unherd |There has been much debate over how to get the unvaccinated to get their jabs — shame them, bribe them persuade them, or treat them as victims of mis- and disinformation campaigns — but who, exactly, are these people?
Most of the coverage would have you believe that the surge in cases is primarily down to less educated, ‘brainwashed’
Trump supporters who don’t want to take the vaccine. This may be
partially true: the areas in which the delta variant is surging coincide
with the sections of red America in which vaccination rates are lowest.
But according to a new paper by researchers from Carnegie Mellon University and the University of Pittsburgh,
this does not paint the full picture. The researchers analysed more
than 5 million survey responses by a range of different demographic
details, and classed those people who would “probably” or “definitely” not choose to get vaccinated as “vaccine hesitant.”
In some respects the findings are as
predicted — for example the paper finds that there is a strong
correlation between counties with higher Trump support in the 2020
presidential election and higher hesitancy in the period January 2021 —
May 2021.
But more surprising is the breakdown
in vaccine hesitancy by level of education. It finds that the
association between hesitancy and education level follows a U-shaped
curve with the highest hesitancy among those least and most educated.
People with a master’s degree had the least hesitancy, and the highest
hesitancy was among those holding a Ph.D.
What’s more, the paper found that in
the first five months of 2021, the largest decrease in hesitancy was
among the least educated — those with a high school education or less.
Meanwhile, hesitancy held constant in the most educated group; by May,
those with Ph.Ds were the most hesitant group.
So not only are the most educated
people most sceptical of taking the Covid vaccine, they are also the
least likely the change their minds about it…
thehill | We are now entering the “coerced consent" stage. Unable to persuade
or purchase consent, many are arguing to make it difficult to be
gainfully employed or functionally active without proof of vaccination.
It is a type of de facto pandemic passport. After indicating the administration was considering a federal vaccine mandate, CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walenskysaid this week,
“I was referring to mandates by private institutions and portions of
the federal government. There will be no federal mandate.”
Unwilling
to face the legal or political challenges of mandating a vaccination
program, the Biden administration has actively encouraged companies to
bar unvaccinated people from planes, restaurants and other venues. The
danger is that using companies to censor opposing views and restrict
people can amount to a type of government-by-surrogate, a shadow state.
There
clearly are good reasons why many companies and schools demand
vaccinations to rejoin workplaces or classrooms. As expected, those
rules have been upheld, including a recent favorable ruling for Indiana University.
More concerning are those calls to use mandates to make life miserable for anyone who still has doubts. German Chancellor Angela Merkel told her citizens that
they will have fewer “freedoms” until they consent. Some in the media
have echoed these calls, and some private organizations are following
the same strategy. The NFL, for example, has been openly making life “a living hell” for NFL players who prefer to be tested but not vaccinated.
For
the most part, the motivation behind government and private mandates
are hard to litigate. Courts tend to defer to measures ostensibly
protecting others from risk of illness; even in criminal cases, the
government has been allowed to conduct “pretextual traffic stops” if it can cite an objective basis.
There may be new legal challenges ahead, however. First, those with
religious or medical concerns can challenge mandated vaccination
programs. CNN’s Don Lemon this week called for barring unvaccinated people from offices and businesses,
insisting “It has nothing to do with liberty. You don’t have the
freedom and the liberty to put other people in jeopardy." In truth,
there are constitutional questions when you force people to take
medications or vaccinations that violate their religious beliefs or that
fail to satisfy a rational basis.
States also are moving to counter private mandates or to bar mandatory masking rules; Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) just signed an
executive order allowing parents to ignore masking orders for their
children in the state’s public schools. That could force the hand of the
Biden administration on implementing federal mandates or executive
orders — a conflict that would raise core federalism issues.
The federal government is on shaky ground in mandating hood behavior or inactivity. In 2012 in NFIB v. Sebelius, Chief Justice John Roberts declared that “Construing the Commerce Clause to permit Congress to regulate individuals precisely because they are doing nothing would open a new and potentially vast domain to congressional authority.”
WaPo | At stake in this latest contest is whether hospitals, law enforcement agencies and otherscan require employees to take a vaccine that was made available in an expedited process permitted during a public health emergency — and, likewise, whether schools
may require the shots for students, faculty and staff members in the
same way many require familiar vaccines for measles and chickenpox.
There is little case law on the matter, with only one vaccine, for
anthrax exposure, previously cleared in a similarway.
Employers are expected to cite the expansive evidence
supporting the safety and efficacy of the coronavirus vaccines, as well
as the extraordinary health risks created by the current emergency,
said Kerry A. Scanlon, a former Department of Justice official who
oversees labor and employment litigation at Chicago-based law firm
McDermott Will & Emery.
Scanlon
believes employers are in a strong position to defend compulsory
vaccination, but he said many might shy away from it simply to avoid
costly litigation.
