government contracting. In service of ‘shrinking
government,’ policymakers chose to set up a system where instead of
hiring an engineer as a government employee for, say, $120,000 a year,
they paid a consulting firm like Booz Allen $500,000 a year for a
similar engineer. The resulting system is both more expensive and more
bureaucratic.
Here’s one example I grabbed from a public government contracting
schedule. The rate negotiated by the government’s General Services
Administration for Boston Consulting Group is $33,063.75/week to get a
single relatively junior contractor.
But it is a bit too easy. The Boston Consulting Group may be charging
$33,063.75 per week for the services of a single kind-of-bright
conformist straight out of business school. But that kid, he isn’t
getting paid $1.7M a year. He’s probably “only” paid 10% of that. From
that take, his managers and their managers, their assistants and his,
not to mention of course the firm’s shareholders, are all getting a
piece of that sweet government slop. And all those guys and gals, they
are living in places like Arlington, VA, and some of them have families
and mortgages on houses they indebted themselves perhaps millions of
dollars to inhabit.
There are people at the top of the American food chain who are stupid
rich, for whom questions of making ends meet and financial security are
laughably distant. People like that, they are easy to deal with. If it
was “us” (whoever the fuck we are) versus only them, politics would be
easy. We’d have taxed the billionaires to pay their fair share a long
time ago.
But most of the people towards the top of the American food chain are
not stupid rich, but stupidly rich. They “make” sums of money that by
any fair reckoning, obviously in a global context but even in an
American context, are huge. But they plow that affluence into bidding
wars on incredibly (if artificially) scarce social goods. Nobody “needs”
to live in Arlington (or my own San Francisco). No one’s kid “has” to
go to private school (or for the more woke among us, notionally public
schools rendered exclusive by the cost of nearby housing). If you make
price your first priority in, say, shopping for preschool or daycare,
perhaps you can find something reasonable.
But most of us, if we are no longer free, young, and single, if we
are rich enough to pay the vig you have to pay to be sure your kid’s
preschool will in fact be “safe” and “nurturing”, well, we pay it. If we
haven’t rigged our housing choice so that the local public school is
good enough, we pay up for a private school. If we can afford to be
choosy, if we are really rich, we pay up for the private school that
devotes significant resources to the searches and scholarships that
deliver, in Nikole Hannah-Jones memorable words,
a “carefully curated integration, the kind that allows many white
parents to boast that their children’s public schools look like the
United Nations.” It is extraordinarily expensive to be both comfortable
and some facsimile of virtuous. You’ll never see as many rainbow flags
as you see in Marin County.
The point of this is not that you should have sympathy for the
Arlingtonians (or San Franciscans). Fuck ’em (er, us). But you are
missing something important, as a matter of politics if nothing else, if
you don’t get that the people who are your predators financially are,
in their turn, someone else’s prey. Part of why the legalized corruption
that is the vast bulk of the (dollar-weighted) US economy is so
immovable is that the people whose lobbyists have cornered markets to
ensure they stay overpaid are desperately frightened of not being
overpaid, because if they were not overpaid they would become unable to
make all the absurd overpayments that are now required to live what
people of my generation (and race, and class) understood to be an
ordinary life. It’s turtles all the way down, each one collecting a toll
and wondering how it’s gonna pay the next diapsid.
Perhaps the most straightforward examples of all this, much more
sympathetic than Boston Consulting Group swindlers, are doctors. It’s
well and good to rail against health insurance companies and big pharma,
and really, fuck ’em so hard they disappear into perpetual orgasm and
we never have to encounter them again. But we know that healthcare in
the US is exorbitantly expensive compared to anywhere else, and we also
know, even if it is not shouted as loudly in political stump speeches,
that a big part of this is that doctors are paid roughly twice as much in America as they are paid elsewhere in the developed world.
But what would it mean, really, to cut US doctors’ salaries in half?
In theory, if you are the most imperceptive sort of economist, it means
they could live as well as doctors do in Europe, which is not so bad. US
doctors are paid twice as much in what is imaginatively described as
“real terms”, so they should be able to purchase the same goods and
services with their income as their European peers do. Where’s the
problem?
