valdaiclub | International institutions still represent a compromise between
the power capabilities of their participants and the need for relative
civilisational interaction between them, writes Timofei Bordachev,
Programme Director of the Valdai Discussion Club. Institutions cannot be
effective or on their own it always depends on the ability of states
to agree and the presence of objective structural prerequisites for
this.
In the second half of April contradictions between China and the United
States led to the disruption of the tele-meeting of the G20 countries.
Due to the fact that this grouping is considered the most representative
and, at the same time, the least binding in terms of decision-making,
it was considered until recently the most promising in the context of a
“crumbling” world order and the growth of national egoism. However, the
first round of the most important interstate confrontation of the new
era already called into question the very possibility of discussions
between the leaders of the 20 most economically and politically
important countries of the world. Somewhat earlier, the US government
announced that it plans to stop funding the World Health Organisation
(WHO), where it is the main donor. Washington does not like much at the
WHO. But the main thing is that China has so far been able to exert more
influence on its work than the United States itself. Donald Trump is
trying to correct this imbalance in the ways characteristic of his
policymaking. The result is not yet obvious.
In each of its annual reports since 2014, the Valdai Discussion Club has consistently spoken of the need to restore global governance – meaning the resolution of emerging and growing problems through institutions-based cooperation between states holding particular political and economic importance to world affairs. This is the fifth such report, and it has the unpleasant task of reporting that the world has now passed a critical juncture with regard to the formation of an effectively functioning international order based on global governance. That is, the world is now moving in a different direction. It has slipped into a clear and undeniable trend of unilateral decision-making. And, although this process is essentially unmanageable, we must strive to understand its consequences.
bloomberg | Scenes of chaos and despair are emerging daily from China’s Hubei
province, the landlocked region of 60 million people where the new
coronavirus dubbed 2019-nCoV was first identified in December, and where
it has since cut a wide, deadly swathe.
While cases have spread around the globe, the virus’ impact has been most keenly felt in Hubei, which has seen a staggering 97% of all deaths from the illness, and 67% of all patients.
The
toll, which grows larger every day, reflects a local health system
overwhelmed by the fast-moving, alien pathogen, making even the most
basic care impossible. It’s also an ongoing illustration of the human
cost extracted by the world’s largest-known quarantine, with China
effectively locking down the region from Jan. 23 to contain the virus’
spread to the rest of the country, and the world.
But Hubei -- known for its car factories and bustling capital
Wuhan -- is paying the price, with the mortality rate for coronavirus
patients there 3.1%, versus 0.16% for the rest of China.
“If the
province was not sealed off, some people would have gone all around the
country to try to get medical help, and would have turned the whole
nation into an epidemic-stricken area,” said Yang Gonghuan, former
deputy director general of China’s Center for Disease Control and
Prevention.
“The quarantine brought a lot of hardship to Hubei and
Wuhan, but it was the right thing to do.”
“It’s like fighting a war -- some things are hard, but must be done.”
Wuhan,
home to 11 million people, is a “second-tier” Chinese city, meaning
it’s relatively developed but still a step below China’s major
metropolises of Shanghai, Beijing and Guangzhou. It has well-regarded
hospitals, but resources lag behind those of more prominent cities.
In
the early days of the virus’ spread, prevarication and delay by local
officials also allowed the pathogen to circulate more widely among an
unsuspecting public.
zerohedge | So did we have a right to ask the question if there is an alternative
version for the emergence of the Coronavirus pandemic, especially with
hundreds if not thousands of lives at stake? Absolutely.
As for Broderick's statement that Peng was "accused falsely" we
wonder how he knows this: did he speak to Peng? Did he get any comments?
Did he get an official denial? No, he did not: as
he writes, "BuzzFeed News has reached out to the scientist, whom it is
declining to name." So, it actually turns out that it is Buzzfeed that
is once again presenting a false statement as fact, something Buzzfeed
has been accused of doing over and over and over.