ICAN
is already claiming victory, thanks to the work of a legal team led by
Siri & Glimstad’s managing partner, Aaron Siri. “Employers and
schools that previously required the covid-19 vaccine have dropped those
requirements,” the group declares in its ad on the Children’s Health
Defense blog.“This includes an employer that did so on the heels of ICAN’s legal team challenging its mandate in court.”
Neither
Siri nor his co-counsel in the North Carolina case, Elizabeth A. Brehm,
responded to emailed questions. Bigtree did not respond to telephone
messages. Kennedy said his organization is “working with firms all over
the country” to challenge vaccine mandates and estimated that he
receives “many hundreds” of inquiries each week about potential
litigation.
In
legal filings and letters to employers and universities, attorneys from
Siri & Glimstad focus on the expedited process known as an
emergency use authorization used to clear the shots during a public
health emergency. Mandatinga vaccine cleared that way, they
argue in a complaint filed against the Durham County Sheriff’s
Department, is “illegal and unenforceable.”
Their arguments go further. Pointing to the principle of informed consent, a tenet of medical ethics addressing human experimentation enshrined in the Nuremberg Code after World War II,their
letter to the president of Rutgers University contends a mandate under
these circumstances violates not just federal law, but also
“international laws, civil and individual rights, and public policy.”
Failure to rescind a requirement in Rock County, Wis., the firm informed
officials there, “will result in legal action being filed against you.”
“Govern yourself accordingly,” the Feb. 2 letter advised.
arvix |Controversial understandings of the coronavirus pandemic have turned data visualizations into a battleground. Defying public health officials, coronavirus skeptics on US social media spent much of 2020 creating data visualizations showing that the government’s pandemic response was excessive and that the crisis was over. This paper investigates how pandemic visualizations circulated on social media, and shows that people who mistrust the scientific establishment often deploy the same rhetorics of data-driven decision-making used by experts, but to advocate for radical policy changes.Using a quantitative analysis of how visualizations spread on Twitter and an ethnographic approach to analyzing conversations about COVID data on Facebook, we document an epistemological gap that leads pro- and anti-mask groups to draw drastically different inferences from similar data. Ultimately, we argue that the deployment of COVID data visualizations reflect a deeper sociopolitical rift regarding the place of science in public life.
This paper has investigated anti-mask counter-visualizations on social media in two ways: quantitatively, we identify the main types of visualizations that are present within different networks (e.g., pro-and anti-mask users), and we show that anti-mask users are prolific and skilled purveyors of data visualizations. These visualizations are popular, use orthodox visualization methods, and are promulgated as a way to convince others that public health measures are unnecessary. In our qualitative analysis, we use an ethnographic approach to illustrate how COVID counter-visualizations actually reflect a deeper epistemological rift about the role of data in public life, and that the practice of making counter-visualizations reflects a participatory, heterodox approach to information sharing. Convincing anti-maskers to support public health measures in the age ofCOVID-19 will require more than “better” visualizations, data literacy campaigns, or increased public access to data. Rather, it requiresa sustained engagement with the social world of visualizations andthe people who make or interpret them.While academic science is traditionally a system for producing knowledge within a laboratory, validating it through peer review,and sharing results within subsidiary communities, anti-maskers reject this hierarchical social model. They espouse a vision of science that is radically egalitarian and individualist. This study forces us to see that coronavirus skeptics champion science as a personal practice that prizes rationality and autonomy; for them, it is not a body of knowledge certified by an institution of experts. Calls for data or scientific literacy therefore risk recapitulating narratives that anti-mask views are the product of individual ignorance rather than coordinated information campaigns that rely heavily on networked participation.
Recognizing the systemic dynamics that contribute to this epistemological rift is the first step towards grappling with this phenomenon, and the findings presented in this paper corroborate similar studies about the impact of fake news on American evangelical voters [98] and about the limitations of fact-checking climate change denialism [42].Calls for media literacy—especially as an ethics smokescreen to avoid talking about larger structural problems like white supremacy—are problematic when these approaches are deficit-focused and trained primarily on individual responsibility. Powerful research and media organizations paid for by the tobacco or fossil fuel indus-tries [79,86] have historically capitalized on the skeptical impulse that the “science simply isn’t settled,” prompting people to simply“think for themselves” to horrifying ends. The attempted coup on January 6, 2021 has similarly illustrated that well-calibrated, well-funded systems of coordinated disinformation can be particularly dangerous when they are designed to appeal to skeptical people.While individual insurrectionists are no doubt to blame for their own acts of violence, the coup relied on a collective effort fanned by people questioning, interacting, and sharing these ideas with other people. These skeptical narratives are powerful because they resonate with these these people’s lived experience and—crucially—because they are posted by influential accounts across influential platforms.Broadly, the findings presented in this paper also challenge conventional assumptions in human-computer interaction research about who imagined users might be: visualization experts tradition-ally design systems for scientists, business analysts, or journalists.
