Hawaii is unique. The islands and what was the Kingdom of Hawaii have been victims of colonialism. The Hawaiian people’s fear of a land grab is real, and based on historic actions of both Britain and the United States. The 1993 Appology Resolution from US Congress on this was a small step in the right direction. There is still a strong sovereignty movement in Hawaii who seek sovereignty from the US. This issue ties in with that. No different than the history of Continental North America, and even presently, Indiginous peoples are always faced with others trying to take their land for monetary gain. Hawaiians are not recognized as “Native Americans”, but the historic facts would support that the Hawaiian people do hold Indiginous title/Aboriginal title/Native title to the islands.
It is kind of like banning Indian names for football teams while taking away their land and keeping them on a reservation. The government will probably ban the word "aloha" and use of leis while taking away their land. Uncle Ben and Aunt Jamaima scenario, we cannot have anything that reminds us how the Democrats oppressed people outside of their hate groups. Be ready for any reminder of Maui being take off the shelves.
I am not surprised that liberals do not realize that negating cultural appropriation is the epitome or embodiment of racism. Telling people to stay in their own lane, or race that is, is what people in the klan used to always say. Dumbing down people in public schools was entirely effective.
npr | Hawaii's governor vowed "to keep the land in local people's hands"
when Maui rebuilds from a deadly wildfire that incinerated a historic
island community, as local schools began reopening.
Gov. Josh
Green said Wednesday that he had instructed the state attorney general
to work toward a moratorium on land transactions in Lahaina. He
acknowledged the move will likely face legal challenges.
"My
intention from start to finish is to make sure that no one is victimized
from a land grab," Green said at a news conference. "People are right
now traumatized. Please do not approach them with an offer to buy their
land. Do not approach their families saying they'll be much better off
if they make a deal. Because we're not going to allow it."
Also Wednesday, the number of dead reached 111, and Maui police said
nine victims had been identified, and the families of five had been
notified. A mobile morgue unit with additional coroners arrived Tuesday
to help process and identify remains.
The cause of the
wildfires, the deadliest in the U.S. in more than a century, is under
investigation. Hawaii is increasingly at risk from disasters, with
wildfire rising fastest, according to an Associated Press analysis of
FEMA records.
Since flames consumed much of Lahaina about a
week ago, locals have feared that a rebuilt town could be even more
oriented toward wealthy visitors, Lahaina native Richy Palalay said
Saturday at a shelter for evacuees.
Hotels and condos "that we can't afford to live in — that's what we're afraid of," he said.
Many
in Lahaina were struggling to afford life in Hawaii before the fire.
Statewide, a typical starter home costs over $1 million, while the
average renter pays 42% of their income for housing, according to a
Forbes Housing analysis, the highest ratio in the country by a wide
margin.
theeconomiccollapseblog | In order for a civilized society to function, most people have to
willingly follow the rules of that society. If that happens, law
enforcement authorities can deal with the few that choose to be
lawless. For generations, that is how things worked in America. There
was a high standard of morality among the general population, and so the
police were able to successfully handle the few bad apples that
insisted on breaking the law. But now everything has changed. As a
result of decades of extreme moral decay, lawlessness is rampant and
there are vast multitudes of young people that openly flaunt the rules
of our society. In fact, there are already some areas of the country
that are literally on the verge of being ungovernable.
A perfect example of what I am talking about happened in southern California on Saturday.
Shoppers at the Westfield Topanga mall in Canoga Park
were in for quite a shock when dozens of thieves ransacked the Nordstrom
inside the mall on Saturday, Aug. 12, smashing displays and stealing an
estimated $60,000- $100,000 worth of merchandise, authorities said.
The Los Angeles Police Department responded to the mall at around 4
p.m. after hearing reports that between 20 and 50 people ran through the
Nordstrom grabbing merchandise, leaving some on the ground and taking
armfuls with them.
When I was growing up, this sort of thing simply did not happen.
But now we are seeing mobs of looters go haywire all over the nation on a regular basis.
Apparently these young people are not exactly languishing in poverty, because a BMW and a Lexus were among the getaway vehicles that they used…
After grabbing between $60,000 and $100,000 worth of
goods, the crew fled in several cars including a BMW and a Lexus, cops
said.
At least one guard was doused with bear spray — which causes violent
eye and respiratory irritation in humans. The guard was treated by
paramedics.
How are we supposed to respond to this?
As I stated earlier, we are seeing robberies of this nature so often now.
Several days earlier, dozens of young people looted the Yves Saint Laurent store in Glendale…
Earlier this week a high-end designer store in Glendale,
California was looted by dozens of people in another flash mob burglary
on Tuesday.
At least 30 suspects “flooded” the Yves Saint Laurent store in The
Americana at Brand Tuesday afternoon and stole clothing and other
merchandise before fleeing on foot and leaving the location in numerous
vehicles, said police in a statement.
The total loss is estimated to be approximately $300,000.
Some people attempt to downplay the severity of these crimes by
saying that these big corporate retailers can afford the losses they are
experiencing.
No, they can’t.
Overall, U.S. retailers will lose more than 100 billion dollars due to theft this year alone.
This has become a major national crisis, and as J. Lee Grady has aptly pointed out, we truly have become “the land of the free-for-all”…
theatlantic |A modern vision of how to build character.
The old-fashioned models of character-building were hopelessly
gendered. Men were supposed to display iron willpower that would help
them achieve self-mastery over their unruly passions. Women were to
sequester themselves in a world of ladylike gentility in order to not be
corrupted by bad influences and base desires. Those formulas are
obsolete today.
The best modern approach to building character is described in Iris Murdoch’s book The Sovereignty of Good.
Murdoch writes that “nothing in life is of any value except the attempt
to be virtuous.” For her, moral life is not defined merely by great
deeds of courage or sacrifice in epic moments. Instead, moral life is
something that goes on continually—treating people considerately in the
complex situations of daily existence. For her, the essential moral act
is casting a “just and loving” attention on other people.
Normally,
she argues, we go about our days with self-centered, self-serving eyes.
We see and judge people in ways that satisfy our own ego. We diminish
and stereotype and ignore, reducing other people to bit players in our
own all-consuming personal drama. But we become morally better, she
continues, as we learn to see others deeply, as we learn to envelop
others in the kind of patient, caring regard that makes them feel seen,
heard, and understood. This is the kind of attention that implicitly
asks, “What are you going through?” and cares about the answer.