Meanwhile, those who wonder if Dr. Zhou has any link to the possible
emergence of the Coronavirus following years of experimenting with bats,
we urge you to read our full article instead of relying on the hearsay of ideologically biased journalists.
Second, and contrary to the claims presented by Buzzfeed, we did not release any "personal information": Peng Zhou (周鹏) is a public figure, and all the contact information that we presented was pulled from his publicly posted bio found on a website at the Wuhan Institute of Virology which anyone with access to the internet can pull from the following URL: http://sourcedb.whiov.cas.cn/zw/rck/201705/t20170505_4783973.html, which is also the information we used.
So about Buzzfeed's allegation, which was adopted by Twitter, that somehow we incited "targeted abuse", here is what we said:
Something tells us, if anyone wants to find out what really
caused the coronavirus pandemic that has infected thousands of people in
China and around the globe, they should probably pay Dr. Peng a visit.
To which we then added the information obtained from his own bio page on the Institute's website:
petras-lahaine | In early December, President Obama issued an order for the CIA to
‘complete its investigation’ on the Russian plot and manipulation of the
US Presidential election in six weeks – right up to the very day of
Trump’s inauguration on January 20, 2017! A concoction of pre-cooked
‘findings’ is already oozing out of secret clandestine CIA archives with
the President’s approval. Obama’s last-ditch effort will not change the
outcome of the election. Clearly this is designed to poison the
diplomatic well and present Trump’s incoming administration as
dangerous. Trump’s promise to improve relations with Russia will face
enormous resistance in this frothy, breathless hysteria of Russophobia.
Ultimately, President Obama is desperate to secure his legacy, which
has consisted of disastrous and criminal imperial wars and military
confrontations. He wants to force a continuation of his grotesque
policies onto the incoming Trump Administration. Will Trump succumb? The
legitimacy of his election and his freedom to make policy will depend
on overcoming the Clinton-Obama-neo-con-leftist coup with his own bloc
of US military and the powerful Wall Street allies, as well as his mass
support among the ‘angry’ American electorate. Trump’s success at
thwarting the current ‘Russian ploy’ requires his forming counter
alliances with Washington plutocrats, many of whom will oppose any
diplomatic agreement with Putin. Trump’s appointment of hardline
economic plutocrats who are deeply committed to shredding social
programs (public education, Medicare, Social Security) could ignite the
anger of his mass supporters by savaging their jobs, health care,
pensions and their children’s future.
If Trump defeats the avalanching media, CIA and elite-instigated coup
(which interestingly lack support from the military and judiciary), he
will have to thank, not only his generals and billionaire-buddies, but
also his downwardly mobile mass supporters (Hillary Clinton’s detested
‘basket of deplorables’). He embarked on a major series of ‘victory
tours’ around the country to thank his supporters among the military,
workers, women and small business people and call on them to defend his
election to the presidency. He will have to fulfill some of his promises
to the masses or face ‘the real fire’, not from Clintonite shills and
war-mongers, but from the very people who voted for him.
Science | The war against malaria has a new ally: a controversial technology for spreading genes throughout a population of animals. Researchers report today that they have harnessed a so-called gene drive to efficiently endow mosquitoes with genes that should make them immune to the malaria parasite—and unable to spread it. On its own, gene drive won’t get rid of malaria, but if successfully applied in the wild the method could help wipe out the disease, at least in some corners of the world. The approach “can bring us to zero [cases],” says Nora Besansky, a geneticist at the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana, who specializes in malaria-carrying mosquitoes. “The mosquitos do their own work [and] reach places we can’t afford to go or get to.”
But testing that promise in the field may have to wait until a wider debate over gene drives is resolved. The essence of this long-discussed strategy for spreading a genetic trait, such as disease resistance, is to bias inheritance so that more than the expected half of a subsequent generation inherits it. The gene drive concept attracted new attention earlier this year, when geneticists studying fruit flies adapted a gene editing technology called CRISPR-Cas9 to help spread a mutation—and were startled to find it worked so well that the mutation reached almost all fly progeny. Their report, published this spring in Science (20 March, p. 1300) came out less than a year after an eLife paper discussed the feasibility of a CRISPR-Cas9 gene drive system but warned that it could disrupt ecosystems and wipe out populations of entire species.