But economists’ “real terms” do not measure the realest terms at all,
the social relations in which the dance of our production and
consumption is embedded. If you cut doctors’ salaries in half tomorrow,
they would have to sell their mortgaged, absurdly expensive homes. At
half their present salary, doctors would no longer be able to afford to
live amongst “peer” professions like lawyers, management consultants,
middling corporate executives, and the employees of surveillance
monopolists. Doctors would fall precipitously from the social class,
embedded in geography and consumption habits, to which many of them even
now cling only precariously. More calamitously, they would lose the
capacity to produce or reproduce membership in that social class for
their children, often the most expensive amenity American professionals
seek to purchase.
Doctors in France don’t have this problem because they live in a
society less stratified than the one that we are unfortunate to inhabit.
In societies in which the lives and prospects of the rich and less rich
are not so divergent, people can afford to be a bit less rich. After
all, even in the United States, the problem is not scarcity in a
straightforward economic sense. We can build, to a first approximation,
as much great housing as we want. The skills required to care for and
educate kids are reproducible. They could be elastically and
economically supplied. The scarcity of a slot at Harvard (and that
slot’s many antecedents, all the way back to birth) has little to do
with some ingrained incapacity to educate wonderful teachers.
The solution to the problem of “positional goods”, which are inherently zero-sum and inelastically supplied, is supposedto be the infinite multiplicity of social dimensions over which we can measure our positions (ht Arjun Narayan). The most famous exposition of this view is perhaps David Brooks’ from On Paradise Drive:
“Know thyself,” the Greek philosopher advised. But of course this is
nonsense. In the world of self-reinforcing clique communities, the
people who are truly happy live by the maxim “Overrate thyself.” They
live in a community that reinforces their values every day. The
anthropology professor can stride through life knowing she was
unanimously elected chairwoman of her crunchy suburb’s
sustainable-growth study seminar. She wears the locally approved status
symbols: the Tibet-motif dangly earrings, the Andrea Dworkin-inspired
hairstyle, the peasant blouse, and the public-broadcasting tote bag…
Meanwhile, sitting in the next seat of the coach section on some
Southwest Airlines flight, there might be a midlevel executive from a
postwar suburb who’s similarly rich in self-esteem. But he lives in a
different clique, so he is validated and reinforced according to
entirely different criteria and by entirely different institutions… [H]e
has been named Payroll Person of the Year by the West Coast Regional
Payroll Professional Association. He is interested in College Football
and tassels. His loafers have tassels. His golf bags have tassels. If he
could put tassels around the Oklahoma football vanity license plate on
his Cadillac Escalade, his life would be complete.
It’s hard to know, from this excerpt, which of these two is richer,
the anthropology professor or the payroll guy. Both crouch together in
the eternal middle class of unreserved coach seating on a Southwest
Airlines flight. And in that skyward netherworld, On Paradise Flight,
Brooks would be right. When there are not objective correlates of
anyone’s definition of positional status, each of us can choose
whichever measure of position flatters us most. We need agree only that
is it gauche to try to impose our values on others for us all to live as
happiest and best, quietly pitying our inferiors even as we cheerfully
pass along a bag of pretzels.
But what it means to live in a stratified society, precisely what it means to live in a stratified society, is that there are
objective correlates to position along dimensions that individuals and
communities cannot themselves choose. There are positional dimensions
whose importance is a social fact, not arbitrary, but real as social facts are, by virtue of their consequences.
In such a society, positional goods with desirable correlates,
inherently scarce and inelastically supplied, become extremely valuable.
In some societies, those goods may be rationed by custom, or by
heredity, by caste or race. But to the degree that a society is
“liberal” and capitalist, they will be price-rationed, as they largely
(but incompletely) are in our American society.
msn | In a video that’s garnered more than 2.4 million views on TikTok, Nevada
real-estate agent Sean Gotcher criticizes the “iBuying” business model,
in which companies buy and sell homes for a profit. In the video, he
proposes that a nameless company has a website where many people search
for homes “when they’re bored,” and he says that same company “uses that
information to go into that ZIP code and start purchasing houses.”