I
become a better person as I become more curious about those around me,
as I become more skilled in seeing from their point of view. As I learn
to perceive you with a patient and loving regard, I will tend to treat
you well. We can, Murdoch concluded, “grow by looking.”
Mandatory social-skills courses. Murdoch’s character-building formula roots us in the simple act of paying attention: Do I attend to you well?
It also emphasizes that character is formed and displayed as we treat
others considerately. This requires not just a good heart, but good
social skills: how to listen well. How to disagree with respect. How to
ask for and offer forgiveness. How to patiently cultivate a friendship.
How to sit with someone who is grieving or depressed. How to be a good
conversationalist.
These are
some of the most important skills a person can have. And yet somehow, we
don’t teach them. Our schools spend years prepping students with
professional skills—but offer little guidance on how to be an upstanding
person in everyday life. If we’re going to build a decent society,
elementary schools and high schools should require students to take
courses that teach these specific social skills, and thus prepare them
for life with one another. We could have courses in how to be a good
listener or how to build a friendship. The late feminist philosopher Nel
Noddings developed a whole pedagogy around how to effectively care for others.
A new core curriculum. More
and more colleges and universities are offering courses in what you
might call “How to Live.” Yale has one called “Life Worth Living.” Notre
Dame has one called “God and the Good Life.” A first-year honors
program in this vein at Valparaiso University, in Indiana, involves not
just conducting formal debates on ideas gleaned from the Great Books,
but putting on a musical production based on their themes. Many of these
courses don’t give students a ready-made formula, but they introduce
students to some of the venerated moral traditions—Buddhism,
Judeo-Christianity, and Enlightenment rationalism, among others. They
introduce students to those thinkers who have thought hard on moral
problems, from Aristotle to Desmond Tutu to Martha Nussbaum. They hold
up diverse exemplars to serve as models of how to live well. They put
the big questions of life firmly on the table: What is the ruling
passion of your soul? Whom are you responsible to? What are my moral
obligations? What will it take for my life to be meaningful? What does
it mean to be a good human in today’s world? What are the central issues
we need to engage with concerning new technology and human life?
These
questions clash with the ethos of the modern university, which is built
around specialization and passing on professional or technical
knowledge. But they are the most important courses a college can offer.
They shouldn’t be on the margins of academic life. They should be part
of the required core curriculum.
Intergenerational service. We
spend most of our lives living by the logic of the meritocracy: Life is
an individual climb upward toward success. It’s about pursuing
self-interest.
There should
be at least two periods of life when people have a chance to take a
sabbatical from the meritocracy and live by an alternative logic—the
logic of service: You have to give to receive. You have to lose yourself
in a common cause to find yourself. The deepest human relationships are
gift relationships, based on mutual care. (An obvious model for at
least some aspects of this is the culture of the U.S. military, which
similarly emphasizes honor, service, selflessness, and character in
support of a purpose greater than oneself, throwing together Americans
of different ages and backgrounds who forge strong social bonds.)
Those
sabbaticals could happen at the end of the school years and at the end
of the working years. National service programs could bring younger and
older people together to work to address community needs.
These
programs would allow people to experience other-centered ways of being
and develop practical moral habits: how to cooperate with people unlike
you. How to show up day after day when progress is slow. How to do work
that is generous and hard.
Moral organizations.
Most organizations serve two sets of goals—moral goals and instrumental
goals. Hospitals heal the sick and also seek to make money. Newspapers
and magazines inform the public and also try to generate clicks. Law
firms defend clients and also try to maximize billable hours. Nonprofits
aim to serve the public good and also raise money.
In
our society, the commercial or utilitarian goals tend to eclipse the
moral goals. Doctors are pressured by hospital administrators to rush
through patients so they can charge more fees. Journalists are
incentivized to write stories that confirm reader prejudices in order to
climb the most-read lists. Whole companies slip into an optimization
mindset, in which everything is done to increase output and efficiency.
Moral renewal won’t come until we have leaders who are explicit, loud, and credible about both sets of goals. Here’s how we’re growing financially, but also
Here’s how we’re learning to treat one another with consideration and
respect; here’s how we’re going to forgo some financial returns in order
to better serve our higher mission.
Early in my career, as a TV pundit at PBS NewsHour,
I worked with its host, Jim Lehrer. Every day, with a series of small
gestures, he signaled what kind of behavior was valued there and what
kind of behavior was unacceptable. In this subtle way, he established a
set of norms and practices that still lives on. He and others built a
thick and coherent moral ecology, and its way of being was internalized
by most of the people who have worked there.
strategic-culture | In her 2012 book Area 51 Uncensored,
journalist Annie Jacobson provided lengthy detail of the Cold War
experiments, aerospace technology and nuclear bomb testing that took
place at Area 51 during this period which largely put the earlier social
engineer experiment of H.G. Wells’ War of the Worlds emergency broadcast
read aloud in 1938. The mass panic that ensued the broadcast provided
an insight into the levers of mass psychology that certain social
engineers drooled over.
What could account for observed UFO phenomena?
In an interview with NPR Radio, Jacobson stated: “The
UFO craze began in the summer of 1947. Several months later, the G2
intelligence, which was the Army intelligence corps at the time, spent
an enormous amount of time and treasure seeking out two former Third
Reich aerospace designers named Walter and Reimar Horten who had
allegedly created [a] flying disc. … American intelligence agents fanned
out across Europe seeking the Horton brothers to find out if, in fact,
they had made this flying disc.”
During WWII, the Horten brothers were associated with the Austrian scientist Viktor Shauberger whose innovative designs
for implosion (vs explosion) flying technology utilized water currents,
and electromagnetism to generate flying machines that by all surviving
accounts flew faster than the speed of sound. While much of his research
was confiscated and classified by victor nations after WWII,
Schauberger was promised government sponsorship in America which induced
the inventor to move across the ccean where Canada’s Avro Arrow program
sought his designs for supersonic nuclear missile delivery aircraft.
When he discovered that his work would only be used for military
purposes, Schauberger pushed back and over the course of several months,
his patents were essentially stolen, and he returned to Austria to die
broke and depressed in 1958.
