WSJ | A bidding war broke out this winter at a new subdivision north of
Houston. But the prize this time was the entire subdivision, not just a
single suburban house, illustrating the rise of big investors as a
potent new force in the U.S. housing market.
D.R. Horton Inc.
DHI 1.01%
built 124 houses in Conroe, Texas, rented them out and then put
the whole community, Amber Pines at Fosters Ridge, on the block. A Who’s
Who of investors and home-rental firms flocked to the December sale.
The winning $32 million bid came from an online property-investing
platform, Fundrise LLC, which manages more than $1 billion on behalf of
about 150,000 individuals.
The country’s most prolific home builder booked roughly twice
what it typically makes selling houses to the middle class—an
encouraging debut in the business of selling entire neighborhoods to
investors.
“We certainly wouldn’t expect every single-family community we sell
to sell at a 50% gross margin,” the builder’s finance chief,
Bill Wheat,
said at a recent investor conference.
“You
now have permanent capital competing with a young couple trying to buy a
house,” said
John Burns,
whose eponymous real estate consulting firm estimates that in
many of the nation’s top markets, roughly one in every five houses sold
is bought by someone who never moves in. “That’s going to make U.S.
housing permanently more expensive,” he said.
The consulting firm
found Houston to be a favorite haunt of investors who have lately
accounted for 24% of home purchases there. Investors’ slice of the
housing market grows—as it does in other boomtowns, such as Miami,
Phoenix and Las Vegas—among properties priced below $300,000 and in
decent school districts.
“Limited housing supply, low rates, a
global reach for yield, and what we’re calling the institutionalization
of real-estate investors has set the stage for another speculative
investor-driven home price bubble,” the firm concluded.
cracked | On today's installment of our government undoubtedly having their priorities perfectly in check, newly-minted Attorney
General Merrick Garland promised legislators that investigating the
source of the alleged billionaire income tax data included inProPublica's explosive report earlier this week stands firmly at the top of his agenda.
“Senator,
I take this as seriously as you do. I very well remember what President
Nixon did in the Watergate period — the creation of enemies lists and
the punishment of people through reviewing their tax returns,” Garland
explained. “This is an extremely serious matter. People are entitled,
obviously, to great privacy with respect to their tax returns.”
Despite the AG's evident passion on
maintaining the sanctity of the rich's tax returns, it seems officials
are already on the case – namely IRS Commissioner, Charles Rettig. “He
said that their inspectors were working on it, and I’m sure that that
means it will be referred to the Justice Department,” Garland explained.
“This was on my list of things to raise after I finished preparing for
this hearing.” Mr. Garland, if you're
reading this, I know I may be a constant source of embarrassment for
our mutual alma mater – Niles West High School – but you're really
giving me a run for my money with this nonsense.
The report, which aims to dispel the long-running myth "that
everyone pays their fair share and the richest Americans pay the most,"
claims that through a series of legal loopholes – namely the fact that
intangible assets, like stock earnings and increases in property value,
are not taxable – some of America's richest business people have been
paying much less than what some say they should to Uncle Sam. While
ProPublica has stayed tight-lipped on how, exactly, they obtained these
documents illustrating this phenomenon, which they claimed they received
in “raw
form, with no conditions or conclusions," the information included
seemingly passed a reportedly rigorous fact-checking process. "In
every instance we were able to check — involving tax filings by more
than 50 separate people — the details provided to ProPublica matched the
information from other sources," they explained.
propublica | In 2007, Jeff Bezos, then a multibillionaire and now the world’s richest
man, did not pay a penny in federal income taxes. He achieved the feat
again in 2011. In 2018, Tesla founder Elon Musk, the second-richest
person in the world, also paid no federal income taxes.
Michael Bloomberg managed
to do the same in recent years. Billionaire investor Carl Icahn did it
twice. George Soros paid no federal income tax three years in a row.
ProPublica has obtained a
vast trove of Internal Revenue Service data on the tax returns of
thousands of the nation’s wealthiest people, covering more than 15
years. The data provides an unprecedented look inside the financial
lives of America’s titans, including Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, Rupert
Murdoch and Mark Zuckerberg. It shows not just their income and taxes,
but also their investments, stock trades, gambling winnings and even the
results of audits.
Taken together, it demolishes the cornerstone myth of the American tax
system: that everyone pays their fair share and the richest Americans
pay the most. The IRS records show that the wealthiest can — perfectly
legally — pay income taxes that are only a tiny fraction of the hundreds
of millions, if not billions, their fortunes grow each year.