A firestorm quickly erupted over the risks of experimenting with gene drives, nevermind applying them in the field. The U.S. National Academy of Sciences (NAS) has convened a committee to weigh the risks and propose safeguards, and the authors of the eLife andScience papers have laid out guidelines for experiments (Science, 28 August, p. 927).
Wiley | The nature of the role played by mobile elements in host genome evolution is reassessed considering numerous recent developments in many areas of biology. It is argued that easy popular appellations such as “selfish DNA” and “junk DNA” may be either inaccurate or misleading and that a more enlightened view of the transposable element-host relationship encompasses a continuum from extreme parasitism to mutualism. Transposable elements are potent, broad spectrum, endogenous mutators that are subject to the influence of chance as well as selection at several levels of biological organization. Of particular interest are transposable element traits that early evolve neutrally at the host level but at a later stage of evolution are co-opted for new host functions [Emphasis mine, Ed.].
Bloomberg | On the seventh floor of a building overlooking the Federal Reserve Bank in lower Manhattan, two medical clinics share an office. One is run by a podiatrist who’s outfitted the waiting room with educational materials on foot problems such as hammer toes and bunions. The other clinic doesn’t have pamphlets on display and offers a much less conventional service: For the advertised price of $525, severely depressed and suicidal patients can get a 45-minute intravenous infusion of ketamine—better known as the illicit party drug Special K.
Glen Brooks, a 67-year-old anesthesiologist, opened NY Ketamine Infusions in 2012. “At least eight or nine of my patients have ended up making appointments with the podiatrist,” he says. “But I haven’t gotten any patients through him—I don’t know why.” Not that Brooks is lacking for business. He typically treats 65 patients a week. Most come in for an initial six infusions within a span of two weeks, then return every six to eight weeks for maintenance sessions. To keep up with demand, he often borrows rooms from the podiatrist on weekends so he can treat eight patients at once. His only help is a secretary at the front desk.
Patients don’t need a prescription, but not just anyone can get an appointment. “You have to have the right story,” Brooks says. “For ketamine to work, there needs to be some preexisting brain damage caused by post-traumatic stress. I’m looking for some indication of childhood trauma. If not overt pain, then fear, anxiety, loneliness, low self-esteem—or bullying, real or perceived.” Patients receive a low dose of the drug: about one-tenth of what recreational abusers of ketamine take or about one-fifth of what might be used as a general anesthetic.
During the infusions, which are gradual rather than all at once, patients often experience strange sensations, such as seeing colors and patterns when they close their eyes. “The first time, I had a sense that the chair was rocketing upwards, just on and on and on … a kind of weightlessness,” a patient from a different clinic explains. The 51-year-old environmental engineer and university lecturer, who asked to remain anonymous for professional reasons, credits ketamine with reviving him from a near-catatonic depression. “During the treatment, I got this profound feeling of optimism,” he says. “I told my family it’s like getting hit by the freight train of happiness—they tease me about that now.”
thearchdruidreport | If
by some combination of sheer luck and hard campaigning, Bernie Sanders becomes
the next president of the United States, it’s a safe bet that the starry-eyed
leftists who helped put him into office will once again get to spend four or
eight years trying to pretend that their candidate isn’t busy betraying all of
the overheated expectations that helped put him into office. As Karl Marx
suggested in one of his essays, if history repeats itself, the first time is
tragedy but the second is generally farce; he didn’t mention what the third
time around was like, but we may just get to find out.
The fact that this particular fantasy has so tight a grip on
the imagination of the Democratic party’s leftward wing is also worth studying.
There are many ways that a faction whose interests are being ignored by the
rest of its party, and by the political system in general, can change that
state of affairs. Unquestioning faith that this or that leader will do the job
for them is not generally a useful strategy under such conditions, though,
especially when that faith takes the place of any more practical activity.