The Strategic Importance of Space
It was never a secret that the post-1971 globalized world order
championed by the likes of Sir Henry Kissinger, David and Laurence
Rockefeller and other Malthusians throughout the 20th century
was always designed to collapse. With the mass shock therapy that such a
collapse would impose upon the world, it was believed that a
deconstruction of the Abrahamic traditions that governed western society
for 2000 years could be accomplished and a new society could be
socially engineered in the image of the Brave New (depopulated) World
that would live like happy sheep forever under the grip of a hereditary
alpha class and their technocratic managers. The story of the
Tavistock-led attack on scientific progress is told brilliantly in the
2010 Lpac film The Destruction of NASA.
The only problem these social engineers have encountered in recent
years is the re-emergence of actual statesmen who are unwilling to
sacrifice their people and traditions on the altar of a new global Gaia
cult. Such defenders of humanity’s better traditions have launched the
multipolar alliance and have driven a policy of long-term growth and
advance scientific and technological progress which is embodied
brilliantly by the New Silk Road, and its extensions to the Arctic. The
most exciting aspect of this New Silk Road/Multipolar Paradigm is the
leap into space exploration as the new frontier of human
self-development which has not been seen since the days of President
Kennedy.
With China and Russia signing a pact to jointly develop lunar bases and the NASA Artemis Accords
calling for international cooperation on Lunar and Mars resource
development/industrialization, the age of unlimited growth that was lost
with the LSD-driven mass psychosis of 1968’s “live in the now” paradigm
shift may finally be recaptured. Programs designed to put humanity’s
focus on real objective threats like Asteroid collisions, and solar-induced new ice ages are seriously being discussed by leaders of Russia, China and the USA.
There are billions of suns and potentially billions of galaxies, and
chances are there is indeed life on many of the planets orbiting some of
the stars within our growing, creative universe… and there is also a
fair chance that cognitive life has also emerged on some of those
planets. The best way to find out is not to sit at home while the world
economic system collapses under a controlled disintegration thinking
about Rockefeller-funded conspiracy theories, but rather to fight to
revive humanity’s open system destiny starting with a cooperative space
program to extend human culture and economy to the Moon and Mars, and
then onto other planetary bodies followed by missions to deep space.
If other civilizations exist, maybe it is our duty to take up the torch left to us by JFK and go find them.
unherd | In short, America is bankrupt. Our governments from the federal level
down, our big corporations and a very large number of our well-off
citizens have run up gargantuan debts, which can only be serviced given
direct or indirect access to the flows of unearned wealth the US
extracted from the rest of the planet. Those debts cannot be paid off,
and many of them can’t even be serviced for much longer. The only
options are defaulting on them or inflating them out of existence, and
in either case, arrangements based on familiar levels of expenditure
will no longer be possible. Since the arrangements in question include
most of what counts as an ordinary lifestyle in today’s US, the impact
of their dissolution will be severe.
In effect, the 5% of us in this country are going to have to go back
to living the way we did before 1945. If we still had the factories, the
trained workforce, the abundant natural resources and the thrifty
habits we had back then, that would have been a wrenching transition but
not a debacle. The difficulty, of course, is that we don’t have those
things anymore. The factories were shut down in the offshoring craze of
the Seventies and Eighties, when the imperial economy slammed into
overdrive, and the trained workforce was handed over to malign neglect.
We’ve still got some of the natural resources, but nothing like what
we once had. The thrifty habits? Those went whistling down the wind a
long time ago. In the late stages of an empire, exploiting flows of
unearned wealth from abroad is far more profitable than trying to
produce wealth at home, and most people direct their efforts
accordingly. That’s how you end up with the typical late-imperial
economy, with a governing class that flaunts fantastic levels of paper
wealth, a parasite class of hangers-on that thrive by catering to the
very rich or staffing the baroque bureaucratic systems that permeate
public and private life, and the vast majority of the population
impoverished, sullen, and unwilling to lift a finger to save their soi-disant betters from the consequences of their own actions.
The good news is that there’s a solution to all this. The bad news is
that it’s going to take a couple of decades of serious turmoil to get
there. The solution is that the US economy will retool itself to produce
earned wealth in the form of real goods and non-financial services.
That’ll happen inevitably as the flows of unearned wealth falter,
foreign goods become unaffordable to most Americans, and it becomes
profitable to produce things here in the US again. The difficulty, of
course, is that most of a century of economic and political choices
meant to support our former imperial project are going to have to be
undone.
The most obvious example? The metastatic bloat of government,
corporate and non-profit managerial jobs in American life. That’s a
sensible move in an age of empire, as it funnels money into the consumer
economy, which provides what jobs exist for the impoverished classes.
Public and private offices alike teem with legions of office workers
whose labour contributes nothing to national prosperity but whose pay
cheques prop up the consumer sector. That bubble is already losing air.
It’s indicative that Elon Musk, after his takeover of Twitter, fired
some 80% of that company’s staff; other huge internet combines are
pruning their workforce in the same way, though not yet to the same
degree.
The recent hullaballoo about artificial intelligence is helping to
amplify the same trend. Behind the chatbots are programs called large
language models (LLMs), which are very good at imitating the more
predictable uses of human language. A very large number of office jobs
these days spend most of their time producing texts that fall into that
category: contracts, legal briefs, press releases, media stories and so
on. Those jobs are going away. Computer coding is even more amenable to
LLM production, so you can kiss a great many software jobs goodbye as
well. Any other form of economic activity that involves assembling
predictable sequences of symbols is facing the same crunch. A recent
paper by Goldman Sachs estimates that something like 300 million jobs across the industrial world will be wholly or partly replaced by LLMs in the years immediately ahead.
Another technology with similar results is CGI image creation. Levi’s
announced not long ago that all its future catalogues and advertising
will use CGI images instead of highly-paid models and photographers.
Expect the same thing to spread generally. Oh, and Hollywood’s next.
We’re not too far from the point at which a program can harvest all the
footage of Marilyn Monroe from her films, and use that to generate new
Marilyn Monroe movies for a tiny fraction of what it costs to hire
living actors, camera crews and the rest. The result will be a drastic
decrease in high-paying jobs across a broad swathe of the economy.
The outcome of all this? Well, one lot of pundits will insist at the
top of their lungs that nothing will change in any way that matters, and
another lot will start shrieking that the apocalypse is upon us. Those
are the only two options our collective imagination can process these
days. Of course, neither of those things will actually happen.
