counterpunch | JF: I notice you made no mention of public speaking. You used to do quite a lot of it, as I recall. Do you still?
WC: Nowhere near as much as I was doing prior to 2005. That, in part,
is because I’ve been administratively blacklisted on campuses
nationwide. There’ve been a fair number of instances in which I’ve been
lined up by faculty and/or students to deliver a lecture and college or
university presidents have directly intervened to prevent the event from
happening. In a few cases, the organizers took such abridgments of
their own intellectual rights seriously enough to force the issue and
staged the events anyway, but usually not. The meekness with which
tenured faculty members have typically submitted to administrative
dictates in situations like this has been quite enlightening, and speaks
volumes to the state of “academic freedom” in the contemporary U.S.
Both politically and psychologically, it’s of course been necessary
that the folks I’ve just described, especially those claiming a liberal
pedigree, advance some other, more palatable explanation of their
behavior and its implications. Most often, this has taken the form of
their citing some supposed defect in my scholarship and/or my “abrasive
style,” either or both of which were ostensibly pointed out to them
after their invitation was extended, causing them to rethink the
propriety of offering me a forum in a campus setting imbued with such
lofty standards of scholarship and collegiality as their own. In the
name of something like “quality control,” then, preserving the “academic
integrity” of their institutions leaves them no alternative but to
concur—always with the utmost reluctance, of course—and only in this
particular instance, mind you—with the administration’s preemption of
students’ right to hear and assess whatever I might have to say and
customary faculty prerogatives in the bargain.
The upshot is that not only has a decided majority of the liberal
professoriate exposed itself as being guilty of the most craven sort of
capitulation vis-à-vis the principles they espouse and are purportedly
prepared to defend, but the manner in which they’ve sought to
rationalize the capitulation has served to lend a completely unwarranted
appearance of “left wing” validation to the welter of falsehoods
promoted on the right for purposes of discrediting both me, personally,
and, more importantly, the kind of work I’ve been doing over the past
several decades. All of that nonsense about my having perpetrated
“scholarly fraud” and the like has been long since and repeatedly
disproven, both in court and elsewhere—that’s a matter of record, easily
accessible to anyone who cares to look—but they simply ignore such
facts in favor of the convenience embodied in regurgitating the same old
lies as a pretext.
None of this is breaking news, of course, or at least it shouldn’t
be. It’s how blacklisting has always worked. Which means, among other
things, that being blacklisted is in no sense an experience unique to
me, either currently or historically. A lot of people have been
blacklisted for one reason or another and to a greater or lesser extent
over the years, and, as is readily evidenced by the examples of Norman
Finkelstein and a number of others, that’s still true. It just happens
that among the recent cases, mine has been especially high-profile, and
is thus rather useful for illustrative purposes. So I’ve run down this
aspect of it mainly to demonstrate to anyone entertaining doubts on the
matter that not much has really changed in these respects since, say,
1955.
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