theguardian | Mexico’s president has written to his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, urging him to help control shipments of fentanyl, while also complaining of “rude” US pressure to curb the drug trade.
President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has previously said that fentanyl is the US’s problem and is caused by “a lack of hugs” in US families.
On Tuesday he read out the letter to Xi dated 22 March in which he
defended efforts to curb supply of the deadly drug, while rounding on US
critics.
López
Obrador complained about calls in the US to designate Mexican drug
gangs as terrorist organisations. Some Republicans have said they favour
using the US military to crack down on Mexican cartels.
“Unjustly,
they are blaming us for problems that in large measure have to do with
their loss of values, their welfare crisis,” López Obrador wrote to Xi
in the letter.
“These positions are in
themselves a lack of respect and a threat to our sovereignty, and
moreover they are based on an absurd, manipulative, propagandistic and
demagogic attitude.”
Only after several
paragraphs of venting, López Obrador brings up China’s exports of
fentanyl precursors, and asked him to help stop shipments of chemicals
that Mexican cartels import from China.
“I
write to you, President Xi Jinping, not to ask your help on these rude
threats, but to ask you for humanitarian reasons to help us by
controlling the shipments of fentanyl,” the Mexican president wrote.
It
was not immediately clear if Xi had received the letter or if he had
responded to it. López Obrador has a history of writing confrontational
letters to world leaders without getting a response.
López
Obrador has angrily denied that fentanyl is produced in Mexico.
However, his own administration has acknowledged finding dozens of labs where it is produced, mainly in the northern state of Sinaloa.
RT | A faction of the drug-trafficking Gulf Cartel on Thursday apologized for what they called a rogue operation, which resulted in the deaths of one Mexican and two US citizens near the city of Matamoros. Mexican police found five handcuffed men in a vehicle, along with a note explaining the situation.
“We have decided to turn over those who were directly involved and responsible in the events, who at all times acted under their own decision-making and lack of discipline,” said the note, provided to media by a police source in the Mexican state of Tamaulipas. The five men broke the cartel’s rules, which included “respecting the life and well-being of the innocent,” it added.
The letter was signed by the ‘Scorpions’ cartel faction, which controls drug distribution in Matamoros, right across the Rio Grande from the US state of Texas.
Four Americans who traveled to Matamoros last Friday were taken captive by the cartel, after a firefight that killed a local woman. They were identified as Latavia McGee, Zindell Brown, Eric Williams, and Shaeed Woodard. Another woman, Cheryl Orange, was denied entry because she did not have the proper documents, according to local media reports.
Orange told AP that the group traveled from South Carolina to Mexico so that McGee could have a “tummy tuck” cosmetic surgery procedure. However the Daily Mail reported on Thursday that the four who entered Mexico had a history of drug charges.
When Tamaulipas authorities tracked them down on Tuesday morning, in the nearby town of El Tecolote, Brown and Woodard were dead, McGee was “barefoot and covered in dirt,” while Williams had a gunshot wound in the left leg.
Police arrested a 24-year-old Mexican they say was guarding the prisoners. He was identified only as “Jose N.”
Tamaulipas Attorney General Irving Barrios thanked the public for sharing the images of the abduction online, saying that they helped with the investigation. He added that the authorities initially did not know the victims were Americans, but reached out to the US once they identified the license plates on their minivan.
intelslava | There has been some speculation that Mexican authorities did this at the behest of the United States in the lead-up to the meeting of North American leaders next week in Mexico City. There is, however, reason to be skeptical of such; such a violent response by CDS was to be expected after the Battle of Culiacán in 2019. If Sinaloa's demands aren't met and they do follow through with their threats, the deterioration in the security situation could place the meeting in jeopardy.
asiatimes | With key assistance from China, Mexico is keeping at crisis level the flow of fentanyl into the United States.
At least 70,000 Americans, mostly between the ages of 18 and 35, have
died after ingesting fentanyl pills so far this year. That’s close to
the 71,000 dead out of more than 100,000 drug fatalities in 2021 and a
big jump from 57,000 deaths the year before. Millions of pills have
illicitly passed through the US southern border in recent years.
In 2020, US President Joe Biden declared a “whole of government”
campaign to stem the opiate flood into the country. However, the illicit
flood of drugs continues unabated due to Washington’s inability to
persuade – or pressure – China and Mexico to halt their roles in it. In
particular:
China won’t stop criminal gangs from providing the chemicals used in Mexico to manufacture fentanyl.
Mexico won’t fully crack down on illicit industries that make and transfer the finished product to the US.
Relations between Mexico and the United States have long stumbled
over differing views of the cross-border drug problem. Mexico
traditionally blames America’s insatiable appetite for narcotics, while
the US regards Mexico as irretrievably crippled by massive corruption
that lets criminal narcotics traffic flourish.
Almost two years into his term, Biden has fashioned an excuse to
explain the massive traffic: Victims of drug use are afraid to
acknowledge their addiction.
“We’re looking at continuing to make progress because we know there’s still a ways to go,” Biden said Thursday.
“We’re not going to let stigma drive us anymore,” he added. “We’re going to go where we need to go to help people thrive.”
Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkus has reassuredly claimed that the border is “secure.”
Taking a less boastful view, Drug Enforcement Administration chief
Anne Milgram said the administration had been overly focused on heroin
commerce, even as Mexican traffickers made and shipped more fentanyl
than heroin. “It is a new, deeper, more deadly threat than we have ever
seen, and I don’t think that the full extent of that harm was
immediately seen,” she said.
Unable to get sufficient help from either Mexico or China to stem the
flow, the Biden administration instead is focusing on educational
efforts to curb drug use. Rahul Gupta, director of the White House’s
Office of National Drug Control Policy, said the government is
concentrating on “expanding care” for addicts and on taking “harm
reduction” measures to expand access to medical counseling and care.
propublica | Two years ago, the DEA arrested a Mexican general, hoping to lay bare the high-level corruption at the heart of organized crime. Then the case fell apart — and took down U.S.-Mexican cooperation on drug policy with it.
When the Cienfuegos family
landed at Los Angeles International Airport on Oct. 15, 2020, they
looked excited and maybe a bit relieved. With the pandemic still
ravaging Mexico, they had come to vacation in Southern California.
Arranging such a visit wasn’t a problem, even on short notice: The
patriarch, retired Gen. Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, had made powerful
American friends during his six years as Mexico’s defense minister. When
he needed a favor — like visas for his wife, daughters and
granddaughters — he could still call someone at the Pentagon or the CIA.
But as the family
approached the passport line, an immigration officer waved them to one
side. A trim, middle-aged man — dressed, like the general, in a blue
blazer and jeans — stepped forward and introduced himself in Spanish as a
special agent of the Drug Enforcement Administration. Could he speak
with the general privately? he asked.
The two men crowded into a
small office with several other law-enforcement officers. “There is a
warrant for your arrest, sir,” the agent said. “This is a copy of the indictment against you.”
Cienfuegos wore a face mask with a clear plastic shield over it, but
there was no hiding his confusion and anger. There must be some mistake,
he insisted. “Do you know who I am?”
The agents did. For years,
U.S. law-enforcement and intelligence agencies had been watching
Cienfuegos as he rose through the Mexican army to become defense
minister in 2012. Since late 2015, the DEA had been investigating what
it believed were Cienfuegos’ corrupt dealings with a second-tier drug
gang based in the small Pacific Coast state Nayarit. In 2019, he had
been secretly indicted on drug-conspiracy charges by a federal grand
jury in Brooklyn.
“I have worked with your CIA,” Cienfuegos protested. “I have been honored by your Department of Defense!”
“I understand,” the DEA agent said. “But you have still been charged.”
In the tumultuous days
before the 2020 election — with COVID-19 cases surging, President Donald
Trump barnstorming and Senate Republicans rushing to confirm a Supreme
Court justice — the jailing of a retired Mexican general didn’t make the
front pages, even in Los Angeles. It did make headlines in Mexico City.
But President Andrés Manuel López Obrador of Mexico, who had long
promised to vanquish the country’s deeply rooted corruption, seemed to
take the news in stride. “It is a very regrettable fact that a former
defense secretary should be arrested on charges of having ties to drug
trafficking,” he said the next morning. “We must continue to insist —
and hopefully this helps us understand — that the main problem of Mexico
is corruption.”
WaPo | Organized-crime
groups were carrying out acts of spectacular violence and growing
savagery, ambushing military and police convoys on rural highways and
filling mass graves with travelers hauled off buses. U.S. officials grew
alarmed as violence exploded in Monterrey and other northern Mexico
cities where Fortune 500 companies had invested heavily in plants and
factories after passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement.
With
the threat to the stability of the Mexican government worsening, both
countries were hungry for a crime fighter who could stand up to the
cartels.
Using
informants, wiretaps and surveillance, U.S. agents tracked drug bosses
and relayed their locations to Águila’s commandos for the kind of “high-value target” operations the Americans used successfully in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Águila’s
forces didn’t hold back. Mexican commandos in helicopters took out Gulf
cartel boss Antonio Cárdenas Guillén, a.k.a. “Tony Tormenta,” in a wild
urban gun battle in 2010 that left bodies scattered in the border city
of Matamoros. Two years later, special forces killed the
leader of the Zetas, Heriberto “The Executioner” Lazcano, after a
firefight against cartel gunmen wielding a grenade launcher.
“Tactically,
they were just awesome,” Evans said. But the special forces were
trained to kill, not to make arrests and gather evidence for criminal
prosecution. Their targets were extremely dangerous, but Evans would
offer a “friendly reminder” that from time to time “it might be good to
bring the guy back alive.”
In
his response to The Post, Águila wrote that drug bosses were killed
because they resisted arrest. “We never planned an operation to
eliminate anyone,” he wrote.
To the Americans,the
navy commandos seemed to be the rare entity capable of quickly
launching complex, dangerous operations. Águila was indefatigable,
working 16-hour days. He didn’t drink or smoke. And when U.S. agents
shared sensitive information, Águila and his commandos acted fast —
unlike the army. “There was never a leak,” Evans said.