Researchers create systems intended to democratize processes of data analysis and inform a broader public about how to use data,often in the clean, sand-boxed environment of an academic lab.However, this literature often focuses narrowly on promoting expressivity (either of current or new visualization techniques), assuming that improving visualization tools will lead to improving public understanding of data. This paper presents a community of users that researchers might not consider in the systems building process (i.e., supposedly “data illiterate” anti-maskers), and we show how the binary opposition of literacy/illiteracy is insufficient for describing how orthodox visualizations can be used to promote unorthodox science. Understanding how these groups skillfully manipulate data to undermine mainstream science requires us to adjust the theoretical assumptions in HCI research about how data can be leveraged in public discourse.What, then, are visualization researchers and social scientists todo? One step might be to grapple with the social and political dimensions of visualizations at the beginning, rather than the end, of projects [31]. This involves in part a shift from positivist to interpretivist frameworks in visualization research, where we recognize that knowledge we produce in visualization systems is fundamentally“multiple, subjective, and socially constructed” [73]. A secondary issue is one of uncertainty: Jessica Hullman and Zeynep Tufekc
caitlinjohnstone | Learning to distinguish between empowered parties and disempowered
parties can be a little tricky, even for relatively awake people,
because nobody likes to think of themselves as siding with the powerful
against the weak. It’s something we all know intuitively to be wrong, so
we’ll often find clever ways of using an incomplete analysis of the
power dynamics at play which allows us to feel as though we’re fighting
the power when we’re really doing the exact opposite.
And propagandists are of course all too eager to help us do this.
Israel
is a perfect example. You can squint at it in such a way that lets you
feel as though you’re defending a disempowered religious minority with
an extensive history of persecution that is surrounded by enemies, but
really it has nuclear weapons and the full might of the US empire on its
side. In reality the Palestinians are the down-power ones, but people
who want to believe the Israeli government is a poor widdle victim will
do mental gymnastics to contort the power dynamics.
These
compartmentalizations ignore where the actual power is at on a global
scale and just zoom in to a local analysis which ignores all else.
Whenever
you see the western mass media and their propagandized followers
talking about “The people of [insert targeted nation here]”, they’re
cheerleading a US empire-backed movement against a weaker government
which has resisted absorption into that empire. But they’re posing as
supporters of the little guy.
Juan Guaido is the brave rebel
fighting the powerful Maduro regime! No, he’s backed by the
US-centralized empire which is trying to stage a coup in the nation with
the largest proven oil reserves on the planet.
Yay, the freedom
fighters in Syria are fighting the tyranny of their oppressive ruler!
No they’re not, they’re jihadist extremists who were backed by the US
and its allies with the goal of toppling Damascus in order to seize
control of a crucial geostrategic region.
Yay, the brave people
of Hong Kong are liberating themselves from the tyranny of Beijing! Well
really China is far less powerful than the US-centralized power
alliance and the US government is unquestionably intervening in the HK
protests. But people make believe it’s just the people vs the big bad
Chinese government.
This
impulse to pretend you’re fighting the power instead of fighting for
power is so pervasive I’ve seen people do ridiculous things like say
Julian Assange is actually the power because WikiLeaks is influential.
He’s one guy!
That’s
also what you’re seeing when people try to spin these US protests as a
Deep State color revolution backed by George Soros and “the Chicoms”. No
it’s not, you just don’t want to admit that you support the government
and its armed goon squad against people who are sick of the brutal US
police state, so you’re doing ridiculous mental gymnastics to make it
feel like you’re actually punching up.
Online
forums are full of self-described “anarchists” who constantly wind up
on the same side as the CIA and the US State Department on foreign
policy because they act like every “revolution” in every nation is the
people vs power while ignoring a global-scale analysis of real power. If
your “anti-authoritarian” worldview frequently leads you to supporting
agendas which make the biggest power structure on the planet more
powerful, then you’re not anti-authoritarian, you just want to feel like
you are. You’re no different than any other MSM-brainwashed tool.
Learn
to see clearly where the power is, and refuse to side with it. Expunge
the “What did you expect?” mind virus from your system and you’ll be
doing all of humanity a big favor.
consentfactory | No, credit where credit is due to GloboCap. At this point, not only
the United States, but countries throughout the global capitalist
empire, are in such a state of mass hysteria, and so hopelessly
politically polarized, that hardly anyone can see the textbook color
revolution that is being executed, openly, right in front of our faces.
Or … OK, actually, most Trump supporters see it, but most of them,
like Trump himself, have mistaken Antifa, Black Lives Matter, and the
Democratic Party and their voters for the enemy, when they are merely
pawns in GloboCap’s game. Most liberals and leftists cannot see it at
all … literally, as in they cannot perceive it. Like Dolores in the HBO Westworld
series, “it doesn’t look like anything” to them. They actually believe
they are fighting fascism, that Donald Trump, a narcissistic,
word-salad-spewing, former game show host, is literally the Return of
Adolf Hitler, and that somehow (presumably with the help of Putin) he
has staged the current civil unrest, like the Nazis staged the Reichstag fire! (The New York Times
will never tire of that one, nor will their liberal and leftist
readers, who have been doing battle with an endless series of imaginary
Hitlers since … well, since Hitler.)