In other words, he’s suggesting that companies such as Zillow are
using the data they glean from people’s perusal of home listings on
their sites to make decisions about which houses to buy as iBuyers.
Gotcher
later argues that the company will buy 30 homes at one price, and then
purchase a 31st home at a higher price. “What that just did is create a
new comp,” Gotcher says, referring to comparable prices on nearby
properties, which appraisers use to determine the value of a home for
sale. He then says the company can turn around and sell the other homes
at that new, higher price.
In subsequent videos, Gotcher takes on Zillow and Redfin more directly, criticizing their respective business practices.
“I’m
happy to see the conversation that’s occurring at every printer in
every real estate office about data storage, mixed with buying power and
recognizable marketing is finally happening outside our office doors so
more can participate in the discussion,” Gotcher, who works for Level
Up Real Estate in Henderson, Nev., told MarketWatch in an email.
The video subsequently garnered even more attention on Twitter when a person with the username Gladvillain shared it
after learning that the user’s mother had sold her home to Zillow. Many
users claimed that Zillow was purchasing “all of the homes,” and said
they planned to boycott the platform.
Both Zillow and Redfin
contradicted the video’s claims. “The internet has empowered millions of
consumers with more information, transparency and tools in real estate
to help them make smarter real estate decisions, many provided by Zillow
for more than a decade,” a Zillow spokesperson told MarketWatch in an
email. “Unfortunately, the internet can also sometimes be a source of
misinformation and falsehoods — as is this case.”
A Redfin spokesperson added that the company doesn’t “have the share
to manipulate the market nor do we have any desire to, because
intentionally overpaying for homes would be a terrible business model.”
Real-estate
experts debunked many of the points made in the viral video, and argued
that other forces are to blame for the country’s competitive, pricey
housing market.
“If you could rig the residential housing market
that easily, the Realtors would have done it long ago,” said Gilles
Duranton, a real-estate professor at the University of Pennsylvania’s
Wharton School.
thegrayzone |The death by starvation of Etwariya
Devi, a 67-year-old widow from the rural Indian state of Jharkhand,
might have passed without notice had it not been part of a more
widespread trend.
Like 1.3 billion of her fellow
Indians, Devi had been pushed to enroll in a biometric digital ID system
called Aadhaar in order to access public services, including her
monthly allotment of 25kg of rice. When her fingerprint failed to
register with the shoddy system, Devi was denied her food ration.
Throughout the course of the following three months in 2017, she was
repeatedly refused food until she succumbed to hunger, alone in her
home.
Premani Kumar, a 64-year-old woman also from Jharkhand, met the same demise as Devi, dying of hunger and exhaustion
the same year after the Aadhaar system transferred her pension payments
to another person without her permission, while cutting off her monthly
food rations.
A similarly cruel fate was reserved for Santoshi Kumari,
an 11-year-old girl, also from Jharkhand, who reportedly died begging
for rice after her family’s ration card was canceled because it had not
been linked to their Aadhaar digital ID.
These three heart-rending casualties
were among a spate of deaths in rural India in 2017 which came as a
direct result of the Aadhaar digital ID system.
With over one billion Indians in its
database, Aadhaar is the largest biometric digital ID program ever
constructed. Besides serving as a portal to government services, it
tracks users’ movements between cities, their employment status, and
purchasing records. It is a de facto social credit system that serves as
the key entry point for accessing services in India.
Having branded Aadhaar’s creator,
fellow billionaire Nandan Nilekani, as a “hero,” initiatives backed by
tech oligarch Bill Gates have long sought to bring the “Aadhaar approach
to other countries.” With the onset of the
Covid-19 crisis, Gates and other mavens of the digital ID industry have
an unprecedented opportunity to introduce their programs into the wealthy countries of the Global North.