One
DEA agent recalled following Águila, then in his 50s, as he bounded off
a helicopter during a hunt for a drug kingpin in northern Mexico. “I’m
trying to catch up to him,” recalled the agent, who was not authorized
to comment on the record. “I was embarrassed. Here I am, this younger
buck, fumbling with my stuff.”
Even
more startling: The Mexican officer wasn’t wearing a bulletproof vest.
He rarely did; it was too bulky. “He had no fear,” the American agent
said.
The
DEA agents knew little about Águila’s personal life or why he didn’t
seem tainted by some of the worst aspects of Mexican officialdom— the corruption, the timidity, the wariness of foreigners. Maybe, they figured, he was a kindred spirit.
“He’s blue-collar,” said Donahue, the former Mexico DEA chief. “Just like us.”
Indeed, the admiral was the son of a small-town salesman in Mexico’s southern Veracruz state,and the grandson of Chinese immigrants. “My family fought to get ahead every day,” Águila said in his written responses.
He
entered the Heroic Naval Military School in 1975, a shy, diminutive
15-year-old in a world of “juniors” — sons of high-ranking officers. The
academy was so rigorous that half his class of 150 dropped out before
graduation, recalled a former classmate, retired Rear Adm. Jesús
Canchola Camarena. Águila joined the marines, like other young men
“drawn to adventure,” Canchola recalled. But what stood out was the
young cadet’s leadership; he often served as coach in the students’
informal wrestling matches. He eventually became a decorated helicopter
pilot.
Later,
under Calderón, when the navy sought senior officers to build a
top-flight special forces corps, many were reluctant, recalled another
of Águila’s former classmates.
“It
was very, very risky,” he recalled, speaking on the condition of
anonymity to be frank. “The navy had to protect itself from everyone” —
both drug traffickers and their allies in government.
Águila was undaunted.
“He felt that if they called on him, and he had the ability, he should do it,” the friend said.
westernjournal | While most documentaries now are either about serial killers or
social justice movements, the Daily Caller’s “Cartelville, USA” brings
fresh investigative journalism to the table.
The film, clocking in at a brief but impactful 36 minutes, features
reporter Jorge Ventura as he delves into a troubling trend in the high
desert of Los Angeles County: illegal cannabis farms.
Ventura was the perfect person to produce and narrate the documentary,
as he is one of the few journalists who have covered the crisis at the
U.S.-Mexico border on location.
Ventura uses his own experience growing up in Palmdale, California, to
explain that many families move to the desert to get out of the hustle
and bustle of Los Angeles. Now, they’re starting to flee what used to be
their sanctuary.
Using testimonies from local residents and law enforcement,
the documentary reveals how cartels are buying up poor-quality houses
with vast amounts of land in order to start pot farms without proper
state licensing.
Property prices in the area have skyrocketed, ruining the region’s
reputation for being more affordable. The high desert is now overrun by
criminal enterprises wasting precious resources, including water, with
no regard for the communities around them.
These cartels staff their operations with migrants smuggled across the southern border, many of whom are working as indentured servants.
Ventura does a fantastic job drawing distinctions between the people running the farms and the ones laboring on them.
He tells a far more nuanced story about the average person coming
across the border than the hyper-partisan narrative coming from both
sides of the aisle.
NYPost | Santa Muerte has a fondness for tequila, cigarettes, candy — and human blood.
The saint is a favorite of Mexican and Central American drug traffickers
who are known to leave the severed heads of their enemies at improvised
shrines, featuring wax effigies and votive candles emblazoned with the
skeletal image of the one also known as Holy Death.
Dressed in a flowing white robe and often wielding both a scythe and a
globe, Santa Muerte — a cross between the Grim Reaper and the Virgin of
Guadeloupe, Mexico’s patron saint — is just one of a rapidly growing
religious movement of “narco saints,” worshiped by drug traffickers who
pray to them for protection, riches and the silence necessary to mask
their underworld dealings.
“The narcos and the gangs all believe in the power of prayer,” said
Robert Almonte, a Texas-based security consultant and former deputy
chief of the El Paso Police Department who specialized in narcotics.
“They believe that the saints will protect them no matter what they do —
and that’s dangerous because it emboldens the traffickers who truly
believe they can get away with murder and still go to heaven.”
The movement is growing, with estimates of up to 12 million devotees
in Mexico and, now, parts of the US. American law enforcement officials
struggling under the recent wave
of illegal migrant crossings are increasingly documenting altars to the
macabre saint — and another, Jesus Malverde — in stash houses in US
border communities where Mexican drug cartel members often hold migrants
for ransom, Almonte said.
Not that these saints are canonized. The Catholic Church has
condemned Santa Muerte worship as “blasphemous and Satanic.” When Pope
Francis visited Mexico for the first time in 2016, he condemned the
cult, which is one of the fastest growing new “religious” movements in
the world, according to the Catholic Herald.