What will happen instead is that the middle and upper-middle classes
in the US, and in many other countries, will face the same kind of slow
demolition that swept over the working classes of those same countries
in the late 20th century. Layoffs, corporate bankruptcies, declining
salaries and benefits, and the latest high-tech version of NO HELP
WANTED signs will follow one another at irregular intervals. All the
businesses that make money catering to these same classes will lose
their incomes as well, a piece at a time. Communities will hollow out
the way the factory towns of America’s Rust Belt and the English
Midlands did half a century ago, but this time it will be the turn of
upscale suburbs and fashionable urban neighbourhoods to collapse as the
income streams that supported them disappear.
businessinsider | Discount chains like Dollar General and Big Lots are warning that
cuts to food stamps and lower-than-usual tax refunds this year could
start hurting sales.
Both
changes are the result of a wind-down of pandemic-era policies, and
it's the combination of factors that has retailers worried — they're
coming at a time when inflation has kept prices for everyday goods unusually high, straining the budgets of lower-income consumers in particular.
Now, the retailers that serve those consumers are preparing for a possible slowdown in spending.
"In particular, we remain concerned about the lower-income customer,
our core customer," Michael O'Sullivan, CEO of off-price department
store Burlington, said during a call with investors this month. "In
2022, this customer group bore the brunt of the impact of inflation on
real household incomes. We think the impact of inflation will moderate
this year, but there are other factors that could hurt this customer,
such as a rise in unemployment and the ending of expanded SNAP
benefits."
At value chain Big Lots, where nearly 80% of shoppers
have a household income under $100,000, "customers are pinched," CEO
Bruce Thorn said during a recent investor call.
"At this point,
30% of that lower household income customer, their expenses today are
greater than their income coming in. And 70% of them have curbed
spending as a result of that," he said.
Thorn estimated that the
tax refunds, though arriving earlier this year, are about 10% to 15%
lower than last year, and when combined with the reduced SNAP benefits,
it "further deteriorates lower household income spend." Those shoppers,
he said, are "going through a tough time right now."
kunstler | “The White House has taken the entire West in such a direction and speed
of triumphalism, arrogance and “egregious” imbecility that there is no
going back or reversal possible without a total defeat of the official
narrative and the consequent eternal shame.” — Hugo Dionisio
The New York Times — indicted this week as a chronic purveyer of untruths by no less than their supposed ally, The Columbia Journalism Review — is lying to you again this morning.
This whopper is an artful diversion
from the reality on-the-ground that Ukraine is just about finished in
this tragic and idiotic conflict staged by the geniuses behind their
play-thing President “Joe Biden.” By the way, it’s not a coincidence
that Ukraine and “JB” are going down at the same time. The two organisms
are symbionts: a matched pair of mutual parasites feeding off each
other, swapping each other’s toxic exudations, and growing delirious on
their glide path to a late winter crash.
The point of the war, you recall, is
“to weaken Russia” (so said DoD Sec’y Lloyd Austin), even to bust it up
into little geographic tatters to our country’s advantage — that is, to
retain America’s dominance in global affairs, and especially the
supremacy of the US dollar in global trade settlements.
The result of the war so far has been
the opposite of that objective. US sanctions made Russia stronger by
shifting its oil exports to more reliable Asian customers. Kicking
Russia out of the SWIFT global payments system prompted the BRIC
countries to build their own alternative trade settlement system.
Cutting off Russia from trade with Western Civ has stimulated the
process of import replacement (i.e., Russia making more of the stuff it
used to buy from Europe). Confiscating Russia’s off-shore dollar assets
has alerted the rest of the world to dump their dollar assets
(especially US Treasury bonds) before they, too, get mugged. Nice going,
Victoria Nuland, Tony Blinken, and the rest of the gang at the Foggy
Bottom genius factory.
All of which raises the question: who
is liable to bust up into tatters first, the USA or Russia? I commend
to you Dmitry Orlov’s seminal work, Reinventing Collapse: The Soviet Experience and American Prospects, Revised & Updated.
For anyone out there not paying attention the past thirty-odd years,
Russia, incorporated as the Soviet Union, collapsed in 1991. The USSR
was a bold experiment based on the peculiar and novel ill-effects of
industrialism, especially gross economic inequality. Alas, the putative
remedy for that, advanced by Karl Marx, was a despotic system of
pretending that individual humans had no personal aspirations of their
own.
The Soviet / Marxist business model was eventually reduced to the comic aphorism: We pretend to work and they pretend to pay us.
It failed and the USSR gurgled down history’s drain. Russia reemerged
from the dust, minus many of its Eurasian outlands. Remarkably little
blood was shed in the process. Mr. Orlov’s book points to some very
interesting set-ups that softened the landing. There was no private
property in the USSR, so when it collapsed, nobody was evicted or
foreclosed from where they lived. Very few people had cars in the USSR,
so the city centers were still intact and people could get around on
buses, trams, and trains. The food system had been botched for decades
by low-incentive collectivism, but the Russian people were used to
planting family gardens — even city dwellers, who had plots out-of-town —
and it tided them over during the years of hardship before the country
managed to reorganize.
Compare that to America’s prospects.
In an economic crisis, Americans will have their homes foreclosed out
from under them, or will be subject to eviction from rentals. The USA
has been tragically built-out on a suburban sprawl template that will be
useless without cars and with little public transport. Cars, of course,
are subject to repossession for non-payment of contracted loans. The
American food system is based on manufactured microwavable cheese
snacks, chicken nuggets, and frozen pizzas produced by giant companies.
These items can’t be grown in home gardens. Many Americans don’t know
the first thing about growing their own food, or what to do with it
after it’s harvested.
There’s another difference between
the fall of the USSR and the collapse underway in the USA. Underneath
all the economic perversities of Soviet life, Russia still had a
national identity and a coherent culture. The USA has tossed its
national identity on the garbage barge of “diversity, equity, and
inclusion,” which is actually just a hustle aimed at extracting what
remains from the diminishing stock of productive activity showering the
plunder on a mob of “intersectional” complainers — e.g., the City of San
Francisco’s preposterous new plan to award $5-million “reparation”
payments to African-American denizens of the city, where slavery never
existed.
