FP | In
the end, the fate of Rwanda’s victims hardly figured at all in U.S.
calculations about the international community’s response to what turned
out to be the worst mass killing since the Holocaust, according to hundreds of pages of internal White House memos.
On the contrary, Richard Clarke, a special assistant to President
Bill Clinton on global affairs in the NSC and Rice’s boss, had already
been looking for a way out of Rwanda for months. Rwanda’s descent into
mass killing, paradoxically, provided a fresh opportunity.
“We make a lot of noise about terminating U.N. forces that aren’t
working,” Clarke wrote on April 9, just three days after the genocide
started. “Well, few could be as clearly not working. We should work with
the French to gain a consensus to terminate the U.N. mission.”
The Clinton administration’s failure to muster a credible
international response to Rwanda’s mass murder has been amply documented
over the past two decades. President Clinton and his key aides —
including National Security Advisor Anthony Lake, U.S. Ambassador to the
United Nations Madeleine Albright, and Rice, who has since risen to
become President Barack Obama’s top national security advisor — have all
publicly expressed regret that they didn’t do more to stem the killing.
But the recently declassified documents
— which include more than 200 pages of internal memos and handwritten
notes from Rice and other key White House players — provide a far more
granular account of how the White House sought to limit U.N. action.
They fill a major gap in the historical record, providing the most
detailed chronicle to date of policy instructions and actions taken by
White House staffers, particularly Clarke and Rice, who appear to have
exercised greater influence over U.S. policy on Rwanda than the White
House’s Africa hands.
The National Security Archive and the Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center
for the Prevention of Genocide obtained the documents during a
two-and-a-half-year effort to amass long-secret records of internal
deliberations by the United States, the U.N., and other foreign
governments. They add to a collection of some 20,000 declassified
documents from Britain, France, New Zealand, the Czech Republic, and the
United States. They were mhttps://temple3.wordpress.com/the-clinton-plan-for-africa/ade available exclusively in advance to Foreign Policy before their public release Thursday, which is Holocaust Remembrance Day.
The White House documents, which were secured through Freedom of
Information Act requests, largely confirm previous accounts that portray
the Clinton administration as reluctant to play the role of global
police force, stung by peacekeeping setbacks in Bosnia and Somalia and
faced with a hostile Congress bent on cutting funding for new U.N.
adventures.
But these documents also alter the public record. It was the White
House, not a beleaguered Belgian government that had just suffered the
brutal murder of 10 of its soldiers, that was the first to advocate a
pullout of U.N. blue helmets from Rwanda during the genocide, where they
served as a last line of defense for tens of thousands of terrified
Tutsi civilians.
A midlevel crisis
The documents provide few fresh insights into the thinking of
President Clinton, Secretary of State Warren Christopher, or other top
officials, reinforcing indications that Rwanda policy was left to
midlevel bureaucrats. They place Clarke and Rice — who were overseeing a
far-reaching review of U.N. peacekeeping — at the crux of American
efforts to limit U.N. involvement in Rwanda in the face of mounting
congressional pressure to rein in U.N. peacekeeping costs. The death of
18 U.S. Rangers in Mogadishu while participating in a raid on a Somali
clan on Oct. 3, 1993, less than six months before the genocide began,
only hardened the administration’s resolve to say no to an ambitious new
peacekeeping operation in a country with few historical links to the
United States.
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