“I am particularly concerned about those many persons who, seduced by
the empty power of the world, praise illusions and embrace their
macabre symbols to commercialize death in exchange for money,” the Pope
said, referring to Santa Muerte. “I urge you not to underestimate the
moral and antisocial challenge which the drug trade represents for
Mexican society as a whole, as well as for the Church.”
nashvillescene |On April 7, Tyler Smith graduated from a
10-week addiction treatment program in Athens, Tenn. His family traveled
from Knoxville for the occasion and felt optimistic that, this time,
his recovery might last. At 31 years old, he told his mother Danita
McCartney that he was ready to be done with the cycle that had shaped
his life for more than a decade.
Like
many teens, Tyler partied in high school, drinking beer and smoking
weed on occasion. But the beast got its claws in him toward the end of
his senior year, when a co-worker at a restaurant — a work environment
where drugs are often found about as easily as any other ingredient —
showed him how to crush an OxyContin and snort it. He spent the next 12
years in and out of the clutches of addiction. Danita would cling to
hope where she could find it. As a young boy, Tyler had always been
deathly afraid of needles — perhaps that would at least keep him from
shooting up. It didn’t.
But Danita says there were
wonderful seasons of sobriety. Tyler loved the Grateful Dead and the
mountains. Despite it being where he was introduced to hard drugs, the
restaurant industry had made him into an excellent cook, and he
delighted in taking over the kitchen at holidays to make a meal for the
whole family.
In between those seasons, Tyler
wandered, living for short stints in various places around the country.
When he struggled, he had the support of his family, and his mother says
he found great treatment through urban rescue missions similar to the
one where she works in Knoxville. He spent time in recovery programs in
Alabama, Indiana and Florida before moving to Nashville, where he
rekindled a relationship with a young woman he’d known in high school.
He found a job at a downtown restaurant — there, again, he found drugs.
In January of this year, he survived an overdose after his girlfriend
was able to revive him. That prompted his family to send him to the
program in Athens, where he stayed for more than two months.
After
he graduated from the program, Tyler returned to Nashville and got a
job at an irrigation company, deciding to stay away from the kitchens
where he’d been unable to resist substances. He talked on the phone with
his mother frequently, never failing to end a conversation by telling
her he loved her. But on the morning of Tuesday, April 14, Danita
received the phone call she’d been expecting for years but could never
prepare for. Tyler’s girlfriend had found him dead in the living room. A
toxicology report later revealed what was in his system: meth and
fentanyl, the latter a synthetic opioid that can be 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine and lethal in doses as small as 2 milligrams.
Tyler’s
death inducted his family into a growing, grieving community — those
who have lost loved ones to a raging epidemic of drug deaths, the
majority of which have been caused by fentanyl. It’s the other epidemic,
one that has been largely overshadowed by the global COVID-19 pandemic.
But in Nashville, it’s claimed almost as many lives. From March 20,
2020 — the day of the first confirmed COVID-19 death in Nashville — to
Oct. 16, 2021, the city reported 1,113 deaths from the virus. In that
same time period, 1,070 suspected drug deaths have occurred in
Nashville. That figure includes residents, non-residents and people
whose status is unknown. According to the Metro Public Health
Department, residents have accounted for around 70 percent of all drug
deaths in Davidson County this year.
The coronavirus pandemic has made us all terribly familiar with the
notion of the so-called curve. Fentanyl deaths are still rising, and
this curve is showing no signs of flattening.
quora | I thought I was a man of the world when I joined the police. I was 31,
served ten years in the army, a couple of years on the news desks and a few more in drama production all over the world. A few weeks into my first beat I realised most of my assumptions of police work were Hollywood. I had a better idea of the ground situation in the Balkans than I did my own city.
This was my first beat in 2002. To the south were celeb and banker heavy clubs, bohemians and bright young things flaunting their success in the drinking squares. The remnants of the Curtain Theatre where Shakespeare learnt his trade sits squarely in the middle. It was a veneer factory when I attended it after a burglary and got to stand on the last 3ft of original stage.
When I first walked it the Prime Minister’s home address was just off the top left corner of this map in Islington. The Verve’s Bittersweet Symphony video was still popular and was filmed on Hoxton Street along the eastern boundary.
The Provost estate sits in the top right corner of the beat. I entered my first crack den there: Two toms (prostitutes), a street artist (beggar) and a small business owner (distribution of car tyres) all cooking up while a half mummified dog was still chained to the radiator in the back room. The floor had been used as a toilet and newspaper put down to cover the mess, a four inch duvet of human waste.
You could see the back yard of the Police Station from the window.
At the end of my first year I had to turn in a file on my beat - an intelligence and ground picture of: prom nom sightings (prominent nominals - the bigger players in crime); PYOs (persistent young offenders - much the same but under 18); gang nominals; street dealers; drug prices; robbery hotspots; burglary trends; vehicle crime methods; drug dens and stairwells. The names of homeless and street drinkers; bouncers; shop keepers; prostitutes the lot.
It was a record of what you had been up to and what you’d taken notice of.
One important aspect was to build a map of your ground: active crack houses / drug dens were a big part of this picture, my bosses loved closing them down and getting pictures in the papers. Wherever they sprung up anti-social behaviour, criminal damage, robbery, theft from vehicles, snatches and begging would spread out like ink blots on a map.
So drugs are bad - whole estates reduced to stinking derelicts as the locust-zombies meander your patch devouring goodwill and community relations. So we closed them down on a regular basis. We’d push them onto the next beat and three months later they got pushed back to us and you started collecting the evidence again.
