strategic-culture | The beginning of the end of the
Bilderberg/Soros vision is in sight. The Old Order will cling on, even
to the last of its fingernails. The Bilderberg vision is the notion of
multi-cultural, international cosmopolitanism that surpasses old-time
nationalism; heralding the end of frontiers; and leading toward a
US-led, ‘technocratic’, global economic and political governance. Its
roots lie with figures such as James Burnham, an anti-Stalin, former
Trotskyite, who, writing as early as 1941, advocated for the levers of
financial and economic power being placedin the hands of a management
class: an élite – which alone would be capable of running the
contemporary state - thanks to this élite’s market and financial
technical nous. It was, bluntly, a call for an expert, technocratic
oligarchy.
Burnham renounced his allegiance to
Trotsky and Marxism, in all its forms in 1940, but he would take the
tactics and strategies for infiltration and subversion, (learned as a
member of Leon Trotsky’s inner circle) with him, and would elevate the
Trotskyist management of ‘identity politics’ to become the fragmentation
‘device’ primed to explode national culture onto a new stage, in the
Western sphere. His 1941 book, “The Managerial Revolution,” caught
the attention of Frank Wisner, subsequently, a legendary CIA figure,
who saw in the works of Burnham and his colleague a fellow Trotskyite,
Sidney Hook, the prospect of mounting an effective alliance of former Trotskyites against Stalinism.
But, additionally, Wisner perceived its
merits as the blueprint for a CIA-led, pseudo-liberal, US-led global
order. (‘Pseudo’, because, as Burnham articulated clearly, in The Machiavellians, Defenders of Freedom, his version of
freedom meant anything but intellectual freedom or those freedoms
defined by America’s Constitution. “What it really meant was conformity
and submission”).
Trump evidently has heard the two key
messages from his constituency: that they neither accept to have (white)
American culture, and its way-of-life, diluted through immigration;
and, neither do they wish – stoically – to accommodate to America’s
eclipse by China.
The issue of how to arrest China’s rise is
primordial (for Team Trump), and in a certain sense, has led to an
American ‘retrospective’: America now may only account for 14% of global
output (PPP – Purchasing Power Parity basis), or 22%, on a nominal
basis (as opposed to near half of global output, for which the US was
responsible, at the close of WW2), but American corporations, thanks to
the dollar global hegemony, enjoy a type of monopoly status (i.e.
Microsoft, Google and Facebook, amongst others), either through
regulatory privilege, or by marketplace dominance. Trump wants to halt
this asset from decaying further and to leverage it again as a potent
bargaining chip in the present tariff wars. This is clearly a political
‘winner’ in terms of US domestic grass-roots, politics, and the upcoming
November mid-term elections.
America’s dollar hegemony has proved toxic
to the rest of the world in very many ways, and Trump - in leveraging
that hegemony so gangsterishly: “We’re America, Bitch”,
as one official described America’s approach – is fueling antagonism
towards dollar hegemony (if not yet towards America per se). It is
pushing all of non-America into a common stance of rebellion against
America’s unipolar financial dominance.
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