Many Americans live
paycheck to paycheck, amassing little wealth and paying the federal
government a percentage of their income that rises if they earn more. In
recent years, the median American household earned about $70,000
annually and paid 14% in federal taxes. The highest income tax rate,
37%, kicked in this year, for couples, on earnings above $628,300.
The confidential tax records obtained by ProPublica show that the ultrarich effectively sidestep this system.
statnews |To understand why billionaires are a sign of moral and economic failure, look no further than the Covid-19 pandemic.
Drug corporations could earn $190 billion from Covid-19 vaccine sales this year. Pharmaceutical profits have minted nine new pandemic billionaires,
and helped eight existing billionaires enlarge their fortunes. Several
of these are founders and private investors in three pharmaceutical
corporations — Moderna, BioNTech, and CureVac — whose vaccines use mRNA
technology that was largely developed from publicly funded research.
Their financial bonanzas provide a disturbing contrast with vaccine apartheid. By the end of May, only 0.3% of all vaccine doses worldwide had been administered in low-income countries.
Facing condemnation for hoarding doses, the G-7 countries, which are
meeting this weekend in England, are under pressure to launch a new plan
to expand Covid-19 immunization globally. One hotly contested issue is
whether they will call for mandatory sharing of mRNA vaccine
technologies, including a proposed waiver of intellectual property rights for Covid-19 technologies.
Pandemic billionaires are speaking out
against government intervention, warning it would undermine innovation
and claiming that their firms can satisfy global demand for Covid-19
vaccines.
Because the public sector
was largely responsible for developing mRNA technology and sharing it
with corporations, the pandemic fortunes of these founders and investors
stands in stark and repugnant contrast to billions of unvaccinated
people.
Moderna, BioNTech, and CureVac are each led by founders or longtime
executives with a key role in company decision-making: Stéphane Bancel
is Moderna’s CEO, Özlem Türeci and Ugur Sahin are BioNTech’s
co-founders, and Franz-Werner Haas is CureVac’s CEO. In addition to
getting head starts from publicly funded research, these companies also
relied on private investment provided through venture capital or family
offices (privately held companies that handle investment and wealth
management for wealthy families). Venture capital investors include Flagship Pioneering, a Boston-based firm whose founder, Noubar Afeyan, also serves as Moderna’s chair, and MIG AG,
a German venture capital firm that made early investments in BioNTech.
Other large investors in BioNTech and CureVac were German family offices, including investments by Dietmar Hopp in CureVac and the Struengmann brothers in BioNTech.
Founders, executives, venture capitalists, and family offices all
held substantial ownership stakes in the three mRNA companies heading
into the pandemic. All of them had a choice at the start of the
pandemic: maximize profits or maximize low-cost, global production of
vaccines.
The three firms chose profit maximization, partnering with
multinational companies or forging partnerships with a few contract
manufacturers. This year, these companies will have sold nearly all
their limited supply of vaccines to wealthy countries at high prices.
They could have instead chosen to avoid scarcity and hoarding by
sharing technology, know-how, and intellectual property with other
manufacturers, thereby expanding and decentralizing production. It
wouldn’t be like they were giving away their intellectual property for
free: sharing would allow these companies to earn royalties — and
profits.
Fauci knows exactly how much the losers who work in the labs are worth - trust and believe - you can’t make this s*#@ up. Do YOUwant fresh students/technicians living in their cars and working in the BioSafetyLevel 3 BSL-3 labs?
The payscale of NIH funded positions is set by these jokers - after 20 years of schooling and a masters degree, you get to earn minimum wage doing the hands-on part of gain of function research.
The Influenza Research Institute (IRI) is an active and growing
influenza research laboratory supporting cutting-edge research on
negative-strand RNA viruses including influenza, SARS-CoV-2, and
replication-deficient ebolavirus. The research group numbers over 30
including scientists, post-docs, technicians and grad students. We are
looking for a Research Specialist who will characterize influenza and
SARS-CoV-2 viruses and support other laboratory operations.
Diversity is a source of strength, creativity, and innovation for
UW-Madison. We value the contributions of each person and respect the
profound ways their identity, culture, background, experience, status,
abilities, and opinion enrich the university community. We commit
ourselves to the pursuit of excellence in teaching, research, outreach,
and diversity as inextricably linked goals.
The University of
Wisconsin-Madison fulfills its public mission by creating a welcoming
and inclusive community for people from every background - people who as
students, faculty, and staff serve Wisconsin and the world.