The most common venues for drugs dens were the homes of vulnerable adults. Long ago it was decided that people with severe learning disabilities or chronic mental health issues would get more from life if they got their care in the community. The officials running this policy swiftly became inundated and the locusts descended in lieu.
Nice little cash cows are folk on disability benefit. You can trash their house and the council will get them a new one. You can get a free car lease and insurance thru motability finance if you just claim to be the carer of the vulnerable disabled person you’re using as a cash cow and shell company for the low-level fraud you fund your habit with.
In my annual report I had found evidence of maybe thirty drug addled locusts in four squats. I may have missed some but they are not covert. Let’s say those addicts are using twice a day (the upper scale of use) thats 30 x £40 a day = £1,200 a day - £438,000 a year to be made supplying crack and heroin to the locusts in this small square of London.
gatestoneinstitute |According
to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, "Over 81,000 drug
overdose deaths occurred in the United States in the 12 months ending in
May 2020, the highest number of overdose deaths ever recorded in a
12-month period..." That is equal to one-third of the total number of
deaths supposedly attributed to the COVID pandemic.
Deaths equal to one-third of the pandemic? From another cause? Where
is the wall-to-wall news reporting on that public health crisis? Why
aren't people marching in the streets demanding action and justice for
that threat to human life? Since Joe Biden was elected president, we
have not heard a peep from Antifa and BLM -- maybe they can take up the
drug overdose cause?
In October, federal law enforcement officials arrested Mexican
General Salvador Cienfuegos as he arrived in Los Angeles for a family
vacation. Cienfuegos was accused of taking bribes and protecting cartel
leaders when he served as defense minister from 2012 to 2018. A month
later, the U.S. dropped charges and returned Cienfuegos to Mexico.
"Foreign policy considerations" was the official lie covering for the
reversal of what might have been an incremental step forward towards
legitimate justice in America's decades-long, losing "War on Drugs."
Every thinking person who has contemplated the drug corruption crisis
confronting America knows that absolutely nothing will happen to
Cienfuegos now that he is back in Mexico. He gets off Scot-free, other
than having to vacation in places other than the United States.
The Wall Street Journal, reporting on the Cienfuegos debacle, noted:
"Gen. Cienfuegos's return puts an uncomfortable spotlight
on Mexico's judicial system. More than nine in 10 crimes are never
reported or punished, according to the country's statistics agency."
Let us look more deeply at the drug crisis we face at the level of
families and communities. We can get lost looking at national overdose
numbers and corrupt foreign generals. Dirty cops are killing Americans,
directly and indirectly. In a border community like El Paso, the Mexican
cartels have an insidious, silent and powerful control that few people
wish to acknowledge or accept -- that includes a largely compliant news
media who usually report what happens, but rarely, if ever, ask "Why?"
or "How can this go on, decade after decade, without accountability or
resolution?"
More than seven years of ongoing investigation by Judicial Watch in
that region has revealed law enforcement corruption that ranges on a
scale from merely turning a blind eye; to marked law enforcement
vehicles being used to move burlap bales of marijuana; all the way up to
senior officials communicating with and tipping-off cartel members
about planned operations. That is what some of the supposedly "good
guys" are doing.
This is a dark, dangerous and threatening side of life in American
communities across the country. The drugs do not just materialize out of
thin air in Dayton, OH, or Rockville Centre, NY, or Whitefish, MT. If a
population is dying from overdoses that is one-third as large as the
COVID pandemic -- and we don't see, don't hear about it, and apparently
don't really care about it -- what does that say about us?
Tens of thousands of law enforcement officers, billions of taxpayer
dollars, nearly fifty years -- and the highest overdose rate in history?
It is terribly unpopular to blame law enforcement, especially when they
are being unfairly attacked by the militant fringe elements like Antifa
and various lunatic municipal officials seeking to defund them -- but
cleaning house within various agencies and increasing police pay would
go a long way towards thwarting our greatest domestic threat.
A year ago, President Donald J. Trump declared he would name Mexican
Cartels as foreign terrorist organizations. He paused his decision, and
then tabled it, based on assurances from Mexican President Andrés Manuel
López Obrador and a reported wave of resistance from his own cabinet.
The incoming Biden administration has the cartels virtually
"high-fiving" each other -- they know a Biden administration will do
nothing to stop cartel dominance and control of the US-Mexico border.
What law enforcement officer is going to put his life on the line for a
Biden administration policy? None. Unless there is an unforeseen and
dramatic positive change in law enforcement at the federal, state and
municipal levels, expect more of our dirtiest little secret for years to
come and a continuation of the United States' longest war.
NYTimes | While traffickershave
also continued to try to push drugs through ports of entry, the
American authorities have detected at least one particularly dramatic
shift in tactics in the profile of smugglers caught at those border
crossings.
Before the pandemic, the
cartels would frequently hire foreign-born smugglers who would cross the
border from Mexico into the United States under the pretense of tourism
or a shopping trip.
