exiledonline | What, you thought you were safe? You’d get through the big “Cancel Culture” war without me popping off?
No such luck.
Public
morality should be pretty simple. When an oppressed group gets enough
power to make its oppressors behave, they will do so — and they should.
The
real problem, the kind of thing that would make De Niro in Casino
groan, “Amateur night!”, starts when people imagine that they can stop
immoral behavior by policing immoral characters, phrases, or scenes in
literature.
They’re looking for the wrong thing. They’re sniffing for depictions of immorality, when they should be scanning the silences, the evasions.
There’s
a very naïve theory of language at work here, roughly: “if people speak
nicely, they’ll act nicely” — with the fatuous corollary, “If people
mention bad things, they must like bad things.”
The simplest refutation of that is two words: Victorian Britain.
Victorian
Britain carried out several of the biggest genocides in human history.
It was also a high point of virtuous literature.
Because
they were smart about language. They didn’t rant about the evil of
their victims or gloat about massacring them, at least not in their
public writings. They wrote virtuous novels, virtuous poems. And left a
body count which may well end up the biggest in world history.
Open
genocidal ranting is small-time stuff compared to the rhetorical nuke
perfected by Victoria’s genocidaires: silence. The Victorian Empire was
the high point of this technology, which is why it still gets a pass
most of the time. Even when someone takes it on and scores a direct hit,
as Mike Davis did in his book Late Victorian Holocausts, the cone of
Anglosphere silence contains and muffles the explosion. Which is why Late Victorian Holocausts is Davis’s only book that didn’t become a best-seller.
Davis
was among the first historians with the guts and originality to look
hard at some of the Victorian creeps who killed tens of millions — yes, tens of millions — of people from the conquered tropics:
“The
total human toll of these three waves of drought, famine, and disease
could not have been less than 30 million victims. Fifty million dead
might not be unrealistic.”
An English radical of the
Victorian Era, William Digby, saw the scope of the horror: “When the
part played by the British Empire in the nineteenth century is regarded
by the historian fifty years hence, the unnecessary deaths of millions
of Indians would be its principal and most notorious monument.”
But
that didn’t happen. There was no wave of conscience among historians of
the British Empire in the 1920s (or 30s or 40s or, to end the
suspense, ever.)
Davis puts it bluntly: “[T]he famine children of 1876 and 1899 have disappeared.”
How did this happen? Why is it still happening? What are the lessons for those studying literature, propaganda, and ideology?
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