For more information on diversity and inclusion on campus, please visit: Diversity and Inclusion
Degree and Area of Specialization:
Bachelors or Masters degree in biological sciences
Minimum Years and Type of Relevant Work Experience:
Minimum two years of laboratory experience. A moderate to strong
knowledge and experience in molecular biology is required. In addition,
animal experience and/or NGS experience is required.
Cell
culture experience is important. Animal experience and biological safety
level-3 (BSL-3) experience is desirable, but not required. Candidates
with Illumina miSeq and ONT sequencing are encouraged to apply. Top
candidates will be trained in biosafety, animal, and infectious disease
research. Excellent verbal and written communication skills are
required.
Additional Information:
The successful candidate must pass a background check and be approved
by the Secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
under 42 CFR 73.8 and the Criminal Justice Information Security Risk
Assessment. Ability to undergo and maintain a favorable background
investigation and National Select Agent Registration security risk
assessment. In addition, the ability to maintain a driver's license is
required.
Annual seasonal influenza vaccination.
A criminal background check will be conducted prior to hiring.
A period of evaluation will be required.
Department(s):
A873100-SCHOOL OF VET MEDICINE/PATHOBIOLOGICAL SCIENCES
the-sun | AMAZON billionaire Jeff Bezos’ space mission was met with ridicule
yesterday — because people think his rocket is shaped like a giant
todger.
Online jokers poked fun at the Blue Origin New Shepard craft, which will shoot him 60 miles above the Earth.
One said: “That rocket looks like a big willy.”
Another said: “Is it me, or does Jeff Bezos’ rocket look like a giant penis?”
And one quipped: “It’s basically a giant flaming space dildo.”
Bezos, 57 — worth £186billion — and his brother Mark, 53, will be on
the rocket’s first crewed flight on July 20, 15 days after he steps down
as Amazon boss.
The 11-minute mission will see the six-seater capsule soar above the Earth.
One seat is being auctioned, with bidding topping £2million.
jacobin | In 1967, Noam Chomsky emerged as a leading critic of the Vietnam War with a New York Review of Booksessay
critiquing US foreign policy’s ivory tower establishment. As many
academics rationalized genocide, Chomsky defended a simple principle:
“It is the responsibility of intellectuals to speak the truth and to
expose lies.”
A groundbreaking linguist, Chomsky has done more to live up to this
maxim than almost any other contemporary intellectual. His political
writings have laid bare the horrors of neoliberalism, the injustices of
endless war, and the propaganda of the corporate media, earning him a
place on Richard Nixon’s “Enemies List” and in the surveillance files of
the CIA. At ninety-two, Chomsky remains an essential voice in the
anti-capitalist movements his ideas helped inspire.
Ana Kasparian and Nando Vila interviewed Chomsky for Jacobin’s
Weekends YouTube show earlier this year. In their conversation, Chomsky
reminds us that history is a process of continuous struggle, and that
the working-class politics needed to secure universal health care,
climate justice, and denuclearization are out there — if we’re willing
to fight for them.
AK Let’s start with a big
question — why does Congress continuously tell the American people that
it will not deliver on policies that have overwhelming public support?
NC Well, one place to look
always is: “Where’s the money? Who funds Congress?” Actually, there’s a
very fine, careful study of this by the leading scholar who deals with
funding issues and politics, Thomas Ferguson. He and his colleagues did a
study in which they investigated a simple question: “What’s the
correlation over many years between campaign funding and electability to
Congress?” The correlation is almost a straight line. That’s the kind
of close correlation that you rarely get in the social sciences: greater
the funding, higher the electability.
And in fact, we all know what happens when a congressional
representative gets elected. Their first day in office, they start
making phone calls to the potential donors for their next election.
Meanwhile, hordes of corporate lobbyists descend on their offices. Their
staff are often young kids, totally overwhelmed by the resources, the
wealth, the power, of the massive lobbyists who pour in. Out of that
comes legislation, which the representative later signs — maybe even
looks at occasionally, when he can get off the phone with the donors.
What kind of system do you expect to emerge from this?
One recent study found that for about 90 percent of the population,
there’s essentially no correlation between their income and decisions by
their representatives — that is, they’re fundamentally unrepresented.
This extends earlier work by Martin Gilens, Benjamin Page, and others
who found pretty similar results, and the general picture is clear: the
working class and most of the middle class are basically unrepresented.
caitlinjohnstone | Learn enough about what’s happening in the world and you realize that
most people in your society have worldviews that are completely and
utterly wrong. This can seem bold, perhaps even arrogant, but if most
people weren’t deluded about the world, the world wouldn’t be so fucked.