But because the
pandemic-related border restrictions have blocked entry to many foreign
visitors, the trafficking groups have been recruiting a greater number
of American citizens and Green Card holders, who are not bound by the
restrictions, to smuggle drugs into the United States, American
officials said. These smugglers are most often discovered with the
narcotics hidden inside their bodies, officials said.
Guadalupe
Ramírez Jr., director of field operations for Customs and Border
Protection in Arizona, recalled that when he was director of the ports
of entry in Nogales from 2009 to 2016, “internal carriers,” as such
smugglers are known by border officials, were rare.
“Now
it seems like almost on a daily basis we’re getting internal carriers,”
and most are American citizens or permanent residents, Mr. Ramírez
said.
The challenges of getting drugs
into the United States also appears to have spurred the development of
clandestine laboratories in the United States for the production of
synthetic drugs, said Celina Realuyo, professor at the William J. Perry
Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies at the National Defense
University in Washington.
And law
enforcement agencies around the world have also detected an acceleration
in the use of cryptocurrency and the so-called dark web for drug
transactions and money laundering during the pandemic, she said.
“They’re
adjusting,” Ms. Realuyo said of the drug trafficking groups. “They
already had kind of a wherewithal, and what they’re doing is they’re
just adapting quicker to their context.”
The CIA doesn't give a damn for the military-money-congressional complex wars. The CIA cares about its own power, money, methods, and means - like the Mafia. They
don't want a war with the people paying their (official) expenses so
they keep their real scope of operations on the down-low.
Best believe they don't give a
damn about what congress wants, what the president wants, or what the
people want. They lied about Osama bin Laden doing his international man
of mystery thing from a James Bond cave complex in Afghanistan because
the Taliban cut off the supply of opium by more than 90%. The United Nations was helping the Taliban eradicate opium production. But once the USA and allies
liberated Afghanistan from the rule of the Taliban that the USA had
created to resist the Soviets, opium production mysteriously skyrocketed
to levels higher than before the Taliban started its
eradication program.
As noted previously, the
obvious and predictable and actual consequences of an action being the
real reason for the action, it was this resumption of the opium trade
out of Afghanistan that was the real reason for the intelligence supplied by the CIA on the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden.
The Pakistani intelligence service, ISI, is the CIA's Karachi branch
office, the junior partner in this trade. The existence of a
never-ending stream of military and CIA transports into and out of
Afghanistan and Pakistan - whose contents can never be examined because
"national security" - is the primary global smuggling method. The war profiteering,
the extra-judicial powers afforded by the Patriot Act and the eternal
War on Terror, is just a bonus.
As for the Afghan people,
living in one of the poorest and least developed failed states in the world,
lacking roads, airports, shipping,
etc, and subject to military total information awareness surveillance on the ground, in the air, and from space, 24/7/365, these medieval peasants have somehow managed to smuggle millions of
kilograms of one of the most illicit substances in the world every year
for the past 819 years - "Afghanistan has been the world's leading illicit opium producer since 2001."
Everyone
wants the troops to leave Afghanistan except the Pentagon brass and the
CIA. They have prevailed over two presidents and are now ready to
manipulate a third into intensifying the war.
Consider:
Donald J. Trump @realDonaldTrump
Why are we continuing to train these Afghanis who then shoot our
soldiers in the back? Afghanistan is a complete waste. Time to come
home!
NYTimes | Two weeks after Tufts University became the first major university to remove the Sackler name from buildings and programs over the family’s role in the opioid epidemic,
members of the family are pushing back. A lawyer for some of the
Sacklers argued in a letter to the president of Tufts that the move was
unjustified and a violation of agreements made when the school wanted
the family’s financial help years ago.
The
letter described Tufts’s decision to remove the name as “contrary to
basic notions of fairness" and “a breach of the many binding commitments
made by the University dating back to 1980 in order to secure the
family’s support, including millions of dollars in donations for
facilities and critical medical research.”
Institutions
that have accepted financial support from the Sacklers have in recent
months faced growing cries to distance themselves from the family.
The
forceful response by Sackler family members now may be seen as a signal
to other institutions amid a flurry of announcements by major cultural
organizations that they would no longer take donations from the family.
The response also raised complicated legal questions about what room
institutions have to unilaterally remove a donor’s name long after a
gift has been accepted.
The lawyer, Robert Cordy, who represents the descendants of two of the
brothers who built Purdue Pharma, Raymond and Mortimer Sackler, wrote
that Tufts chose “to prioritize optics over a fair process.”
propublica |On Sept. 11, 2001,
when American Airlines Flight 77 crashed into the Pentagon, DEA agents
were among the first to respond, racing from their headquarters, less
than half a mile away. A former special agent named Edward Follis, in
his memoir, “The Dark Art,” recalls how he and dozens of his colleagues
“rushed over … to pull out bodies, but there were no bodies to pull
out.” The agency had outposts in more than 60 countries around the
world, the most of any federal law-enforcement agency. And it had some
5,000 informants and confidential sources. Michael Vigil, who was the
DEA’s head of international operations at the time, told me, “We called
in every source we could find, looking for information about what had
happened, who was responsible, and whether there were plans for an
imminent attack.” He added, “Since the end of the Cold War, we had seen
signs that terrorist groups had started relying on drug trafficking for
funding. After 9/11, we were sure that trend was going to spread.”