As for culture, consider that the two
biggest cultural producers in this land are the pornography and video
game industries. The drug business might be a close third, but most of
that action is off-the-books, so it’s hard to tell. So much for the
so-called “arts.” Our political culture verges on totally degenerate,
but that is too self-evident to belabor, and the generalized management
failures of our polity are a big part of what’s bringing us down — most
particularly the failure to hold anyone in power accountable for their
blunders and turpitudes.
This unearned immunity might change,
at least a little bit, as the oppositional House of Representatives
commences hearings on an array of disturbing matters. Meanwhile, be wary
of claims in The New York Times and other propaganda organs
that our Ukraine project is a coming up a big win, and that the
racketeering operations of the Biden family amount to an extreme
right-wing, white supremacist conspiracy theory. These two pieces of the
conundrum known as Reality are blowing up in our country’s face. It
will be hard not to notice.
statista | Despite being one of the leading tourism destinations in the world,
Mexico regularly makes international headlines due to widespread
violence and organized crime. According to the Global Peace Index (GPI),
Mexico ranks among the least peaceful countries in Latin America.
Although internationally recognized as a country with a complex and
high criminal activity, where drug trafficking and related crimes are
commonplace, pettier crimes such as theft on the street or pickpocketing
on public transportation are some of the most reported occurrences in Mexico,
followed by fraud and extortion cases. Kidnapping, on the other hand,
is one of the crimes against personal freedom that most afflicts the
Mexican population. In 2018, Mexico was the Latin American nation with the highest number of kidnappings.
The perceived level of insecurity in Mexico
has worsened in the past few years, with almost 76 percent of the adult
population stating they did not feel safe where they lived. Baja
California and Zacatecas, in particular, are among the Mexican states with the poorest peace levels.
This feeling of insecurity directly affects the population's quality of
life, as many people avoid performing basic outdoor activities due to fear of becoming a crime victim.
For instance, 69 percent of Mexicans who participated in a survey did
not allow underage children or teenagers to go out on their own.
Violence in Mexico is already considered an epidemic and it has
significant repercussions on public health, specially when it comes to
longevity and the overall life expectancy of the Mexican population. Annual murder rates stand at 13 intentional homicides committed per 100,000 inhabitants
at the first half of 2021. The alarming rate of life-threatening crimes
particularly affects women. In the past decade, Mexico registered an
increasing number of femicides, the second highest in Latin America.
Violence is also a deterrent for economic growth. Crime does not simply
increase people’s vulnerabilities and endangers lives; it also imposes a
heavy burden on both public and private financial resources. In 2021,
the cost of violence in Mexico
amounted to a staggering 4.9 trillion Mexican pesos. This amount
includes not only preventive and containment measures but also the
economic losses due to victimization, the expenditure related with the
judicial system and the recovery and well-being of the victims. In
Mexico City, for example, violence was estimated to cost over 45,600 Mexican pesos per capita in 2021.
aurelian2022 | There’s a pretty solid consensus that the western political class
today is totally incapable, and that it presides over fragile state
systems, that it has itself hollowed out and de-skilled progressively
for the last forty years. Conversely, it is agreed that the West faces
an array of existential problems never seen before, some already with
us, others yet to arrive. Yet there’s been a surprising lack of
reflection on the implications of these two truths together. Let’s peel
away a few scabs, and try to see what’s likely to be hiding underneath.
Almost
everyone who’s not a member of the western political class, or a
parasite upon it, views it with a kind of numb despair. Increasingly
professional in the blinkered and isolated sense, it is increasingly
amateurish in every other. This would matter less if the class were
supported by competent and properly staffed state structures, but that
is seldom the case. Most state services in western countries have been
reduced to shadows of what they once were.
That much is generally
agreed, but there has been little attempt to think about what exactly
the practical consequences are, and how they might complicate, or even
prevent, an effective response to problems caused by climate change,
disease, war, mass population movements, and all the rest. The
conclusion of this essay will be a bit like an Aristotelian syllogism:
western states are increasingly being confronted with massive,
interlinked problems, requiring competent and far-sighted management.
But there is no competent and far-sighted management. Therefore we are
stuffed. I’m now going to try to put a little flesh on these
unattractive-sounding bones.
Let’s start with the biggest
weaknesses of the system. The first is the incestuous and exclusive
nature the political class, Now of course this is not new. The House of
Lords in eighteenth-century England, or the aristocracy at Versailles,
were at least as ingrown and far removed from the concerns of ordinary
people then, as their descendants are today. But in the eighteenth
century there was no question of a notionally representative political
class, theoretically owing a duty to the people: now there is. It’s a
familiar story: the end of mass political parties, the dominance of
politicians without experience of anything outside politics, the capture
of the main western parties by a well-off, culturally homogeneous
professional and managerial class, the triumph of image and discourse
over reality, and the increasing contempt of the political class for the
people who elect them. Beyond valid concerns about corruption and
nepotism, there are two entirely technical consequences of all this,
that bode ill for the political management of even relatively simple
problems, and which will make facing up to the kind of complex crises
that are starting to arise now difficult, if not impossible.
The
first is that fundamental traditional political skills are no longer
needed for career success. Once upon a time, politicians would try to
get elected, and to develop personal and organisational skills that made
that possible. They would rely on large numbers of volunteers for
canvasing and to get the vote out, and on convincing as many people as
possible to vote for them by personal contact and giving speeches. Few
politicians are capable of that today. Rather, success comes from
appealing to an in-group, to positioning yourself well with party
militants, and to getting favourable coverage from certain media
sources. “The electorate” is those who read your Twitter posts. Why does
this matter? Well, it means that when a genuine crisis arrives, such
politicians are incapable of understanding, let alone communicating
with, and certainly not motivating, ordinary people. The epitome of this
type of politician must be Emmanuel Macron, whose attempts to talk
directly to the French people during height of the Covid crisis were so
awful, and so embarrassing, that people hid under the table to get away
from him. Here was a man clearly hopelessly out of his depth, in a
situation where McKinsey was not the solution.
The second is that
genuine ideas are no longer needed either. True, governments are still
elected with notional programmes, but that’s a polite fiction. Politics
is about winning the media battle, looking good on TV, massaging genuine
political issues so that they go away, internal warfare within the
party, and winning the next election. Government “initiatives” are
generally sterile technocratic exercises which take money from those who
have too little already, or give even more to those who already have
too much. When a genuine political crisis arises (Covid, Brexit,
Ukraine) the system finds that it cannot be managed or Twittered away,
and has no idea what to do, other than to try to look good on TV. So it
inevitably panics. With Covid, western governments have effectively
surrendered, and allowed the disease to propagate freely, because they
don’t have the moral or intellectual capability to fight it effectively.