And
it’s not that people are dumb; intelligence has little to do with it.
Some of the most intelligent people on earth promote the same deluded
worldviews as everyone else. The problem isn’t intellect, it’s
manipulation, and anyone can be manipulated no matter how smart they
are. This mass-scale manipulation is the result of wealthy people buying
up narrative influence in the form of media, political influence, think
tanks, lobbying, NGOs, etc, in conjunction with the mass-scale
manipulations of the powerful government agencies which are allied with
them.
The powerful work to manipulate the way the general public
thinks, acts and votes to ensure that they remain in power. They pay
special attention to who the most influential people in our society are,
which is why the most prominent voices are so often the most
delusional. There are filters in place designed to keep anyone from
rising to positions of influence if they don’t support the consensus
worldview promoted by the oligarchic empire, and once they do rise to
influence they are actively herded into echo chambers which reinforce
that worldview.
This is further exacerbated by the fact that the
most influential voices in a virulently capitalist society will be those
who have profited and benefited from the status quo. Of course they’re
going to believe the system is working fine; it treats them like
royalty.
This is why you can’t defer to recognized authorities
when it comes to understanding your world; the system which selects and
installs those authorities is designed to serve the powerful, not to
tell the truth. The responsibility for understanding your world is
yours, and yours alone.
dronedj | On a related note, the National Nuclear Security Administration
(NNSA) just deployed its first system to detect drones at the Y-12
Complex in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. The facility stores uranium and
assembles and disassembles nuclear weapons. It’s not surprising drones
are prohibited from the complex’s airspace.
In a press release,
Teresa Robbins of the NNSA Production Office says the new system will
mitigate the threat posed by potential drone incursions.
The National Nuclear Security Administration Production Office is
announcing this deployment and the airspace restriction to the public to
minimize the threat of unauthorized UAS flights over Y-12. This will
enhance our ability to effectively protect this vital national security
facility.
It’s unclear exactly what that system consists of, but it’s described
as able to “detect, identify, and track potentially malicious drone
threats.”
So, just to be clear: Avoid nuclear facilities and grain elevators when flying around the US.
medium | Anyhow,
I got a call from one of the Directors who said, “I happen to be out
here for something — you’re not going home yet, you’re going to meet me
at the Air Force station tomorrow for lunch over by the Aerospace
Corporation on Sepulveda. Maybe you’ll make it home by Monday — we’ll
see.”
So
I show up for lunch over at the Air Force station, and Harold Ostroff
was sitting down at this table with a big group of military &
civilian guys in business suits, and as I walked up to the table, he
turns to the other guys sitting there and says, “I’d like to introduce
you all to the new head of McDonnell’s Advanced Aerospace Program.”
Anyhow, I didn’t know anything about this beforehand, and when he said
it I looked around a bit for the person he was talking about — and after
a second I guess that it finally sunk in that he was talking about me.
So
that was how I found out about it — I had a deputy program manager from
Huntington Beach, and there was a group there from Aerojet — Don
Kissinger, Mike Hamel, and Ron Samborski — that were there to talk about
the air-turbo ramjet work that they’d patented back in 1946.
I
went out to Aerojet the next couple of days for briefings on their
engine designs, and when I came back home, we did a proposal for the Air
Force TAV program, but the main thrust was a proposal that we put
together with the people from Huntington Beach on a 2-stage to orbit
vehicle. The first stage would fly with air-turbo ramjets to about Mach 6
or 7, and then it would stage with a scramjet vehicle a rocket that
would deploy up into orbit.
We
had several different concepts for this, depending on how soon we
wanted we wanted the thing to fly. One of the people out at Huntington
Beach named Joe Shergi had a concept for what he called a “toss-back
booster”, that looked like an Apollo capsule with engines mounted in
what looked like the heat-shield. After you separated the upper-stage,
this thing would turn around and retrofire to toss back to the launch
site, making everything recoverable.
We
had 2 or 3 concepts that we were briefing as 2-stage to orbit vehicles.
The first one that we could build quickly, based on all the hardware
that was available, was a hypersonic FDL-7C glider on top of a toss-back
booster. Then we went to an air-turbo ramjet first stage which went to
about Mach 7 to 8, and later we went to a scramjet first stage that went
to about Mach 12.