But other intelligence agencies saw the DEA’s sources as drug
traffickers — and drug traffickers didn’t know anything about terrorism.
A former senior money-laundering investigator at the Justice Department
told me that there wasn’t any substantive proof to support the DEA’s
assertions.
“What is going on after 9/11 is that a lot of resources move out of
drug enforcement and into terrorism,” he said. “The DEA doesn’t want to
be the stepchild that is last in line.” Narco-terrorism, the former
investigator said, became an “expedient way for the agency to justify
its existence.”
The White House proved more receptive to the DEA’s claims. Juan
Zarate, a former deputy national-security adviser, in his book,
“Treasury’s War,” says that President George W. Bush wanted “all
elements of national power” to contribute to the effort to “prevent
another attack from hitting our shores.” A few months after 9/11, at a
gathering of community anti-addiction organizations, Bush said, “It’s so
important for Americans to know that the traffic in drugs finances the
work of terror. If you quit drugs, you join the fight against terror in
America.” In February 2002, the Office of National Drug Control Policy
turned Bush’s message into a series of publicservice announcements that
were aired during the Super Bowl. Departing from the portrayal of
illegal narcotics as dangerous to those who use them — “This is your
brain on drugs” — the ads instead warned that getting high helped
terrorists “torture someone’s dad” or “murder a family.”
In the next seven years, the DEA’s funding for international
activities increased by 75 percent. Until then, the agency’s greatest
foreign involvement had been in Mexico and in the Andean region of South
America, the world’s largest producer of cocaine and home to violent
Marxist guerrilla groups, including the FARC, in Colombia, and the
Shining Path, in Peru. Both groups began, in the 1960s and early ‘70s,
as peasant rebellions; before long, they started taxing coca growers and
smugglers to finance their expansion. The DEA saw the organizations as
examples of how criminal motivations can overlap with, and even advance,
ideological ones.
npr | President Trump says he plans to designate Mexican drug cartels as
foreign terrorist organizations, a move that is stoking fears in Mexico
that American authorities would use the label to justify a military
response across the border against the cartels.
"I will be designating the cartels," Trump said
in an interview with former Fox News Channel host Bill O'Reilly, who
raised the issue of the U.S. sending drones into Mexico. Trump did not
comment on the idea, but he said the terrorist designation is underway.
"I have been working on that for the last 90 days. You know,
designation is not that easy, you have to go through a process, and we
are well into that process," Trump said.
Former diplomat and
Mexico expert Jana Nelson told NPR that as Trump's comments have spread,
worries have deepened in Mexico that the designation could lead to
military action.
"It has generated some concern in Mexico that
the U.S. will actually send the military into Mexico, and if not boots
on the ground itself, then perhaps drones to combat drug cartels," said
Nelson, a Wilson Center political analyst who is based in Mexico City.
wolfstreet | Under the US Patriot Act, handling money from marijuana is illegal
and violates measures to control money laundering and terrorist acts.
However, US regulators have made it clear that banks will not be
prosecuted for providing services to businesses that are lawfully
selling cannabis in states where pot has been legalized for recreational
use. Some cannabis businesses have been able to set up accounts at
credit unions, but major banks have shied away from the expanding
industry, deciding that the burdens and risks of doing business with
marijuana sellers are not worth the bother.
But that may not be their only motive. There are also the huge
profits that can be reaped from laundering the proceeds of the global
narcotics trade. According to
Antonio María Costa, the former Under-Secretary of the United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime, over $350 billion of funds from organized
crime were processed by European and US banks in the wake of the global
financial crisis.
“Inter-bank loans were funded by money that originated from the drugs
trade and other illegal activities… There were signs that some banks
were rescued that way,” Costa said.
To date, no European government or bank has publicly denied Costa’s
charges. Meanwhile, numerous big banks on both sides of the Atlantic
have been caught and fined, some repeatedly, for laundering billions of
dollars of illicit drugs money — in direct contravention of the US
anti-drugs legislation.
Whatever the banks’ real motives in denying funds to the Uruguayan pharmacies, the perverse irony, as the NY Times points out, is that applying US regulations intended to crack down on banks laundering the proceeds from the illegal sale of drugs to the current context in Uruguay is likely to encourage, not prevent, illicit drug sales:
Fighting drug trafficking was one of the main reasons the
Uruguayan government gave for legalizing recreational marijuana.
Officials spent years developing a complex regulatory framework that
permits people to grow a limited supply of cannabis themselves or buy it
at pharmacies for less than the black market rate. Lawmakers hoped that
these legal structures would undercut illicit marijuana cultivation and
sales.
“There probably isn’t a trade in Uruguay today that is more
controlled than cannabis sale,” said Pablo Durán (a legal expert at the
Center of Pharmacies in Uruguay, a trade group).
Despite that fact, the pressure continues to be brought to bear on
Uruguay’s legal cannabis businesses. Banco República has already
announced that it will close the accounts of the pharmacies that sell
cannabis in order to safeguard its much more valuable dollar operations.
