project-syndicate | The Anglosphere’s political atmosphere is thick with bourgeois outrage.
In the United States, the so-called liberal establishment is convinced
it was robbed by an insurgency of “deplorables” weaponized by Vladimir
Putin’s hackers and Facebook’s sinister inner workings. In Britain, too,
an incensed bourgeoisie are pinching themselves that support for
leaving the European Union in favor of an inglorious isolation remains
undented, despite a process that can only be described as a dog’s
Brexit.
The range of analysis
is staggering. The rise of militant parochialism on both sides of the
Atlantic is being investigated from every angle imaginable:
psychoanalytically, culturally, anthropologically, aesthetically, and of
course in terms of identity politics. The only angle that is left
largely unexplored is the one that holds the key to understanding what
is going on: the unceasing class war unleashed upon the poor since the
late 1970s.
In 2016, the year of
both Brexit and Trump, two pieces of data, dutifully neglected by the
shrewdest of establishment analysts, told the story. In the United
States, more than half of American families did not qualify, according
to Federal Reserve data, to take out a loan that would allow them to buy
the cheapest car for sale (the Nissan Versa sedan, priced at $12,825).
Meanwhile, in the United Kingdom, over 40% of families relied on either
credit or food banks to feed themselves and cover basic needs.
William of Ockham,
the fourteenth-century British philosopher, famously postulated that,
when bamboozled in the face of competing explanations, we ought to opt
for the one with the fewest assumptions and the greatest simplicity. For
all the deftness of establishment commentators in the US and Britain,
they seem to have neglected this principle.
Loath to recognize
the intensified class war, they bang on interminably with conspiracy
theories about Russian influence, spontaneous bursts of misogyny, the
tide of migrants, the rise of the machines, and so on. While all of
these fears are highly correlated with the militant parochialism fueling
Trump and Brexit, they are only tangential to the deeper cause – class
war against the poor – alluded to by the car affordability data in the
US and the credit-dependence of much of Britain’s population.
True, some relatively affluent middle-class voters also supported Trump
and Brexit. But much of that support rode on the coattails of the fear
caused by observing the classes just below theirs plunge into despair
and loathing, while their own children’s prospects dimmed.
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