I’ve been repeating it my columns for the last four years, and I’m
going to repeat it once again. What we are experiencing is not the
“return of fascism.” It is the global capitalist empire restoring order,
putting down the populist insurgency that took them by surprise in
2016. The White Black Nationalist Color Revolution, the fake apocalyptic
plague, all the insanity of 2020 … it has been in the pipeline all
along. It has been since the moment Trump won the election. No, it is
not about Trump, the man. It has never been about Trump, the man, no
more than the Obama presidency was ever about Obama, the man. GloboCap
needs to crush Donald Trump (and moreover, to make an example of him)
not because he is a threat to the empire (he isn’t), but because he
became a symbol of populist resistance to global capitalism and its
increasingly aggressive “woke” ideology. It is this populist resistance
to its ideology that GloboCap is determined to crush, no matter how much
social chaos and destruction it unleashes in the process.
“2020 is for all the marbles. The
global capitalist ruling classes either crush this ongoing populist
insurgency or God knows where we go from here. Try to see it through
their eyes for a moment. Picture four more years of Trump … second-term
Trump … Trump unleashed. Do you really believe they’re going to let that
happen, that they are going to permit this populist insurgency to
continue for another four years? They are not. What they are going to do
is use all their power to destroy the monster, not Trump the man, but
Trump the symbol. They are going to drown us in impeachment minutiae,
drip, drip, drip, for the next twelve months. The liberal corporate
media are going to go full-Goebbels. They are going to whip up so much
mass hysteria that people won’t be able to think. They are going to pit
us one against the other, and force us onto one or the other side of a
simulated conflict (Democracy versus the Putin-Nazis) to keep us from
perceiving the actual conflict (Global Capitalism versus Populism). They
are going to bring us to the brink of civil war …”
OK, I didn’t see the fake plague coming, but, otherwise, how’s my prediction holding up?
tomdispatch | Let’s say you live in a country where the government responded
quickly and competently to Covid-19. Let’s say that your government
established a reliable testing, contact tracing, and quarantine system.
It either closed down the economy for a painful but short period or its
system of testing was so good that it didn’t even need to shut
everything down. Right now, your life is returning to some semblance of
normal.
Lucky you.
The rest of us live in the United States. Or Brazil. Or Russia. Or
India. In these countries, the governments have proven incapable of
fulfilling the most important function of the state: protecting the
lives of their citizens. While most of Europe and much of East Asia have
suppressed the pandemic sufficiently to restart their economies,
Covid-19 continues to rage out of control in those parts of the world
that, not coincidentally, are also headed by democratically elected
right-wing autocrats.
In these incompetently run countries, citizens have very good reason
to mistrust their governments. In the United States, for instance, the
Trump administration botched testing, failed to coordinate lockdowns, removed oversight from the bailouts, and pushed to reopen the economy over the objections
of public-health experts. In the latest sign of early-onset dementia
for the Trump administration, White House Press Secretary Kayleigh
McEnany declared this month that “science should not stand in the way” of reopening schools in the fall.
Voters, of course, could boot Trump out in November and, assuming he
actually leaves the White House, restore some measure of sanity to
public affairs. But the pandemic is contributing to an already
overwhelming erosion of confidence in national institutions. Even before
the virus struck, in its 2018 Trust Barometer the public relations firm
Edelman registered an unprecedented drop in public trust connected
to... what else?... the election of Trump. “The collapse of trust in the
U.S. is driven by a staggering lack of faith in government, which fell
14 points to 33% among the general population,” the report noted. “The remaining institutions of business, media, and NGOs also experienced declines of 10 to 20 points.”
And you won’t be surprised to learn that the situation hadn’t shown signs of improvement by 2020, with American citizens even more mistrustful of their country’s institutions than their counterparts in Brazil, Italy, and India.
That institutional loss of faith reflects a longer-term trend. According to Gallup’s latest survey,
only 11% of Americans now trust Congress, 23% big business and
newspapers, 24% the criminal justice system, 29% the public school
system, 36% the medical system, and 38% the presidency. The only
institution a significant majority of Americans trust -- and consider
this an irony, given America’s endless twenty-first-century wars -- is
the military (73%). The truly scary part is that those numbers have held
steady, with minor variations, for the last decade across two very
different administrations.
How low does a country’s trust index have to go before it ceases
being a country? Commentators have already spent a decade discussing the
polarization of the American electorate. Much ink has been spilled over the impact of social media in creating political echo chambers. It’s been 25 years since political scientist Robert Putnam observed that Americans were “bowling alone” (that is, no longer participating in group activities or community affairs in the way previous generations did).