History has some very unwelcome things to say, for that matter, about the dream
of political salvation by some great leader; so far it seems limited to certain
groups on the notional left of the electorate, but if it spreads more widely,
we could be looking at the first stirrings of the passions and fantasies that
could bring about a new American fascism.
Meanwhile, just as the Democratic party in recent decades
has morphed into America’s conservative party, the Republicans have become its
progressive party. That’s another thing you’re not supposed to say in today’s
America, because of the bizarre paralogic that surrounds the concept of
progress in our collective discourse. What the word “progress” means, as I hope
at least some of my readers happen to remember, is continuing further in the
direction we’re already going—and that’s all it means. To most Americans today,
though, the actual meaning of the word has long since been obscured behind a
burden of vague emotion that treats “progressive” as a synonym for “good.”
Notice that this implies the very odd belief that the direction in which we’re
going is good, and can never be anything other than good.
For the last forty years, mind you, America has been moving
steadily along an easily defined trajectory. We’ve moved step by step toward
more political and economic inequality, more political corruption, more
impoverishment for those outside the narrowing circles of wealth and privilege,
more malign neglect toward the national infrastructure, and more environmental
disruption, along with a steady decline in literacy and a rolling collapse in
public health, among other grim trends. These are the ways in which we’ve been
progressing, and that’s the sense in which the GOP counts as America’s current
progressive party: the policies being proposed by GOP candidates will push
those same changes even further than they’ve already gone, resulting in more
inequality, corruption, impoverishment, and so on.
So the 2016 election is shaping up to be a contest between
one set of candidates who basically want to maintain the wretchedly
unsatisfactory conditions facing the American people today, and another set who
want to make those conditions worse, with one outlier on the Democratic side
who says he wants to turn the clock back to 1976 or so, and one outlier on the
Republican side who apparently wants to fast forward things to the era of
charismatic dictators we can probably expect in the not too distant future.
It’s not too hard to see why so many people looking at this spectacle aren’t
exactly seized with enthusiasm for any of the options being presented to them
by the existing political order.
slate | To understand the rise of Donald Trump, you’d do well not to fixate
on the fact that he’s running under the Republican banner. During
Thursday night’s Fox News debate, Trump made it clear that failing to
secure the GOP nomination wouldn’t stop him from exploring an
independent candidacy. And honestly, he’d be crazy not to. Trump is very
far from a Republican regular. He represents an entirely different
phenomenon, one that bears little resemblance to garden-variety American
conservatism. That’s why Republicans shouldn’t fool themselves into
believing that one lackluster debate performance will send him packing.
Go to almost any European democracy and you will find that the
parties of the center-right and center-left that have dominated the
political scene since the Second World War are losing ground to new
political movements. What these movements have in common is that they
manage to blend populism and nationalism into a potent
anti-establishment brew. One of the first political figures to perfect
this brand of politics was the very Trumpian Silvio Berlusconi, the
Italian media tycoon who rose to power as part of a coalition of
right-of-center parties in the mid-1990s, and who has been in and out of
power ever since, dodging corruption charges and worse all the while.
More recently, the miserable state of Europe’s economies has fueled the
rise of dozens of other parties. Britain’s Labour Party has been
devastated by the rise not only of the leftist Scottish National Party,
but also by UKIP, a movement of the right that has been growing at
Labour’s expense by campaigning against mass immigration, and by largely
abandoning what had been its more libertarian line on the welfare
state. UKIP’s leader, Nigel Farage, has a penchant for bombast that
endears him his working-class base, which might sound familiar to you.