And Ukraine is being dealt with, so far as I can tell, on the basis
that winter isn’t coming this year after all. The result is a kind of
paralysis at the heart of government, where nothing is ever done except
in haste and for immediate effect on one hand, or out of sheer panic on
the other.
Even without forty years of the hollowing out of
state capacity, this would still cause problems. Contrary to myth,
public servants prefer to work for a government that knows what it
wants, and sets objectives (and no, not those sort
of objectives). Most senior figures in western public services have now
spent their careers working in a political culture which is obsessed
with image and with instant effects. There are no rewards any more for
being prudent, for thinking long-term, or for telling the political
class that they are storing up trouble for the future. All this produces
a kind of corruption: the prizes go to those ready to tell the
political class what it wants to hear, and to help them do whatever it
takes to get good media coverage. Good people leave, or just never join.
msn | Sen. Josh Hawley predicts the overturning of Roe v. Wade
will cause a 'major sorting out across the country' and allow the GOP to
'extend their strength in the Electoral College'
Sen. Josh Hawley predicted that the overturning of Roe v. Wade will help Republicans in the long run.
He argued the decision would polarize the country in a way that benefits Republicans in the Electoral College.
He also said the alliance between big business and social conservatives that underpins the GOP is now "over."
"I
really do think that this is going to be a watershed moment in American
politics," he said on a call with reporters on Friday. "The first
decision — the 1973 Roe decision — fundamentally reshaped American
politics, it ushered in the rise of the Christian conservative movement,
it led to the forming of what became the Reagan coalition in 1980."
Wired | To promote policy that actually works, reporters and
editors need to act more like science journalists and less like
stenographers who—whether implicitly or explicitly, accidentally or
deliberately—bolster political campaigns that use ignorance to drive
fear.
It would be hard to find a better example of this problem than Nellie Bowles’ recent essay in The Atlantic,
which argues that San Francisco is a “failed city,” in large part
because liberal policies have worsened addiction and mental illness.
These policies persist, she suggests, because local politicians refuse
to confront the empty-headed but well-intentioned delusions of the
hippies and their descendants who just want to let it be. She also
claims that the recall of progressive district attorney Chesa Boudin in a
June 7 election demonstrates that the city is finally awakening from
this daze.
Bowles’
work is far from alone in its failure to look at evidence of
effectiveness of various policies when discussing the politics around
them. In one 24-hour period in June, a columnist for The Washington Postargued
that “Boudin’s recall proves that Democrats have lost the public’s
trust on crime”—without any mention of data on which policies work best.
A similar news analysis from The New York Times also mentioned no actual data. And a New York magazine essay
on “Chesa Boudin and the Debacle of Urban Left-Wing Politics” similarly
ignored the question of whose preferred approaches are supported by
evidence—and whose aren’t.
Bowles
writes that her hometown “became so dogmatically progressive that
maintaining the purity of the politics required accepting—or at least
ignoring—devastating results.” She describes the city’s de facto
supervised injection site in the Tenderloin as a place that looks like
“young people being eased into death on the sidewalk, surrounded by
half-eaten boxed lunches.”
Her
argument falls apart in the face of scientific data. Hundreds of
studies support the “harm reduction” approach used in clean needle
programs and supervised injection sites—and none of them show that it
makes drug use or civic life worse.
Indeed,
harm reduction was deliberately adopted based on research evidence, not
platitudes from the 1960s. Further undermining her analysis, studies
overwhelmingly illustrate the counterproductive nature of using cops and
coercion first. For one, red states with old-school tough prosecutors
actually have worse crime rates than liberal ones like California.
However,
since Bowles apparently assumes that harm reduction tactics were
adopted because they seemed groovy, she ignores this research base.
(Which, ironically, is the type of mindless approach she critiques San
Francisco policymakers for supposedly having used.) What she and many
other journalists frame as the failure of harm reduction is actually the
failure of criminalization.
A brief tour of the data: According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and dozens of other obscure organizations like the World Health Organization, the National Academy of Medicine, and the American Medical Association, clean needle programs dramatically reduce HIV transmission without increasing drug use rates. One study published in the Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment
showed that, compared to people on the street who do not, those who
participate in syringe service programs are five times more likely to
seek more traditional forms of recovery and three times more likely to
quit injecting.
What about supervised drug consumption? Here are threereviews of the literature,
which show that it reduces HIV risk, injecting, harm associated with
injection, and overdose death rates—while not increasing and sometimes
reducing local crime and needle litter. (A 2018 review
widely touted by critics for suggesting that supervised consumption did
not have a significantly positive outcome had to be retracted by the International Journal of Drug Policy due to poor methodology.)
How
about the “problem” that Bowles identifies with reduced penalties for
drug possession and the increased use of incarceration and coerced
treatment she apparently prefers?
newyorker | In
2013, when people still nursed high hopes for the salvific effects of
the Internet and cancellation was a fate reserved for poorly rated TV
shows, a private citizen with a hundred and seventy Twitter followers
was loitering in Heathrow Airport, waiting for a flight to Cape Town,
South Africa. “Going to Africa,” she dashed off before boarding. “Hope I
don’t get AIDS. Just kidding. I’m white!” By the
time she landed, eleven hours later, her ill-advised missive had gone
disastrously viral. She stumbled off the plane to discover that a
multitude of online detractors had weighed in on her character. Now she
was a globally known racist.
The woman, Justine
Sacco, was one of the first high-profile casualties of public shaming in
the digital era, and she suffered all the consequences that have since
become routine: job loss, wide-scale condemnation, and a public identity
subsumed by a very public sin. Still, in the wake of subsequent
disasters, her story is almost quaint. How pleasant it is to recall a
simpler, kinder time when an online mobbing was an occurrence so unusual
that it merited two articles in the Times.