For those yearning for an end to
pandemic-related restrictions, credential programs certifying their
vaccination against Covid-19 have been marketed as the key to reopening
the economy and restoring their personal freedom. But the implementation
of immunity passports is also accelerating the establishment of a
global digital identity infrastructure.
As the military surveillance firm and NATO contractor Thales recently put it, vaccine passports “are a precursor to digital ID wallets.”
And as the CEO of iProove, a biometric ID company and Homeland Security contractor, emphasized to Forbes,
“The evolution of vaccine certificates will actually drive the whole
field of digital ID in the future. So, therefore, this is not just about
Covid, this is about something even bigger.”
For the national security state,
digital immunity passports promise unprecedented control over
populations wherever such systems are implemented. Ann Cavoukian, the
former privacy commissioner of Ontario, Canada has described
the vaccine passport system already active in her province as “a new,
inescapable web of surveillance with geolocation data being tracked
everywhere.”
politico | President Joe Biden needs the help of
the powerful farm industry to reach his sky-high climate goals. But his
plans for cutting agricultural emissions might not have enough teeth to
take a big bite out of global warming.
Biden on Thursday pledged
a drastic reduction in U.S. greenhouse gas emissions by 2030. But the
White House hasn’t set any specific targets yet for agriculture, which
accounts for 10 percent of all U.S. emissions, according to the EPA.
Those discharges mostly stem from fertilizers, livestock and manure.
“To
be realistic, the administration has to look at cutting some of the
existing emissions,” said Rep. Chellie Pingree (D-Maine), who sits on
the House Agriculture Committee. “We are going to have to talk about
cutting emissions from farms and changing some of the practices.”
The
administration has steered clear of discussing stricter environmental
regulations that could scare off the largely conservative farm sector,
as well as the rural lawmakers that Biden will need to advance many of
his environmental goals. Farmers have been slow to wake up to the
reality of climate change, though increasingly extreme weather of late
has hammered farm country and forced a reckoning.
A summary
of Biden’s climate pledge notes that agriculture is both a source of
greenhouse gases and potentially a key piece of the solution by
capturing and storing heat-trapping carbon dioxide in forests and
farmland. Environmental advocates, like the left-leaning Institute for
Agriculture and Trade Policy, say the White House needs to address both
sides of that equation to make a dent in global warming.
counterpunch | We are currently seeing an acceleration of the corporate
consolidation of the entire global agrifood chain. The high-tech/data
conglomerates, including Amazon, Microsoft, Facebook and Google, have joined traditional agribusiness giants,
such as Corteva, Bayer, Cargill and Syngenta, in a quest to impose a
certain type of agriculture and food production on the world.
Of course, those involved in this portray what they are doing as some
kind of humanitarian endeavour – saving the planet with
‘climate-friendly solutions’, helping farmers or feeding the world. This
is how many of them probably do genuinely regard their role inside
their corporate echo chamber. But what they are really doing is
repackaging the dispossessive strategies of imperialism as ‘feeding the world’.
Failed Green Revolution
Since the Green Revolution, US agribusiness and financial
institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
have sought to hook farmers and nation states on corporate seeds and
proprietary inputs as well as loans to construct the type of agri
infrastructure that chemical-intensive farming requires.
Monsanto-Bayer and other agribusiness concerns have since the 1990s
been attempting to further consolidate their grip on global agriculture
and farmers’ corporate dependency with the rollout of genetically
engineered seeds, commonly known as GMOs (genetically modified
organisms).
“In the 1980s, the chemical corporations started to look
at genetic engineering and patenting of seed as new sources of super
profits. They took farmers varieties from the public gene banks,
tinkered with the seed through conventional breeding or genetic
engineering, and took patents.”
Shiva talks about the Green Revolution and seed colonialism and the
pirating of farmers seeds and knowledge. She says that 768,576
accessions of seeds were taken from farmers in Mexico alone:
“… taking the farmers seeds that embodies their
creativity and knowledge of breeding. The ‘civilising mission’ of Seed
Colonisation is the declaration that farmers are ‘primitive’ and the
varieties they have bred are ‘primitive’, ‘inferior’, ‘low yielding’ and
have to be ‘substituted’ and ‘replaced’ with superior seeds from a
superior race of breeders, so called ‘modern varieties’ and ‘improved
varieties’ bred for chemicals.”