The coronavirus has generally proven a major force multiplier of such
trends by making spontaneous meetings of unlike-minded people ever less
likely. I suspect I’m typical. I’m giving a wide berth to pedestrians,
bicyclists, and other joggers when I go out for my runs. I’m not
visiting cafes. I’m not talking to people in line at the supermarket.
Sure, I’m on Zoom a lot, but it’s almost always with people I already
know and agree with.
Under these circumstances, how will we overcome the enormous gaps of
perception now evident in this country to achieve anything like the
deeper basic understandings that a nation-state requires? Or will
Americans lose faith entirely in elections, newspaper stories,
hospitals, and public transportation, and so cease being a citizenry
altogether?
Trust is the fuel that makes such institutions run. And it looks as
though we passed Peak Trust long ago and may be on a Covid-19 sled
heading downhill fast.
tomdispatch | This society has long suffered from a kind of Stockholm syndrome: we look to the rich for answers to the very problems they are often responsible for creating and from which they benefit. The wreckage
of this pandemic moment is a bitter reminder of this affliction, as
well as a signpost suggesting how we must emerge from this crisis a just
and more equitable nation. With a possible depression ahead and more
social unrest on the rise, isn’t it time to stop vindicating the wealthiest people
in this country and look instead to leadership from those who were
living in a depression before Covid-19 even hit and already organizing
and protesting?
Here’s a story from a long-ago moment that's still relevant. Two
months before his assassination in 1968, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,
travelled to Chicago, to enlist the women of the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) -- the predecessor to the National Union of my day -- into the Poor People’s Campaign. As he walked into a conference room at a downtown Chicago YMCA, Dr. King encountered more than 30 welfare rights leaders seated strategically on the other side of an exceedingly large table. One of his advisers later noted that the women’s reception of the southern civil rights leader was a “grand piece of psychological warfare.”
Representing more than 30,000 welfare-receiving, dues-paying members, they had not come to passively listen to the famed leader.
They wanted to know his position on the recent passage of anti-welfare
legislation and quickly made that clear, pelting him with questions. Dr.
King felt out of his element. Eventually, Johnnie Tillmon,
the national chairwoman of the NWRO, stepped in. “You know, Dr. King,”
she said, “if you don’t know about these questions, you should just say
you don’t know and then we could go on with this meeting.”
To this, Dr. King replied, “We don’t know anything about welfare. We are here to learn.”
That day, Dr. King would learn much about the long struggle those women had waged for dignity in the workplace and the home. They taught him that programs of social uplift should be a permanent right and that the welfare system of the mid-twentieth century, much like our own, was structured as a public charity that callously differentiated
between the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor. They introduced him to
policy proposals that were generations ahead of their time, including a
demand for a Guaranteed Adequate Annual Income, or what many now call a Universal Basic Income (UBI).
Four months into the Covid-19 crisis, with this country already afloat on a sea of inequality
that would have been unimaginable even to those women in 1968, a sea
change in public opinion may be underway when it comes to what’s
necessary and possible. Ideas that only a few years ago would have been
considered unimaginable like universal healthcare, guaranteed affordable housing, and debt relief
are now breaking into the mainstream. Don’t think, however, that such
policy positions, like the idea of a UBI, have materialized on Capitol
Hill and in Beltway think tanks out of thin air. They are, at least in
part, the result of long-term agitating, educating, and organizing led
by the poor themselves.
Those of us in the welfare rights movement always saw our work as the kindling for a wildfire of organizing by the poor and dispossessed. Our projects of survival,
like Tent City, were not just about housing and feeding people. They
were also about securing the lives of those committed to building the
kind of movement necessary to transform society. Projects organized around immediate needs also became bases of operation for policy analysis and future plans.
nature | Human behaviour is central to transmission of SARS-Cov-2, the virus that
causes COVID-19, and changing behaviour is crucial to preventing
transmission in the absence of pharmaceutical interventions. Isolation
and social distancing measures, including edicts to stay at home, have
been brought into place across the globe to reduce transmission of the
virus, but at a huge cost to individuals and society. In addition to
these measures, we urgently need effective interventions to increase
adherence to behaviours that individuals in communities can enact to
protect themselves and others: use of tissues to catch expelled droplets
from coughs or sneezes, use of face masks as appropriate, hand-washing
on all occasions when required, disinfecting objects and surfaces,
physical distancing, and not touching one’s eyes, nose or mouth. There
is an urgent need for direct evidence to inform development of such
interventions, but it is possible to make a start by applying
behavioural science methods and models.
Here is a study on an early transmission site in
China, where incidents of infection seem to correlate to ventilated air
flow in a restaurant: COVID-19 Outbreak Associated with Air Conditioning in Restaurant, Guangzhou, China, 2020
https://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/26/7/20-0764_article
From the article: “In both buses and conference
rooms, central air-conditioners were in indoor re-circulation mode.”