Our
social fabric has since frayed considerably. What’s curious about the
brutality that fuels Internet shaming frenzies is that in real life—that
is, IRL, in the usual online parlance—most of us would hesitate to
consign a normal nobody to nationwide notoriety and several years of
unemployment. We might even have mustered the charity to read Sacco’s
quip as a satirical, if clumsy, sendup of the white privilege and
parochialism that give rise to public-health inequalities. (Sacco, as
people in her inner circle would have known, was no stranger to either
Africa or progressive causes.) Yet the nasty comments went on
accumulating, as if of their own accord. “We are about to watch this
@JustineSacco bitch get fired. In REAL time. Before she even KNOWS
she’s getting fired.” “All I want for Christmas is to see
@JustineSacco’s face when her plane lands and she checks her
inbox/voicemail.” “Her level of racist ignorance belongs on Fox News. #AIDS can affect anyone!”
It’s
an open question whether there is anything redeeming about our
transformation into bloodhounds as soon as we log on, and two new
investigations into the nature of shame offer contrasting answers. In “How to Do Things with Emotions: The Morality of Anger and Shame Across Cultures”
(Princeton), Owen Flanagan, a professor of philosophy and neurobiology
at Duke University, suggests that our tense political climate is the
product of poor emotional regulation. In “The Shame Machine: Who Profits in the New Age of Humiliation”
(Crown), the data-scientist-cum-journalist Cathy O’Neil suggests that
shaming is structural: its ubiquity is the fault not of individual
vigilantes but, rather, of the many industries that manufacture and
exploit mortification for profit.
At the heart of
these diverging perspectives is an ambiguity built into the very concept
at issue. Shame is an emotion—a person can suffer from its bilious
bite, as Sacco did—but it is also a state of affairs. No matter how
Sacco felt, her ostracism was an established fact, a thing that happened
to her. Is shame fundamentally a feeling or fundamentally a social
phenomenon? Should we treat it as a matter of psychology or of politics?
In “How to Do Things with Emotions,”
a scholarly plea for a renovated emotional landscape, Flanagan casts
his vote for psychology. Troubled by the churlishness of contemporary
American politics, he sets out to isolate “emotional habits that are
mixed up in our troubles,” by which he means our descent into polarity,
chaos, and mutual mistrust. He’s against the more vituperative forms of
anger, which he believes are too prevalent, and is in favor of shame,
which he regards as all but absent from our ethical repertoire. Shame,
in his view, is an unjustly maligned emotion that we might rehabilitate
in order to discipline racists and misogynists.
Shame,
canonically, is the sinking sentiment that attends deviation from
widely endorsed mores, whatever they happen to be. You can be sad or
elated for any reason or for no reason, but shame requires a shared
social context. The emotion in question arises not because you violated a
standard that you set for yourself but because you violated a standard
that your milieu (perhaps policed by Twitter) imposes on you. Because
shame is a means of enforcing whatever values are operative in a given
society, whether it proves salutary hinges on the merits of the moral
system in which it is deployed, at least according to Flanagan. He
admits that shame has too often been conscripted as a weapon against the
oppressed—as when women and queer people have been encouraged to
suppress their sexual impulses. Nonetheless, he calls for shame to be
enlisted in the service of social justice, as it was when a concerted
social-media campaign ejected the Hollywood producer and serial rapist
Harvey Weinstein from power.
thesaker | So I am somewhat chagrined as I watch the speed at which this
U.S.-centered financialized system has de-dollarized over the span of
just a year or two. The basic theme of my Super Imperialism has
been how, for the past fifty years, the U.S. Treasury-bill standard has
channeled foreign savings to U.S. financial markets and banks, giving
Dollar Diplomacy a free ride. I thought that de-dollarization would be
led by China and Russia moving to take control of their economies to
avoid the kind of financial polarization that is imposing austerity on
the United States.[2]
But U.S. officials are forcing Russia, China and other nations not
locked into the U.S. orbit to see the writing on the wall and overcome
whatever hesitancy they had to de-dollarize.
I had expected that the end of the dollarized imperial economy would
come about by other countries breaking away. But that is not what has
happened. U.S. diplomats themselves have chosen to end international
dollarization, while helping Russia build up its own means of
self-reliant agricultural and industrial production. This global
fracture process actually has been going on for some years, starting
with the sanctions blocking America’s NATO allies and other economic
satellites from trading with Russia. For Russia, these sanctions had the
same effect that protective tariffs would have had.
Russia had remained too enthralled by free-market neoliberal ideology
to take steps to protect its own agriculture and industry. The United
States provided the help that was needed by imposing domestic
self-reliance on Russia. When the Baltic states obeyed American
sanctions and lost the Russian market for their cheese and other farm
products, Russia quickly created its own cheese and dairy sector – while
becoming the world’s leading grain exporter.
Russia is discovering (or is on the verge of discovering) that it
does not need U.S. dollars as backing for the ruble’s exchange rate. Its
central bank can create the rubles needed to pay domestic wages and
finance capital formation. The U.S. confiscations of its dollar and euro
reserves may finally lead Russia to end its adherence to neoliberal
monetary philosophy, as Sergei Glaziev has long been advocating, in
favor of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).
The same dynamic of undercutting ostensible U.S aims has occurred
with U.S. sanctions against the leading Russian billionaires. The
neoliberal shock therapy and privatizations of the 1990s left Russian
kleptocrats with only one way to cash out on the assets they had grabbed
from the public domain. That was to incorporate their takings and sell
their shares in London and New York. Domestic savings had been wiped
out, and U.S. advisors persuaded Russia’s central bank not to create its
own ruble money.
The result was that Russia’s national oil, gas and mineral patrimony
was not used to finance a rationalization of Russian industry and
housing. Instead of the revenue from privatization being invested to
create new Russian means of protection, it was burned up on nouveau-riche
acquisitions of luxury British real estate, yachts and other global
flight-capital assets. But the effect of sanctions making the dollar,
sterling and euro holdings of Russian billionaires hostage has been to
make the City of London too risky a venue in which to hold their assets –
and for the wealthy of any other nation potentially subject to U.S.
sanctions. By imposing sanctions on the richest Russians closest to
Putin, U.S. officials hoped to induce them to oppose his breakaway from
the West, and thus to serve effectively as NATO agents-of-influence. But
for Russian billionaires, their own country is starting to look safest.
For many decades now, the U.S. Federal Reserve and Treasury have
fought against gold recovering its role in international reserves. But
how will India and Saudi Arabia view their dollar holdings as Biden and
Blinken try to strong-arm them into following the U.S. “rules-based
order” instead of their own national self-interest? The recent U.S.
dictates have left little alternative but to start protecting their own
political autonomy by converting dollar and euro holdings into gold as
an asset free from political liability of being held hostage to the
increasingly costly and disruptive U.S. demands.