It is now clear that the Green Revolution has been a failure in terms
of its devastating environmental impacts, the undermining of highly
productive traditional low-input agriculture and its sound ecological
footing, the displacement of rural populations and the adverse impacts
on village communities, nutrition, health and regional food security.
TNR | In April, Bill Gates launched a bold bid to manage
the world’s scientific response to the pandemic. Gates’s Covid-19 ACT-Accelerator
expressed a status quo vision for organizing the research, development, manufacture,
and distribution of treatments and vaccines. Like other Gates-funded
institutions in the public health arena, the Accelerator was a public-private
partnership based on charity and industry enticements. Crucially, and in
contrast to the C-TAP, the Accelerator enshrined Gates’s long-standing commitment
to respecting exclusive intellectual property claims. Its implicit
arguments—that intellectual property rights won’t present problems for meeting global demand or ensuring
equitable access, and that they must be protected, even during a pandemic—carried
the enormous weight of Gates’s reputation as a wise, beneficent, and prophetic
leader.
How he’s developed and wielded this influence
over two decades is one of the more consequential and underappreciated shapers
of the failed global response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Entering year two, this response has been defined by a zero-sum
vaccination battle that has left much of the world on the losing side.
Gates’s marquee Covid-19 initiative started
relatively small. Two days before the WHO declared a pandemic on March 11, 2020, the Bill &
Melinda Gates Foundation announced something called the Therapeutics
Accelerator, a joint initiative with Mastercard and the charity group the Wellcome
Trust to identify and develop potential treatments for the novel coronavirus.
Doubling as a social branding exercise for a giant of global finance, the
Accelerator reflected Gates’s familiar formula of corporate philanthropy, which
he has applied to everything from malaria to malnutrition. In retrospect, it
was a strong indicator that Gates’s dedication to monopoly medicine would
survive the pandemic, even before he and his foundation’s officers began to say
so publicly.
This was confirmed when a bigger version of the Accelerator was unveiled the following month at the WHO. The Access to Covid-19 Tools Accelerator, or ACT-Accelerator, was Gates’s bid to organize the development and distribution of everything from therapeutics to testing. The biggest and most consequential arm, COVAX, proposed to subsidize vaccine deals with poor countries through donations by, and sales to, richer ones. The goal was always limited: It aimed to provide vaccines for up to 20 percent of the population in low-to-middle-income countries. After that, governments would largely have to compete on the global market like everyone else. It was a partial demand-side solution to what the movement coalescing around a call for a “people’s vaccine” warned would be a dual crisis of supply and access, with intellectual property at the center of both.
Gates not only dismissed these warnings but actively sought to undermine all challenges to his authority and the Accelerator’s intellectual property–based charity agenda.
“Early on, there was space for Gates to have
a major impact in favor of open models,” says Manuel Martin, a policy adviser to
the Médecins
Sans Frontières Access Campaign. “But senior people in the
Gates organization very clearly sent out the message: Pooling was unnecessary
and counterproductive. They dampened early enthusiasm by saying that I.P. is not
an access barrier in vaccines. That’s just demonstratively false.”
Few have observed Bill Gates’s devotion to monopoly
medicine more closely than James Love, founder and director of Knowledge Ecology
International, a Washington, D.C.–based group that studies
the broad nexus of federal policy, the pharmaceutical industry, and intellectual
property. Love
entered the world of global public health policy around the same time Gates did,
and for two decades has watched him scale its heights while reinforcing the
system responsible for the very problems he claims to be trying to solve. The
through-line for Gates has been his unwavering commitment to drug companies’
right to exclusive control over medical science and the markets for its
products.
pluralistic | The zombie economy shambles on. Obama's loan-shark bailout and the
eviction crisis let the architects of subprime buy up whole towns' worth
of homes and turn them into hugely profitable slums: high-rent,
low-quality deathtraps.
