foreignpolicy | The Kremlin, according to Barack Obama, is stuck
in the "old ways," trapped in Cold War or even 19th century mindsets.
But look closer at the Kremlin's actions during the crisis in Ukraine and you
begin to see a very 21st century mentality, manipulating transnational financial
interconnections, spinning global media, and reconfiguring geo-political
alliances. Could it be that the West is the one caught up in the "old ways,"
while the Kremlin is the geopolitical avant-garde,
informed by a dark, subversive reading of globalization?
The Kremlin's approach might be called
"non-linear war," a term used in a short story written by one of
Putin's closest political advisors, Vladislav Surkov, which was published under his
pseudonym, Nathan Dubovitsky, just a few days before the annexation of Crimea. Surkov
is credited with inventing the system of "managed democracy" that has
dominated Russia in the 21st century, and his new portfolio focuses on foreign
policy. This time, he sets his new story in a dystopian future, after the
"fifth world war."
Surkov writes: "It was the first non-linear war. In the primitive wars of the 19th and 20th centuries
it was common for just two sides to fight. Two countries, two blocks of allies.
Now four coalitions collided. Not two against two, or three against one. All
against all."
This is a world where the old geo-political
paradigms no longer hold. As the Kremlin faces down the West, it is indeed
gambling that old alliances like the EU and NATO mean less in the 21st century
than the new commercial ties it has established with nominally "Western"
companies, such as BP, Exxon, Mercedes, and BASF. Meanwhile, many Western
countries welcome corrupt financial flows from the post-Soviet space; it is
part of their economic models, and not one many want disturbed. So far, the Kremlin's
gamble seems to be paying off, with financial considerations helping to curb
sanctions. Part of the rationale for fast-tracking Russia's inclusion into the
global economy was that interconnection would be a check on aggression. But the
Kremlin has figured out that this can be flipped: Interconnection also means
that Russia can get away with aggression.
"A few provinces would join one side," Surkov
continues, "a few others a different
one. One town or generation or gender would join yet another. Then they could
switch sides, sometimes mid-battle.
Their aims were quite different. Most understood
the war to be part of a process. Not necessarily its most important part."
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