washingtonsblog | While many Americans understand why the NSA is conducting mass
surveillance of U.S. citizens, some are still confused about what’s
really going on.
In his new book, No Place to Hide, Glenn Greenwald writes:
The
perception that invasive surveillance is confined only to a
marginalised and deserving group of those “doing wrong” – the bad people
– ensures that the majority acquiesces to the abuse of power or even
cheers it on. But that view radically misunderstands what goals drive
all institutions of authority. “Doing something wrong” in the eyes of
such institutions encompasses far more than illegal acts, violent
behaviour and terrorist plots. It typically extends to meaningful dissent and any genuine challenge. It is the nature of authority to equate dissent with wrongdoing, or at least with a threat.
The
record is suffused with examples of groups and individuals being placed
under government surveillance by virtue of their dissenting views and
activism – Martin Luther King, the civil rights movement, anti-war activists, environmentalists. In the eyes of the government and J Edgar Hoover’s FBI, they were all “doing something wrong”: political activity that threatened the prevailing order.
The
FBI’s domestic counterintelligence programme, Cointelpro, was first
exposed by a group of anti-war activists who had become convinced that
the anti-war movement had been infiltrated, placed under surveillance
and targeted with all sorts of dirty tricks. Lacking documentary
evidence to prove it and unsuccessful in convincing journalists to write
about their suspicions, they broke into an FBI branch office in
Pennsylvania in 1971 and carted off thousands of documents.
Files
related to Cointelpro showed how the FBI had targeted political groups
and individuals it deemed subversive and dangerous, including the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, black nationalist movements, socialist and communist organizations, anti-war protesters and various rightwing groups.
The bureau had infiltrated them with agents who, among other things,
attempted to manipulate members into agreeing to commit criminal acts so
that the FBI could arrest and prosecute them.
Those revelations
led to the creation of the Senate Church Committee, which concluded:
“[Over the course of 15 years] the bureau conducted a sophisticated
vigilate operation aimed squarely at preventing the exercise of first
amendment rights of speech and association, on the theory that
preventing the growth of dangerous groups and the propagation of
dangerous ideas would protect the national security and deter violence.”
These
incidents were not aberrations of the era. During the Bush years, for
example, documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)
revealed, as the group put it in 2006, “new details of Pentagon
surveillance of Americans opposed to the Iraq war, including Quakers and student groups“.
The Pentagon was “keeping tabs on non-violent protesters by collecting
information and storing it in a military anti-terrorism database”. The
evidence shows that assurances that surveillance is only targeted at
those who “have done something wrong” should provide little comfort,
since a state will reflexively view any challenge to its power as
wrongdoing.
The opportunity those in power have to characterise political opponents
as “national security threats” or even “terrorists” has repeatedly
proven irresistible. In the past decade, the government, in an echo of
Hoover’s FBI, has formally so designated environmental
activists, broad swaths of anti-government rightwing groups, anti-war
activists, and associations organised around Palestinian rights. Some individuals within those broad categories may deserve the designation, but undoubtedly most do not, guilty only of holding opposing political views. Yet such groups are routinely targeted for surveillance by the NSA and its partners.
One
document from the Snowden files, dated 3 October 2012, chillingly
underscores the point. It revealed that the agency has been monitoring
the online activities of individuals it believes express “radical” ideas
and who have a “radicalising” influence on others.
***
The
NSA explicitly states that none of the targeted individuals is a member
of a terrorist organisation or involved in any terror plots. Instead,
their crime is the views they express, which are deemed “radical“, a term that warrants pervasive surveillance and destructive campaigns to “exploit vulnerabilities”.
Among
the information collected about the individuals, at least one of whom
is a “US person”, are details of their online sex activities and “online
promiscuity” – the porn sites they visit and surreptitious sex chats
with women who are not their wives. The agency discusses ways to exploit
this information to destroy their reputations and credibility.
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