Wall St landlords package rents from subprime rentals into bonds,
backed by the loan-shark's guarantee: arm-breakers will evict the shit
out of anyone who stops paying.
America-a land where eviction was once a rarity-now faces an eviction epidemic.
The foreclosure crisis was only possible because Wall St and the
courts collaborated to streamline the historically complicated and
time-consuming process of taking away someone's home. Same goes for the
eviction epidemic.
It's a simple equation: the more loan-sharks spend on arm-breakers, the lower the expected profits.
Improvements to arm-breaking processes – cost-savings on traditional
coercion or innovative new forms of terror – are powerful engines for
unlocking new debt markets.
When innovation calls, tech answers. Our devices are increasingly
"smart," and inside every smart device is a potential arm-breaker.
Digital arm-breakers have been around since the first DRM systems, but
they really took off in 2008.
That's when subprime car loans boomed. People who lost everything in
the GFC still needed to get to work, and thanks to chronic US
underinvestment in transit, that means owning a car. So loan-sharks and
tech teamed up to deliver a new lost-cost, high-efficiency arm-breaker.
They leveraged the nation's mature wireless network to install
cellular killswitches in cars. You could extend an unrepayable loan to a
desperate person, and use an unmutable second stereo system to bombard
them with earsplitting overdue notices.
Within a decade, the bond-market for payments from subprime car
drivers was edging up on $1T; not because borrowers didn't default, but
because they defaulted later, and the car could be easily re-leased to
another desperate person.
The zombie economy shambled on. Tech built undeletable, always-on
kill-switches, lo-jacks, and spyware into an ever-expanding
constellation of devices, like laptops.
Rent-to-own subprime laptops were the epicenter of innovation in
digital arm-breaking. Laptops shipped with spyware for covert operation
of cameras and mic and access ot files.
That went beyond repoing a laptop! Lenders could make and share covert sex-tapes of their customers!
They spied on children, plundered MP3 collections, stole passwords,
read email. It was beyond the wildest dreams of analog loan-sharks.
There are no nations. There are no peoples. There are no Russians. There
are no Arabs. There are no third worlds. There is no West. There is
only one holistic system of systems, one vast and immane, interwoven,
interacting, multivariate, multinational dominion of dollars.
Petro-dollars, electro-dollars, multi-dollars, reichmarks, rins, rubles,
pounds, and shekels. It is the international system of currency which
determines the totality of life on this planet. That is the natural
order of things today.” Arthur Jensen
nautil | The hero of Atlas Shrugged is John Galt, a supremely
self-confident inventor. He has figured out a way to turn static
electricity into an inexhaustible source of clean energy. But Galt and
his kind are living in an America veering toward the kind of ham-fisted
socialism that Rand escaped when she immigrated from the Soviet Union in
1926. Galt brings about a rebellion of the “producers” of the world,
like the mythical Atlas shrugging the earth from his shoulders, so that
the “looters” and “moochers” can be brought to their senses. The
centerpiece of the novel is a speech that Galt delivers to the world by
taking over the airwaves with his technical prowess.
Whether
conveyed through philosophy or fiction, Rand’s worldview couldn’t
function as a moral system if the pursuit of self-interest didn’t end up
benefiting the common good. That’s where the invisible hand of the
market comes in, a metaphor that was used only three times by Adam Smith
in his voluminous writing, but was elevated to the status of a
fundamental theorem by economists such as Milton Friedman and put into
practice by Rand acolyte Alan Greenspan, who served as Chair of the
United States Federal Reserve Board from 1987 to 2006.
Here’s how
it’s supposed to work: Everything of value can be represented as a
dollar value and therefore can be compared to anything else of value by
their relative prices. Making money is the surest way to provide value
to people because the best way to make money is to provide what people
are most willing to pay for. The system works so well that no other form
of care toward others is required. No empathy. No loyalty. No
forgiveness. Thanks to the market, the old-fashioned virtues have been
rendered obsolete. That’s why Milton Friedman could make his famous
claim in 1970 that the only social responsibility of a business is to
maximize profits for its shareholders. In Ayn Rand’s fictional
rendering, the word “give” is banned from the vocabulary of the Utopian
community founded by John Galt, whose members must recite the oath: “I
swear by my life and love of it that I will never live for the sake of
another man, nor ask another man to live for the sake of mine.”
