theintercept | At what point did we settle upon this fulcrum, over which our options
are empowerment or helpless victimhood? The answer, of course, is that
some establishment, centrist feminists have leveraged positions in the
media to determine the terrain of this fight for the rest of us.
They
presume that at its best, a feminist movement is all about individual
empowerment, as opposed to fighting patriarchal oppression. Only a
narrow outlook of feminism could see these two things as coextensive or
interchangeable. It’s a position that wants to see the status quo
improved but not upended. In political terms, this view is at best a
reformist strategy, articulating a position that power can be shared,
that power structures can be joined without first being radically
challenged and broken.
As journalist Halima Mansoor pointed out on Twitter, the line taken by Weiss and others, Banfield and Whoopi Goldberg
among them, betrays the privilege of their position by condemning a
woman — “Grace,” the pseudonym of the Ansari accuser — for failing to
speak up and walk out when made to feel sexually uncomfortable and
violated. “Privilege blinds people who have it to assume everyone else
has the same power and therefore should react how they might,” Mansoor
wrote.
This is the problem with empty calls for more “empowerment”: They show little to no interest in how power works.
#MeToo risked limitations from the outset, popularized as it
was mostly by white, liberal celebrities and framed around the
excavation of individualized narratives of trauma. Any movement
dependent on an endless string of victim and survivor stories accusing
well-known predators and perpetrators can only reach so far.
When the national farmworker women’s organization Alianza Nacional de Campesinas wrote an open letter
to sexual assault survivors in Hollywood “on behalf of the
approximately 700,000 women who work in the agricultural fields and
packing sheds across the United States,” it was an invitation for mutual
solidarity that goes further than the tony neighborhoods of Los Angeles
and New York.
Invocations of “empowerment” are of little use to these women who
face harassment and sexual violence in workplaces, relationships, and
situations they feel structurally, emotionally, or financially unable to
walk away from — something the attacks against Ansari’s accuser seem to
miss.
Divisions have attended every aspect of the so-called resistance
since its birth after Trump’s election. Indeed, they color the history
of social movements. The lead-up to the Women’s March a year ago was
riddled with tensions over privileged, liberal leadership and framing.
The demonstration was originally announced under the banner “Million
Women March,” until activists condemned the name as an appropriation of
the 1997 mass march by black women in Philadelphia.
It was only when a diverse and radically progressive group of
organizers, including Sarsour, People for Bernie’s Winnie Wong,
transgender icon Janet Mock, and the Working Families Party’s Nelini
Stamp developed the Women’s March “Unity Principles”
that a vision for an intersectional political movement emerged.
Migrants, sex workers, and other vulnerable women were highlighted for
solidarity.
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