mattstoller | Since 2016, the Republicans, long a party supportive of free trade
with China, began changing their relationship to both China and big finance.
Trump is a protectionist who loves tariffs and closing down borders.
But behind him, there is a notable new thought collective of populists
who pay attention to China, which includes figures like White House
advisor Peter Navarro, Fox News anchor Tucker Carlson, Senators Josh
Hawley, Marco Rubio, and Tom Cotton, American Compass founder Oren Cass,
Rising anchor Saagar Enjeti and United States Trade
Representative Robert Lighthizer. The shift is not party-wide by any
means, but it is substantial enough to massively influence policy.
This new populist thought collective includes some of the first major political figures
to really get the impact of the Coronavirus, and it also includes some
of the more assertive influencers of the policy debate. There is a deep
streak of raw nationalism here, with Tom Cotton almost seeking great
power conflict and acting reflexively hostile to multilateral
institutions. But the nationalist rhetoric and jingoism of Trump can
obscure a more sophisticated recognition by some people in this new
populist world that the core dynamic of the China-US relationship isn’t
two nation-states opposed to one another, it is an authoritarian
government in China that is deeply aligned with Wall Street, against the
public in both nations.
One way Rubio has tried to deal with Chinese control in the American economy is through industrial policy,
meaning the explicit shaping of industrial enterprises by state
financing and control. One of Rubio’s initial goals was to meet the
security threat from Huawei, the Chinese telecom giant that is
threatening to take over the global communications apparatus. But he’s
also gone more broadly into manufacturing in general, and small
business, which is a more Brandeis-style frame.
Regardless, the
intellectual ferment on the right is real, and fascinating. The first
fruits of this philosophical discourse is the massive SBA Paycheck
Protection Program, which is a $349 billion lending program to small
business negotiated with Democratic Senators. So far, the program
excludes private equity-controlled corporations, and though that may
change, such legislative design implies genuine skepticism of the role
of high finance. That’s a significant shift from traditional Republican
orthodoxy.
Operationally speaking the PPP is a mess, and
Republican populists will have to confront the many institutional
challenges involved in trying to get large amounts of money through the
‘rusty pipes’ of our banking system. But it’s still a remarkable
achievement.
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