academia | This work is a contribution to the literature and knowledge on
evolution that takes into account the biological data obtained on
symbiosis and sym-biogenesis. Evolution is traditionally considered a
gradual process essentially consisting of natural selection, conducted
on minimal phenotypical variations that are the result of mutations and
genetic recombinations to form new spe-cies. However, the biological
world presents and involves symbiotic associations between different
organisms to form consortia, a new structural life dimension and a
symbiont-induced speciation. The acknowledgment of this reality implies
a new understanding of the natural world, in which symbiogenesis plays
an important role as an evolutive mechanism. Within this understanding,
symbiosis is the key to the acquisition of new genomes and new
metabolic capacities, driving living forms’ evolution and the
establishment of biodiversity and complexity on Earth. This chapter
provides information on some of the key figures and their major works on
symbiosis and symbiogenesis and reinforces the importance of these
concepts in our understanding of the natural world and the role they
play in the establishing of the evolutionary complexity of living
systems. In this context, the concept of the symbiogenic superorganism
is also discussed.
Risk factors for miscarriage include an older mother or father, previous miscarriage, exposure to tobacco smoke, obesity, diabetes, and drug or alcohol use, among others.[5][6] In those under the age of 35 the risk is about 10% while it is about 45% in those over the age of 40.[1] Risk begins to increase around the age of 30.[5] About 80% of miscarriages occur in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (the first trimester). The underlying mechanism in about half of cases involves chromosomal abnormalities. Other conditions that can produce similar symptoms include an ectopic pregnancy and implantation bleeding.[1] Diagnosis of a miscarriage may involve checking to see if the cervix is open or closed, testing blood levels of human chorionic gonadotropin (hCG), and an ultrasound.[7]
Prevention is occasionally possible with good prenatal care. This may involve avoiding drugs and alcohol, infectious diseases, and radiation.[8] No specific treatment is usually needed during the first 7 to 14 days.[6][9] Most women will complete the miscarriage without interventions.[6] Occasionally the medication misoprostol or a procedure known as dilation and curettage (D&C) is required to remove the failed pregnancy.[9] Women who are rhesus negative may require Rho(D) immune globulin.[6]Pain medication and emotional support may be beneficial.[9]
Miscarriage is the most common complication of early pregnancy.[10] Among women who know they are pregnant, the miscarriage rate is roughly 10% to 20% while rates among all conceptions is around 30% to 50%.[1][5] About 5% of women have two miscarriages in a row.[11]
theatlantic | Some of the greatest moments in human history were fueled by
emotional intelligence. When Martin Luther King, Jr. presented his
dream, he chose language that would stir the hearts of his audience.
“Instead of honoring this sacred obligation” to liberty, King thundered,
“America has given the Negro people a bad check.” He promised that a
land “sweltering with the heat of oppression” could be “transformed into
an oasis of freedom and justice,” and envisioned a future in which “on
the red hills of Georgia sons of former slaves and the sons of former
slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of
brotherhood.”
Delivering this electrifying message required emotional
intelligence—the ability to recognize, understand, and manage emotions.
Dr. King demonstrated remarkable skill in managing his own emotions and
in sparking emotions that moved his audience to action. As his
speechwriter Clarence Jones reflected,
King delivered “a perfectly balanced outcry of reason and emotion, of
anger and hope. His tone of pained indignation matched that note for
note.”
medium | So what gives? What happened to this generation of leaders?
There
is something very different about many of today’s so-called leaders.
And it is not merely that we, or they, are the helpless victims of “late
capitalism”, or any other number of modish buzzwords, for, like every
kind of buzzword, that sophomoric grad-school 101 level non-explanation
does not illuminate much at all, except perhaps our own outmoded
beliefs.
It is that they are demagogues. Let’s review what “demagogue” actually means. Here’s a decent definition:
“a
person, especially an orator or political leader, who gains power and
popularity by arousing the emotions, passions, and prejudices of the
people.”
Let me explain
why that’s important, using the example of the 80s. A generation of
conservative politicians then — Thatcher, Reagan — and the like — ripped
up and rewrote social contracts wholesale.
So
what is the difference between them — and the Merkels and Schauebles,
Osbornes and Camerons, Jindals and Jebs, of today? A very great one
indeed. There was great intellectual and perhaps moral support for the
decisions the leaders of yesterday — in the age of modernity — took.