Untreated recirculated air bearing virus-laden droplets may lead to
repeated exposure and increase concentration of virions
in individuals.
66% of hospitalized New Yorkers had no travel or contact with external 3rd
parties, i.e., they were self-quarantined. What they had in common was
that they were apartment dwellers living in comparatively high density
with shared
spaces and a shared plumbing system.
Their behavior was of no consequence WHATSOEVER when it came to mitigating or limiting their exposure to the SARS-Cov2 pathogen, aerosolized via plumbing and concentrated and recirculated via air conditioning.
mises | As of April 6, forty-one states have statewide "stay-at-home" decrees in place. These orders vary widely from place to place.
In some states, there are long lists of exempted industries including
marijuana dispensaries, liquor stores, hardware stores, and of course,
grocery stores. In some states with these edicts, public lands, state
parks, and beaches remain
open. In some states, city parks are more crowded than ever as local
residents, with little else to do, attempt to recreate. In other
places—such as California—one can be arrested for paddleboarding all alone in the ocean.
Yet in all of these places, the current regime of rule by decree will
have—and already has had—a devastating effect on many small and
medium-sized businesses and their employees. As governments have created
new arbitrary definitions of what constitutes an "essential" business,
some businesses find themselves forced to close. Employees have lost
these jobs. The owners of these enterprises will likely lose far more as
debts mount and business investments are destroyed. As unemployment and
poverty increase, the usual pathologies will arise as well: suicides, child abuse, and stress-induced death.
Yet the politicians—mostly state governors, mayors, and unelected
bureaucrats—remain popular. In New York State, where the lockdown orders
are among the most draconian in the nation, it is now claimed that 87 percent of those polled approve of
Governor Andrew Cuomo's handling of the situation. As Donald Trump's
administration has recommended ever harsher government limits on the
freedom of Americans, his poll numbers have only improved.
Meanwhile, among critics there appears to be a misconception of these
lockdowns (which are very often only partially imposed or enforced) as
being imposed over the howls of the local population, which is being
silenced and cowed by jackbooted local police.
If only that were true. In most places, it appears clear that a great
many residents approve of the lockdowns. We see this support in the
form of all the local scolds who complain on Nextdoor.com about
neighborhood children who don't properly engage in "social distancing."
We see it in the people who call the police to report violators of stay-at-home orders. We see it in those who report local businesses for allowing too many people inside.
Viewed in this way, it may be more likely that state governors and other politicians are afraid of being seen as doing too little, rather than as overstepping their authority to impose public safety measures.
economicoutlook | Today we consider the claim by the Financial Times editorial the
other day that “Radical reforms are required to forge a society that
will work for all”. It was an extraordinary statement from an
institution like the FT to make for a start. But it reflects the
desperation that is abroad right now – across all our nations – as the
virus/lockdown story continues to worsen and the uncertainty grows. But I
also think we should be careful not to adopt the view that everything
is going to change as a result of this crisis. The elites are a plucky
bunch, not the least because they have money and can buy military
capacity. Changing the essential nature of neoliberalism, even if what
has been displayed by all the state intervention in the last few months
exposes all the myths that have been used to hide that essential nature,
is harder than we might imagine. I think hard-edged class struggle is
needed rather than middle-class talkfests that outline the latest
gee-whiz reform proposals. The latter has been the story of the
Europhile progressives for two decades or so as the Eurozone mess has
unfolded. It hasn’t got them very far.
Financial Times goes all radical
Fear has a way of changing peoples’ minds. Ask any torturer.
Here is an essentially conservative voice and a doyen of the financial press coming out and saying:
1. “Radical reforms are required to forge a society that will work for all”.
2. The virus is shining “a glaring light on existing inequalities”.
3. That just like during the Great Depression and World War 2, which
moulded the social democratic era in the post-war period, maybe the
“current feelings of common purpose will shape society after the
crisis”.
4. How? To repair the “brittleness of many countries’ economies” –
their unprepared health systems, the lack of collective spirit that
neoliberalism has fostered as a way of redistributing income to the top
and depriving millions of jobs and opportunities for careers and
material security.
5. That the precarious labour markets are now making it more
difficult for governments “to channel financial help to workers with
such insecure employment”.
6. And while central bankers are hell-bent on saving the financial
system with even greater QE interventions, the FT thinks that they will
only help the “asset rich” while “underfunded public services are
creaking under the burden” of past austerity.
7. We have culled support mechanisms where cost-sharing (the FT call
it the sharing of “sacrifices”) can be accomplished with any sense of
equity. “Sacrifices are inevitable, but every society must demonstrate
how it will offer restitution to those who bear the heaviest burden of
national efforts.”