My sequel to Atlas Shrugged is titled Atlas Hugged
and its protagonist is John Galt’s grandson. Ayn Rand was not a
character in her novel, but since anything goes in fiction, I could
transport her into mine as Ayn Rant, John I’s lover and John III’s
grandmother. Rant’s son, John II, parlays her Objectivist philosophy
into a world-destroying libertarian media empire. John III rebels
against the evil empire by challenging his father to a duel of speeches.
In the process, he brings about a worldwide transformation based on
giving. Atlas Hugged is so anti-Rand that it isn’t even being
sold. Instead, it is gifted for whatever the reader wishes to give in
return. Eat your heart out, Amazon!
theconversation | The tense test of strength began when Biden was asked about Putin in an interview
with ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos and agreed he was “a killer” and
didn’t have a soul. He also said Putin will “pay a price” for his
actions.
Putin then took the unusual step of going on the state broadcaster VGTRK with a prepared five-minute statement in response to Biden.
In an unusually pointed manner, Putin recalled the US history of
genocide of its Indigenous people, the cruel experience of slavery, the
continuing repression of Black Americans today and the unprovoked US
nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the second world war.
He suggested states should not judge others by their own standards:
Whatever you say about others is what you are yourself.
Some American journalists and observers have reacted to this as “trolling”. It was not.
It was the preamble to Putin’s most important message in years to
what he called the American “establishment, the ruling class”. He said
the US leadership is determined to have relations with Russia, but only
“on its own terms”.
Although they think that we are the same as they are, we are
different people. We have a different genetic, cultural and moral code.
But we know how to defend our own interests.
And we will work with them, but in those areas in which we ourselves
are interested, and on those conditions that we consider beneficial for
ourselves. And they will have to reckon with it. They will have to
reckon with this, despite all attempts to stop our development. Despite
the sanctions, insults, they will have to reckon with this.
This is new for Putin. He has for years made the point, always
politely, that Western powers need to deal with Russia on a basis of
correct diplomatic protocols and mutual respect for national
sovereignty, if they want to ease tensions.
But never before has he been as blunt as this, saying in effect: do
not dare try to judge us or punish us for not meeting what you say are
universal standards, because we are different from you. Those days are
now over.
WEF | Global companies are increasingly taking up
their role as responsible trustees of society and investing in actions
for racial and ethnic equity in the workplace – not as an option but as a
business imperative.
The World Economic Forum has convened a
coalition of global corporations and their C-suite leaders committed to
building equitable and just workplaces for professionals with
underrepresented racial and ethnic identities.
Partnering for Racial Justice in Business as a global initiative, launched today Monday 25 January, during The Davos Agenda 2021,
is focused on eradicating all strands of racism in the workplace
against professionals with underrepresented racial and ethnic
identities.
Professionals of colour and minority ethnic backgrounds continue to face
racial injustice and inequity in the workplace, and they have been
severely underrepresented in leadership. There have only been 15 Black
CEOs over the course of the 62 years of the Fortune 500’s existence, and
currently only 1% of Fortune 500 CEOs are Black. Below the top level,
Black employees form approximately only 4.7% of executive team members
in the Fortune 100 and 6.7% of the 16.2 million managerial level jobs.