Here’s a simple example. We may disagree now over trickle-down economics, since prosperity hasn’t trickled down. But at the time there was at least a reasoned position in support of it, built on a consensus amongst thinkers. You may think of the Laffer Curve as a simple illustration: it may have been proven largely wrong now, but at least there was an effort to produce a reason to slash public services then.
The neo-demagogues of meta-modernity are very different. There is no serious intellectual, moral, or ethical support for their decisions at all. There’s
not a serious economist left in the world who agrees with their
economic policies; political scientist with their social policies;
etcetera. As a simple moral measure of how far today’s not-quite-leaders
have slunk, consider: even the Pope—in his much celebrated Laudato Si — has challenged them to rise to today’s great challenges.
Demaogues are irrational, insensible, not beyond
reason — but scurrying in the abyss deep below it. They are simply, as
the definition simply says, “arousing the passions and prejudices of
people”. Let’s take immigration as a simple example. David Cameron’s
government has literally banned immigration in the UK. But decades of
the logic — not to mention evidence — confirm that immigration only benefits
advanced economies. So demagogues do not act rationally or sensibly,
reasonably or sanely — whether in terms of economics, morality,
politics, or anything else that might justifiably be called a system of
thought. Why not? They prey on our emotions; they exploit our biases and
prejudices; like magicians, they devour our fears and dangle before us
our wishes. They are sorcerers of our animal beings. Pumping the bellows
of unreason, they stoke the dark fires that burn deep in the human
soul.
It’s true: empiricism
alone can never guide us in the human world — but still, we must
struggle not merely to be prisoners of our biases and prejudices. And
that is precisely what demagogues reduce us to.
Unthinking servants of our own worst selves. The selves that, instead
of thinking, dreaming, wondering, rebelling, defying, creating,
loving — are filled with spite, greed, jealousy, fear, and, at last,
hate, of the self and the other, of god and man, of life and death
alike.
NYTimes | Insofar
as individualization has taken hold in the United States, the prospects
for collective action on behalf of the poor are dim, at best.
Collective
action on behalf of the poor requires a shared belief in the obligation
of the state to secure the well-being of the citizenry. That belief has
been undermined by what Beck calls
the “insourcing” of risk, transferring obligations from the state to
the individual. This reallocation of responsibility has been studied
from various angles.
In his book “The Great Risk Shift,”
Jacob Hacker, a political scientist at Yale, joins the argument by
documenting the economic pressures on individuals resulting from the
widespread erosion of social insurance. “For decades, Americans and
their government upheld a powerful set of ideals that combined a
commitment to economic security with a faith in economic opportunity,”
Hacker writes. “Today that message is starkly different: You are on your own.”
Collective social action, in turn, has been supplanted by a different kind of revolt. David A. Snow
, professor of sociology at the University of California, Irvine, noted
that the top priorities of the specific movements associated with
individualization – “the feminist movement,
lesbian-gay-bisexual-transgender movements, the black power movement,
the disability rights movement, and, most recently, the fat-acceptance
movement” – do not lend themselves to broad economic demands on behalf
of the less well off.
concern
with distributional inequities and injustices tends to take a back seat
to procedural issues and injustices bearing on rights and associated
matters of inclusion and exclusion and to group reputational issues.
The
most recent example of the populace’s rising up to substantially change
the course of legislation was not in support of raising the minimum
wage or of making the tax system more progressive. It was the enormous
and successful outcry
– three million emails to Congress, a petition with 4.5 million
signatures, 2.4 million tweets and 10 million calls to members of
Congress — over the attempted enactment of the Stop Online Piracy Act
(SOPA) in 2012. Supporters of the net neutrality movement saw free or low-cost access to music and video resources on the Internet threatened by the measure. Their complaints, backed by tech firms
whose profits depend on open access to the Internet — Google, Facebook,
eBay, Twitter etc. – defeated the bill backed by their commercial
adversaries, the music, motion picture and cable industries.