In other words, a state-owned bank of a sovereign nation just decided
to put draconian US legislation before a law adopted by the Uruguayan
parliament authorizing the sale and production of marijuana. The law’s
prime sponsor, Uruguay’s former president, José Mujica, is furious. During a session of the country’s Senate, he accused the banks of directly attacking democracy.
sputniknews | The hegemonic narrative rules that Washington bombed Afghanistan
in 2001 in "self-defense" after 9/11; installed a "democratic"
government; and after 16 years never de facto left because this is a key
node in the Global War on Terror (GWOT), against al-Qaeda and the
Taliban alike.
Washington spent over $100 billion in Afghan reconstruction. And, allegedly, $8.4 billion
in "counternarcotics programs". Operation Enduring Freedom — along with
the "liberation" of Iraq — have cost an astonishing several trillion
dollars. And still the heroin ratline, out of occupied Afghanistan, thrives. Cui bono?
Have a SIGAR
An exhaustive Afghanistan Opium Survey
details the steady rise of Afghan opium production as well as the
sprawl in production areas; "In 2016, opium production had increased
by approximately 25 times in relation to its 2001 levels, from 185 tons
in 2001 to 4800 tons in 2016."
Another exhaustive report issued by the delightful acronym SIGAR
(Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction) even hints —
discreetly — at the crucial connection; Operation Enduring Freedom
feeding America's heroin epidemic.
Afghanistan is infested by contractors; numbers
vary from 10,000 to tens of thousands. Military and ex-military alike
can be reasonably pinpointed as players in the heroin ratline — in many
cases for personal profit. But the clincher concerns the financing of US
intel black ops that should not by any means come under scrutiny by the
US Congress.
A Gulf-based intel source with vast experience across the
Pentagon-designated "arc of instability" tells the story of his
interaction with an Australian intel operative who served
in Afghanistan; "This was about 2011. He said he gave US Army
Intelligence and the CIA
reports on the Afghan heroin trade — that US military convoys from the
ports of Pakistan were being used to ship the heroin out of
Afghanistan — much of it was raw opium — for distribution as their
backhaul.
No one answered.
He then cornered the key army intelligence operations and CIA at a
meeting and asked why no action was taken. The answer was that the goal
of the US was winning the hearts and minds of the population and giving
them the poppies to grow won their hearts. He was then warned that if he
brought this issue up again he would be returned to Australia in a body
bag."
The source is adamant, "CIA external operations
are financed from these profits. The charge that the Taliban was using
the heroin trade to finance their operations was a fabrication and a
form of misdirection."
And that brings us to a key motive behind President Trump's
going against his instincts and accepting a new Afghan surge; "In the
tradition of the opium wars of perfidious Albion in the 19th century,
in which opium paid for tea and silk from India, and the taxes on these
silk and tea imports financed the construction of the mighty British
Navy which ruled the seas, the CIA has built itself up into a most
powerful agent based on the trillion dollar heroin trade.
It is impossible for Trump to overcome it as he has no allies to tap.
The military are working together with the CIA, and therefore the
officers that surround Trump are worthless."
tomdispatch |Alfred McCoy’s new Dispatch Book, In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power,
won’t officially be published until September, but it's already getting
extraordinary attention. That would include Jeremy Scahill’s powerful podcast interview with McCoy at the Intercept, a set of striking prepublication notices (Kirkus Reviews: "Sobering reading for geopolitics mavens and Risk aficionados alike"), and an impressive range of blurbs (Andrew Bacevich: “This
is history with profound relevance to events that are unfolding before
our eyes”; Ann Jones: “eye-opening... America’s neglected citizens would
do well to read this book”; Oliver Stone: “One of our best and most
underappreciated historians takes a hard look at the truth of our
empire, both its covert activities and the reasons for its impending
decline”). Of him, Scahill has said, “Al McCoy has guts... He helped
put me on the path to investigative journalism.” In today’s post, adapted by McCoy from the introduction to In the Shadows of the American Century, you’ll get a taste of just what Scahill means. So read it and then pre-order a copy of the latest book from the man who battled the CIA and won.
When historian Alfred McCoy began his long journey to expose some of
the darkest secrets of the U.S. national security establishment, America
was embroiled in wars in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. Almost 50 years
later, the United States is, in one way or another, involved in so many
more conflicts from Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen to Libya, Somalia, the Lake Chad region of Africa, and the Philippines.
To understand how the U.S. went from three interventions that
actually ended to a proliferating collection of quasi-wars seemingly
without end would require a detailed map to guide you through some of
the thorniest wilds of American foreign policy. Luckily, McCoy is still
on the case with his buzz-generating blockbuster-to-be: In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power.
He first stumbled upon some of the secrets of the national security
state when, in the early 1970s, he started down Southeast Asia’s “heroin
trail” and into a shadow world of black ops, mercenaries, and drug
lords. It’s a tale fit for a John le Carré novel or, better yet, a
seedy bar where the air is hot and still, the customers are rough, and
the drinks strong. If TomDispatch regular
McCoy told you his story over a whiskey, you’d be obliged to buy the
next round. It’s that kind of tale. Today, however, you’re in luck and
he shares it with you for free.
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