8. And then we start talking about:
Radical reforms — reversing the prevailing policy direction of the last
four decades — will need to be put on the table. Governments will have
to accept a more active role in the economy. They must see public
services as investments rather than liabilities, and look for ways to
make labour markets less insecure. Redistribution will again be on the
agenda; the privileges of the elderly and wealthy in question. Policies
until recently considered eccentric, such as basic income and wealth
taxes, will have to be in the mix.
forbes | Gun sales have soared in the wake of the coronavirus outbreak, with background checks by Americans attempting to purchase firearms jumping 41% to 3.7 million last month, according to recent FBI data.
While Bass Pro is privately held and doesn’t disclose how much of its
$8 billion in revenue is from firearm sales, its website lists 880 guns
for sale, starting at $129.99 for a semi-automatic rifle.
Ultimately, it is
up to states and cities whether gun stores can remain open. The federal
government emphasized that its list is advisory in nature and is not
intended to be a directive or standard that must be complied with. State
and local governments have the freedom to “add or subtract essential
workforce categories based on their own requirements and discretion,”
according to the guidance.
After the updated
federal guidance was issued, Massachusetts revised its list of
essential businesses in lockstep to include firearm retailers. However,
several hours later, the governor changed his mind and took them off the list
once again, underscoring the fluidity of the situation. Bass Pro
swiftly moved to close a store outside of Boston on Thursday, which had
remained open in apparent defiance of the original ban. The company
declined to comment on individual store closures.
In states like
Missouri, Alabama and Florida, which resisted issuing statewide
shelter-in-place orders until recent days, chaos has reigned for weeks
as decisions remained in the hands of dozens of local government
officials.
For instance,
Bass Pro closed a store Gainesville, Florida last weekend after a
shelter-in-place order from Alachua County excluded firearm retailers
from a list of essential businesses. When Gov. Ron DeSantis finally
stepped in with a statewide shelter-in-place order this week, he permitted gun stores to be open. For many counties, it marked a reversal in policy. Bass Pro’s store in Gainesville remained closed on Saturday, although it was legally permitted to reopen.
In some cases, Bass Pro has been classified as an essential business in one town but not another. Take
the company’s home state of Missouri, where John Morris started out in
1972 by selling fish tackle from the back of his father’s liquor store.
Bass Pro has been allowed to remain open in the St. Louis area but
forced to curtail its operations elsewhere in the state. After residents
in Kansas City and the college town of Columbia complained to local
government officials that stores were open despite local
shelter-in-place orders, the counties notified Bass Pro that it must
close because it was considered a non-essential business, according to
government spokespeople.
Bass Pro Shops
appealed the decision and cited a state statute that prohibits the
state, county or any municipality from restricting gun sales during an
“emergency,” according to Kayla Parker, an official with the Jackson
County Health Department. It received permission from both counties to continue
selling firearms and ammunition, but was required to cease the sale of
all other items. At its store in a suburb of Kansas City, Missouri, it
was instructed to sell via appointment only, which must be at least 15
minutes apart.
It’s a different picture across state lines in Kansas City, Kansas,
where its store remains open. The state issued guidelines last weekend
that declare any companies that manufacture or sell firearms, firearm
accessories or ammunition to be essential businesses because they
protect a constitutional or legal right. “While
I left these decisions to local health departments as long as possible,
the reality is that the patchwork approach that has developed is
inconsistent and is a recipe for chaos,” said Gov. Laura Kelly in a statement.
yalebooks | COVID-19 surged in the Chinese city of Wuhan in late December 2019, and by
January 2020 it had hit Hubei province like a tidal wave, swirling over China
and rippling out overseas. The Chinese state rolled into action to combat the
spread and to care for those infected. Among the thirty medicines the Chinese
National Health Commission selected to fight the virus was a Cuban anti-viral
drug, Interferon Alpha 2b. This drug has been produced in China since 2003, by
the enterprise ChangHeber, a Cuban-Chinese joint venture.
Cuban Interferon Alpha 2b has proven effective for viruses with
characteristics similar to those of COVID-19. Cuban biotech specialist Dr. Luis
Herrera Martinez explained, “its use
prevents aggravation and complications in patients, reaching that stage that ultimately
can result in death.” Cuba first developed and used interferons to arrest a deadly outbreak of
the dengue virus in 1981, and the experience catalyzed the development of the island’s
now world-leading biotech industry.
The world’s first biotechnology enterprise, Genetech, was founded in San Francisco in 1976, followed by AMGen in Los
Angeles in 1980. One year later, the Biological Front, a professional
interdisciplinary forum, was set up to develop the industry in Cuba. While most
developing countries had little access to the new technologies (recombinant
DNA, human gene therapy, biosafety), Cuban biotechnology expanded and took on
an increasingly strategic role in both the public health sector and the
national economic development plan. It did so despite the US blockade
obstructing access to technologies, equipment, materials, finance, and even
knowledge exchange. Driven by public health demand, it has been characterized by
the fast track from research and innovation to trials and application, as the
story of Cuban interferon shows.
Interferons are “signaling” proteins produced and released by cells in
response to infections that alert nearby cells to heighten their anti-viral defenses.