U.S. diplomacy has rubbed Europe’s nose in its abject subservience by
telling its governments to have their companies dump their Russian
assets for pennies on the dollar after Russia’s foreign reserves were
blocked and the ruble’s exchange rate plunged. Blackstone, Goldman Sachs
and other U.S. investors moved quickly to buy up what Shell Oil and
other foreign companies were unloading.
consortiumnews |A few days after the Nov. 2 election, The New York Times published
a vehement editorial calling for the Democratic Party to adopt
“moderate” positions and avoid seeking “progressive policies at the
expense of bipartisan ideas.” It was a statement by the Times editorial
board, which the newspaper describes as “a group of opinion journalists
whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain
longstanding values.”
The editorial certainly reflected “longstanding values” — since the Times has recycled them for decades in its relentless attacks on the progressive wing of the Democratic Party.
The Times editorial board began its polemic by calling for the party to “return” to “moderate policies.”
Translation: Stick to corporate-friendly policies of the sort that we applauded during 16 years of the Clinton and Obama presidencies.
The board also said the election results:
“are
a sign that significant parts of the electorate are feeling leery of a
sharp leftward push in the party, including on priorities like Build
Back Better, which have some strong provisions and some discretionary
ones driving up the price tag.”
Translation: Although poll after poll shows that the Build Back Better agenda is popular with the broad public, especially increased taxation on wealthy and corporate elites to pay for it, we need to characterize the plan as part of “a sharp leftward push.”
And the board noted:
“the
concerns of more centrist Americans about a rush to spend taxpayer
money, a rush to grow the government, should not be dismissed.”
Translation: While we don’t object to the ongoing “rush to spend taxpayer money” on the military, and we did not editorialize against the bloated Pentagon budget,
we oppose efforts to “grow the government” too much for such purposes
as healthcare, childcare, education, housing and mitigating the climate
crisis.
“Mr.
Biden did not win the Democratic primary because he promised a
progressive revolution. There were plenty of other candidates doing
that. He captured the nomination—and the presidency—because he promised
an exhausted nation a return to sanity, decency and competence.”
Translation: No
need to fret about the anti-democratic power of great wealth and
corporate monopolies. We liked the status quo before the Trump
presidency, and that’s more or less what we want now.
“‘Nobody elected him to be F.D.R.,’ Representative Abigail Spanberger, a moderate Democrat from Virginia, told the Times after Tuesday’s drubbing.”
“Democrats should work to implement policies to help the American people.”
Translation: Democrats
should work to implement policies to help the American people but not
go overboard by helping them too much. We sometimes write editorials
bemoaning the vast income inequality in this country, but we don’t want
the government to do much to reduce it.
“Congress
should focus on what is possible, not what would be possible if Joe
Manchin, Kyrsten Sinema and — frankly — a host of lesser-known
Democratic moderates who haven’t had to vote on policies they might
oppose were not in office.”
Translation:
We editorialize about social justice, but we don’t want structural
changes and substantial new government policies that could bring it much
closer. We editorialize about the climate crisis, but not in favor of
government actions anywhere near commensurate with the crisis.
The pathological elite of this country are in process of narratizing themselves through a controlled population decline. All institutions of public health seemingly accepting this top-down narrative.
Mckinsey was the major force
multiplier of the opioid crisis, and it is because of that fact that when I read this piece on the panicdemic, I'm drawn to conclude that the plan is simply to kill off people. Whether opioid addiction or viral contagion, the plan is simply to kill off unprofitable population.
After all, it was McKinsey who advised the Sacklers how to
make more money than god selling opioids legally. (coincidentally, this program coincided with the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan from whence tons of opium were exported back to the U.S.) The result
was deaths of addiction and despair all across the country, by
prescription.
McKinsey gives out the usual one size fits all advice to
everyone, streamline your business, make sales
triple, socialize your costs, demand tax exemptions… I can
even remember – less than 10 years ago – walking into same-day surgery
and seeing big stickers on the floor both advertising opiod pain killers
and advising to take them with caution. Laughable because when you are
in serious pain post surgery, you are inclined
to pop that stuff like candy. And then ask for more. I wonder if
McKinsey advised Pharma to install advertisements in hospitals.
rutherford | It’s no longer a question of whether the government will lock up Americans for defying its mandates but when.
This is what we know: the government has the means,
the muscle and the motivation to detain individuals who resist its
orders and do not comply with its mandates in a vast array of prisons,
detention centers, and FEMA concentration camps paid for with taxpayer
dollars.
It’s just a matter of time.
It no longer matters what the hot-button issue might be (vaccine
mandates, immigration, gun rights, abortion, same-sex marriage,
healthcare, criticizing the government, protesting election results,
etc.) or which party is wielding its power like a hammer.
The groundwork has already been laid.
Under the indefinite detention provision of the National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), the President and the military can detain and
imprison American citizens with no access to friends, family or the
courts if the government believes them to be a terrorist.
So it should come as no surprise that merely criticizing the government or objecting to a COVID-19 vaccine could get you labeled as a terrorist.
After all, it doesn’t take much to be considered a terrorist anymore,
especially given that the government likes to use the words
“anti-government,” “extremist” and “terrorist” interchangeably.
For instance, the Department of Homeland Security broadly defines
extremists as individuals, military veterans and groups “that are
mainly antigovernment, rejecting federal authority in favor of state or
local authority, or rejecting government authority entirely.”
Indeed, if you believe in and exercise your rights under the
Constitution (namely, your right to speak freely, worship freely,
associate with like-minded individuals who share your political views,
criticize the government, own a weapon, demand a warrant before being
questioned or searched, or any other activity viewed as potentially
anti-government, racist, bigoted, anarchic or sovereign), you could be at the top of the government’s terrorism watch list.
The government also has a growing list—shared with fusion centers and
law enforcement agencies—of ideologies, behaviors, affiliations and
other characteristics that could flag someone as suspicious and result
in their being labeled potential enemies of the state.
This is what happens when you not only put the power to determine who is a potential
danger in the hands of government agencies, the courts and the police
but also give those agencies liberal authority to lock individuals up
for perceived wrongs.
It’s a system just begging to be abused by power-hungry bureaucrats desperate to retain their power at all costs.
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