To drive systemic and sustainable change
towards racial justice, this initiative has been designed to
operationalize and coordinate commitments to eradicate racism in the
workplace and set new global standards for racial equity in business. It
also provides a platform for businesses to collectively advocate for
inclusive policy change.
mises | These days, it sure looks like they have them right where they want
them. Using the storming of the Capitol Building as a pretext, the
media-government alliance has targeted Trump, his supporters, and their
fellow travelers harder than ever before. Many on the right consider the
January 6 storming to have been a dream come true for the leftist
elite—giving them the ability to impeach Trump again, deplatform
right-wingers, and weaponize
the Justice Department against the establishment’s foes. Everything,
though, may not be as it first seems. There’s no reason to be despondent
or worry that the Left has sealed its ultimate victory—it has done no
such thing. Rather, the storming, for what it's worth, proved the power
of ragtag populists and exposed the elite’s shaky foundations. There’s a
reason they’re so terrified.
When the rioters began their push to breach the Capitol Building,
lawmakers were forced to shelter in place, before then evacuating to a
secure location. For some of them, the day's events were evidently
traumatic. That can be seen in the hyperbolic language that’s been used
to describe the storming, like Chuck Schumer likening it
to Pearl Harbor. The stormers crossed the threshold of the
establishment's cushy elitism and exposed lawmakers to the real-world
ire their actions create. As described in a passage from Cato’s Letters,
“The only secret … in forming a free government is to make the
interests of the governors and of the governed the same.” Angry
populists, who’ve watched federal decrees wreak havoc on their lives,
turned around and gave lawmakers a taste of their own medicine.
In the wake of this, the media-government alliance has clamped down
against the populist right harder than ever before. Yet, in this vicious
pushback, one can sense a prescient hint of panic within establishment
ranks that the threads of their dominance may finally be unraveling. Far
from playing a domineering role, the establishment politicos find
themselves on the defensive in a politically unstable position.
Someday—whether it be in one week or thirty years—the US could face a
serious period of mass antiestablishment demonstrations; if that day
comes, it’ll signal the Washington elite’s ultimate failure.
With no cards left to play, they may be forced to tread lightly on
the right-wing populists and avoid violent confrontation as much as
possible, for fear of repercussions like those of January 6. This may
force their hand into granting the Right some concessions—perhaps some
very big ones, like a return to more states’ rights or, better yet, the
right of unilateral secession. This would short-circuit the federal
order and help restore to America’s overtaxed and overburdened some of
their long-withheld freedoms. With everything in view, it looks like the
journey down this path may have already begun.
lawandcrime | A late undercover cop left behind a letter in which he said he
participated in the New York Police Department’s and Federal Bureau of
Investigation’s conspiracy to undermine civil rights leaders and Black
nationalists in the 1960, and to kill them, said attorney Ben Crump in a press conference Saturday, joined by three daughters of Malcolm X. Notably, the former officer, Ray Wood, said he was involved in the arrest of two men from Malcolm X’s security team shortly before the assassination. He said Thomas Johnson, one of the men convicted in the murder, was innocent
“I participated in actions that in hindsight were deplorable
and detrimental to the advancement of my own Black people,” Wood said
in a letter read by his younger cousin Reggie Wood. “My
actions on behalf of the New York City Police Department were done
under duress and fear that if I did not follow the orders
Reggie Wood said Ray Wood wrote the letter, dated January 25, 2011,
while suffering failing health. Crump said that attorneys worked to
corroborate the letter’s version of events.
“This letter helps me to understand the pain and guilt that Ray felt
for the last 55 years,” Reggie Wood said. “He conspired to help the NYPD
assassinate Malcolm X.”
“Several months ago, the Manhattan District Attorney initiated a
review of the investigation and prosecution that resulted in two
convictions for the murder of Malcolm X,” the NYPD said in a statement
to NY1.
“The NYPD has provided all available records relevant to that case to
the District Attorney. The Department remains committed to assist with
that review in any way.”
The FBI declined to comment.
of my
handlers, I could face detrimental consequences.”
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Lately, the Holy Spirit is in the air. Emotional energy is swirling out of
the earth.I can feel it bubbling up, effervescing and evaporating around
us, s...
New Travels
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Haven’t published on the Blog in quite a while. I at least part have been
immersed in the area of writing books. My focus is on Science Fiction an
Historic...
Covid-19 Preys Upon The Elderly And The Obese
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sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
arrived at the emergency room at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
He ...