Compare the SOPA protest to the sole organized attempt to challenge the flow of wealth to the top 1 percent and the profits funneled to the finance industry: Occupy Wall Street, which collapsed in less than a year, despite intensive, generally favorable media coverage.
unh | In his new book, Evil Incarnate: Rumors of Demonic Conspiracy and Satanic
Abuse in History, Frankfurter investigates the social and psychological patterns
that have given rise to myths of witches, demons, satanic cults, and cannibalism
throughout history. According to Frankfurter, evil does not exist as an entity
beyond the realm of human understanding, but instead manifests as an unsettling
public discourse created by folklore, cultural ideas, literature, and oral
traditions.
The first work to provide an in-depth analysis of the topic, the book draws
upon the history of religion, anthropology, sociology and psychoanalytic theory
to probe the myriad ways people imagine evil, how they treat those who are
deemed evil and the factors that give rise to panic about witches or evil cults.
“People have been obsessed by evil for centuries—obsessed with
what evil is, who is evil, and how to avoid evil—and the 21st century
is no exception. President Bush famously dubbed Iran, North Korea, and Iraq
the Axis of Evil in his 2002 State of the Union address. In casual conversation
and media stories alike, terrorists, politicians and criminals are labeled
evil. With all these accepted references to evil, it is time that its true
nature is exposed and thoroughly examined,” Frankfurter says.
According to Frankfurter, linking terrorism and evil shifts the view of the
terrorist “from a concrete mass-killer with a biography, distinct motivations,
and specific goals, to a shadowy opponent of family and society in heartland
America. And terrorism, of course, is the evil force that will stay outside
as long as we conduct large-scale military exploits off in the distant lands
we associate with it.”
In many ways, the term terrorism and its close association with the concept
of evil conjures meanings and responses similar to the terms witchcraft, devil-worshipper,
and commie. And that, Frankfurter says, should be of concern to many.
“We become lost in these large-scale terms for evil, invoking them for
every anxiety, every criminal suspect, every political maneuver,” he
says. “Those who have become wed to large-scale schemes of danger and
conspiracy have sought to root it out by any means necessary.”
People imagine evil in many ways. In its most basic form, evil for many takes
on the likeness of demonic spirits: half-animal, monstrous, overly sexual or
cannibal. However, often people have imagined evil as actual people: foreigners,
especially those nearby, or members of strange religions that we imagine ritually
abusing or eating children and women.
“Imagining evil people and demons and witches is also exciting: we think
about all the outrageous things they do with a kind of prurience,” Frankfurter
says.
So how do certain people or groups become labeled as evil? According to Frankfurter,
the major factor is the arrival of "experts in the discernment of evil" --
witch-finders or experts in satanic ritual abuse or cults who bring a broad
and intensified concept of evil to a community already anxious about misfortune,
subversion, enemies, foreigners, cults and demons.
“But more broadly, we find these panics especially in cultures that
are experiencing a kind of tension between their familiar worlds of neighbors,
spirits, demons, evil eye, and bad luck, and a larger world of institutions
(churches, child protective services, presidents and law enforcement). What
happens is that the small community begins to feel that its familiar problems
must now be understood in terms of the large-scale evil,” Frankfurter
says.
For those deemed evil, often the public response is to take drastic measures
to cleanse them from the landscape. “One imagines the view of Tutsis
in 1994 Rwanda, the view of Jews in 1939 Germany (and often in European history),
and the view of Christians in second-century Rome. They represent predators,
obstacles to safety and success,” Frankfurter says.
When society labels people as evil, it places them outside humanity where
others don't have to think about motivations or context in any critical way. “Use
of this label amounts to intellectual laziness and has led, consistently, to
the worst atrocities we know about. Speaking of ‘evil’ leads people
to evil,” Frankfurter says.