They were first identified in 1957 by Jean Lindenmann and Aleck Isaacs in
London. In the 1960s Ion Gresser, a US researcher in Paris, showed that
interferons stimulate lymphocytes that attack tumors in mice. In the 1970s, US
oncologist Randolph Clark Lee took up this research.
Catching the tail end of US President Carter’s improved relations with
Cuba, Dr. Clark Lee visited Cuba, met with Fidel Castro, and convinced him that
interferon was the wonder drug.
Shortly afterwards, a Cuban doctor and a hematologist spent time in Dr. Clark
Lee’s laboratory, returning with the latest research about interferon and more
contacts. In March 1981, six Cubans spent twelve days in Finland with the
Finnish doctor Kari Cantell, who in the 1970s had isolated interferon from
human cells and had shared the breakthrough by declining to patent the
procedure. The Cubans learned to produce large quantities of interferon.
[The most up-to-date guidance on these and other mitigation strategies is available at www.Michigan.gov/coronavirus. This matter is rapidly evolving and MDHHS may provide updated guidance.]
Community mitigation strategies are crucial to slowing the
transmission of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in Michigan,
particularly before a vaccine or treatment becomes available. These
strategies provide essential protections to individuals at risk of
severe illness and to health care and other critical infrastructure
workforces. Preventing a sudden, sharp increase in the number of people
infected with COVID-19 will help minimize disruptions to daily life and
limit the demand on health care providers and facilities.
These recommended strategies apply at the individual, organizational,
and community levels. They apply to businesses, workplaces, schools,
community organizations, health care institutions, and individuals of
all ages, backgrounds, and health profiles. Everyone has some measure of
responsibility to help limit the spread of this disease. Even
individuals who are healthy can help prevent the spread of COVID-19 to
others.
Michiganders have been preparing for COVID-19 for weeks, and all
individuals should continue to take the following basic personal-hygiene
measures to prevent the spread of the virus:
wash your hands often with soap and water or use hand sanitizer;
avoid touching your eyes, nose, or mouth with unwashed hands;
cover your mouth and nose with a tissue when coughing or sneezing;
Executive order 2020-5 prohibits all gatherings of people of 250
people or more starting at 5 p.m. on Friday, March 13, and ending at 5
p.m. on Sunday, April 5. The executive order also closes all K-12 school
buildings to students from Monday, March 16, until Sunday, April 5.
Child care facilities will remain open.
banditoblog | For those eternal optimists (and state trolls) who choose to believe that the PTB are not currently making their move with bio-weapons, take a look at the interview in this video, which was recorded in 2014:
If you’re too busy to watch it all (10 or so minutes), go to 7:45 and
listen to the 2014 prediction of exactly what is happening today.
guardian |Like 27.5 million other Americans,
I don’t have health insurance. It’s not for a lack of trying – I make
too much to qualify for Medicaid, but not enough to buy a private health
insurance plan on the Affordable Care Act exchanges. Since I can’t
afford to see a doctor, my healthcare strategy as a 32-year-old
uninsured American has been simply to sleep eight hours, eat vegetables,
and get daily exercise. But now that there are confirmed coronavirus
cases in the United States, the deadly virus could spread rapidly,
thanks to others like me who have no feasible way to get the care we
need if we start exhibiting symptoms.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, there are confirmed coronavirus cases in at least 50 countries on six continents, and more than 2,800 patients have died from the virus. This certainly qualifies as a pandemic
under the World Health Organization’s (WHO) definition of the term,
which, under a typical presidency, should necessitate a swift response
from US health officials. However, the Trump administration appears to
still be prioritizing the profit margin of the healthcare industry over
preventing the spread of a deadly pandemic.
Earlier this week, the Department of Health and Human Services secretary, Alex Azar, (a former senior executive at pharmaceutical manufacturer Eli Lilly) refused to commit
to implementing price controls on a coronavirus vaccine “because we
need the private sector to invest … price controls won’t get us there”.
Even the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, notably didn’t use the word “free”
when referring to a coronavirus vaccine, and instead used the word “affordable”. What may be considered affordable for the third-most powerful person in the US government with an estimated net worth of $16m
may not be affordable for someone who can’t afford a basic private
health insurance plan that still requires a patient to pay thousands of
dollars out of pocket.
Given the high cost of healthcare in the US, I haven’t seen a doctor
since 2013, when I visited an emergency room after being run off the
road while riding my bike. After waiting for four hours, the doctor put
my arm in a sling, prescribed pain medication and sent me home. That
visit cost more than $4,000, and the unpaid balance eventually went to
collections and still haunts my credit to this day, making it needlessly
difficult to rent an apartment or buy a car. But even a low-premium
bronze plan on the exchange comes with a sky-high deductible in the
thousands of dollars, meaning even if I was insured, I’d have still paid
for that ER visit entirely out of pocket.
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