NewYorker | The question about national security and personal convenience is
always: At what price? What do we have to give up? On the
criminal-justice side, law enforcement is in an arms race with
lawbreakers. Timothy Carpenter was allegedly able to orchestrate an
armed-robbery gang in two states because he had a cell phone; the law
makes it difficult for police to learn how he used it. Thanks to
lobbying by the National Rifle Association, federal law prohibits the
National Tracing Center from using a searchable database to identify the
owners of guns seized at crime scenes. Whose privacy is being protected
there?
Most citizens feel glad for privacy protections like the
one in Griswold, but are less invested in protections like the one in
Katz. In “Habeas Data,” Farivar analyzes ten Fourth Amendment cases; all
ten of the plaintiffs were criminals. We want their rights to be
observed, but we also want them locked up.
On the commercial side,
are the trade-offs equivalent? The market-theory expectation is that if
there is demand for greater privacy then competition will arise to
offer it. Services like Signal and WhatsApp already do this. Consumers
will, of course, have to balance privacy with convenience. The question
is: Can they really? The General Data Protection Regulation went into
effect on May 25th, and privacy-advocacy groups in Europe are already
filing lawsuits claiming that the policy updates circulated by companies
like Facebook and Google are not in compliance. How can you ever be sure who is eating your cookies?
Possibly
the discussion is using the wrong vocabulary. “Privacy” is an odd name
for the good that is being threatened by commercial exploitation and
state surveillance. Privacy implies “It’s nobody’s business,” and that
is not really what Roe v. Wade is about, or what the E.U. regulations
are about, or even what Katz and Carpenter are about. The real issue is
the one that Pollak and Martin, in their suit against the District of
Columbia in the Muzak case, said it was: liberty. This means the freedom
to choose what to do with your body, or who can see your personal
information, or who can monitor your movements and record your calls—who
gets to surveil your life and on what grounds.
As we are
learning, the danger of data collection by online companies is not that
they will use it to try to sell you stuff. The danger is that that
information can so easily fall into the hands of parties whose motives
are much less benign. A government, for example. A typical reaction to
worries about the police listening to your phone conversations is the
one Gary Hart had when it was suggested that reporters might tail him to
see if he was having affairs: “You’d be bored.” They were not, as it
turned out. We all may underestimate our susceptibility to persecution.
“We were just talking about hardwood floors!” we say. But authorities
who feel emboldened by the promise of a Presidential pardon or by a
Justice Department that looks the other way may feel less inhibited
about invading the spaces of people who belong to groups that the
government has singled out as unpatriotic or undesirable. And we now
have a government that does that.
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