And according to the professor, people are thinking more about evil today. “We
see and hear about so many horrible atrocities and crimes, yet are constantly
presented with contexts and backgrounds and ways of understanding how they
could happen. For many people, especially people of evangelical Christian bent,
to label something or somebody evil has a refreshing clarity to it,” he
says.
This clarity provides an easier concept for understanding evil than thinking
about the complex motivations of a person or a group. Thinking about evil is
also exciting, Frankfurter says, offering a kind of license to think about
sexual perversions and brutality we couldn’t otherwise let ourselves
imagine.
NYTimes | In the 14 years since Al Qaeda
carried out attacks on New York and the Pentagon, extremists have
regularly executed smaller lethal assaults in the United States,
explaining their motives in online manifestoes or social media rants.
But
the breakdown of extremist ideologies behind those attacks may come as a
surprise. Since Sept. 11, 2001, nearly twice as many people have been
killed by white supremacists, antigovernment fanatics and other
non-Muslim extremists than by radical Muslims: 48 have been killed by
extremists who are not Muslim, including the recent mass killing in
Charleston, S.C., compared with 26 by self-proclaimed jihadists,
according to a count by New America, a Washington research center.
The
slaying of nine African-Americans in a Charleston church last week,
with an avowed white supremacist charged with their murders, was a
particularly savage case.
But
it is only the latest in a string of lethal attacks by people espousing
racial hatred, hostility to government and theories such as those of
the “sovereign citizen” movement, which denies the legitimacy of most
statutory law. The assaults have taken the lives of police officers,
members of racial or religious minorities and random civilians.
Non-Muslim
extremists have carried out 19 such attacks since Sept. 11, according
to the latest count, compiled by David Sterman, a New America program
associate, and overseen by Peter Bergen, a terrorism expert. By
comparison, seven lethal attacks by Islamic militants have taken place
in the same period.
If
such numbers are new to the public, they are familiar to police
officers. A survey to be published this week asked 382 police and
sheriff’s departments nationwide to rank the three biggest threats from
violent extremism in their jurisdiction. About 74 percent listed
antigovernment violence, while 39 percent listed “Al Qaeda-inspired”
violence, according to the researchers, Charles Kurzman of the
University of North Carolina and David Schanzer of Duke University. Fist tap John.
WaPo | “Is it realistic to hope that those who are obsessed with maximizing
profits will stop to reflect on the environmental damage which they will
leave behind for future generations? Where profits alone count, there
can be no thinking about the rhythms of nature.”
The pope
condemns the current global economy “where priority tends to be given to
speculation and the pursuit of financial gain, which fail to take the
context into account, let alone the effects on human dignity and the
natural environment. Here we see how environmental deterioration and
human and ethical degradation are closely linked.”
Wall Street comes under particular criticism: “Finance overwhelms the
real economy. The lessons of the global financial crisis have not been
assimilated.” As a result, “whatever is fragile, like the environment,
is defenseless before the interests of the deified market, which become
the only rule.”
For Pope Francis, the market and the economy
must be bound by rules that serve “basic and inalienable rights.” At the
center of these is work: “We were created with a vocation to work.”
Work is the setting for “rich personal growth . . . creativity, planning for the future, developing our talents, living out our values . . .
giving glory to God.” Therefore, priority should be given to “the goal
of access to steady employment for everyone, no matter the limited
interests of business and dubious economic reasoning.”
But
instead of the common good, we have constructed an economy built on
private interest and unrestrained appetite, an economy that excludes the
poorest and most vulnerable. For Pope Francis, “the cry of the earth
and the cry of the poor” derive from the same distorted global market
economy.
.........
Pope Francis is seeking a far more profound change: economic policy
grounded in moral values, measured not by how much money the few make
but the respect accorded the rights of all and the health of the
environment. Conservatives say he should stick to theology. But he
already is sticking to theology, understanding that the worship of
markets and the acceptance of unrestrained appetites are moral problems,
not technical ones. If this statement on climate is most welcome, his
teachings on the economy offer a critique necessary to finding the way
out of these problems.
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