We
hired a guy named Larry Fogel from the Titan Corporation, and he
actually toured all of the SAC bases that had operational B-52 squadrons
and asked them what they would do if they had one of these NASP
vehicles — how they use it, maintain it, and stuff like that. We built
an entire database on what the Strategic Air Command estimated these
vehicles would cost to operate. We’d given them all the numbers that we
had at the outset — how much thrust we had, how much propellant we
needed, how many times the engines could be re-used, etc — and they gave
us back operational cost estimates compared to a traditional B-52
squadron. It was quite interesting…
We
took this information and used it for briefings in Washington DC, which
is where I met Scotty Crossfield, who was working with Dan Glickman —
and what we ended up with was the first stage vehicle, which was a
large, Mach-6 vehicle. This led to the development of a prototype that
we created as a demonstrator to validate the technology.
So
the prototype was built to show how the NASP vehicle could fulfill 3
primary mission roles. The first was simply as a Mach-6 transport for
passengers, the second was a Mach-8 strategic strike-aircraft for the
Air Force, and the third involved combining the vehicle with an
upper-stage rocket to go into Low-Earth Orbit.
It sounds like this technology really blurs the line between an aircraft and the Space-Shuttle or maybe even a true spacecraft…
Well
the shuttle’s not an aircraft — it’s an abortion trying to figure out
how to fly. You never want to build a vehicle that looks like that. The
best vehicles ever designed came out of the Air Force Flight-Dynamics
Lab, and Draper made one huge effort to try and get NASA to listen, and
they absolutely refused to take his advice.
From
the beginning, NASA had their own ideas about bluntness and all sorts
of crazy design ideas that ended up in the Shuttle. The real hypersonic
vehicles that were inherently stable — from Mach 22 all the way down to
zero, and had thermal protection systems already worked out — were
simply discarded.
These
weren’t new ideas, even when the Shuttle was being designed. The
Department of Defense was involved with this between ’58 and ’68, and
they were discarded because the President at that time decided that no
military systems would enter orbit. The administration was deathly
afraid back then of militarizing space, which meant that everything
going into space had to be civilian, so NASA took over everything.
The
Air Force has something called the XLR-129 — it’s in a book that one of
the Pratt & Whitney guys wrote that you can buy from the Society of
Automotive Engineers library. The XLR-129 had about 580,000 pounds of
thrust from a LOX-hydrogen engine and 3,500 psi chamber pressure.
It
was fired 40 times without any overhaul, and it was brought up to
full-power in about 3.5 months — whereas the Space Shuttle Main Engine
(SSME) took about 38 months to come up to full-power.
This
very same XLR-129 engine was donated to NASA when the Air Force got out
of the space-race. The plans, the engine, and everything related to it
were destroyed, and the last sentence in that chapter in Pratt’s book
says, “NASA destroyed all of this because they didn’t want to embarrass
their present engine contractor.”
Given
the issues that NASA’s having with the Shuttle Program at the moment,
do you think that they may someday return to this type of hardware for a
next-generation Shuttle design?
One
of Reagan’s assistant secretaries of commerce — for innovation,
technology, and productivity — was named D. Bruce Merrifield, and he was
very Russian in his thinking. The Russians have prototype factories
that take laboratory ideas, and translate them into something that can
be used in a functional, operational piece of hardware.
Merrifield’s
concept was that the deficiency in the United States is that it uses
projects to prepare technologies for application, which doesn’t give the
new technologies adequate time to properly mature. He always advocated
that just like with baseball players, technology needs a “farm team” to
develop it so that it can later be used functionally. The Japanese do
this, the Russians used to do this, and they do it because it produces
great results.
What
we were doing when I was at McDonnell-Douglas — because “Old-Man Mac”
was a hardware guy — was looking at how you could take these big ideas
and build samples & prototypes out of them, to see if we could come
out of this with an operational concept.
When
we designed a Mach-6 aircraft, we didn’t follow NASA’s strategy of
building a research and develop vehicle that could only be flown 3 times
a year. What we developed were vehicles that were operationally
functional as much as a B-52 is.
Our
resupply vehicle in 1964 for the manned orbiting laboratory had 11
operational vehicles and 3 spares — and those 11 vehicles flew 100 times
a year for 15 years. That’s 1964 industrial capability — no magic at
all. I don’t need magic. Now compare that to the Shuttle.
WaPo | MR.
ELIZONDO: Well, Jackie, that’s really the question, isn’t it? The
bottom line is, up until very recently there were really only three
possibilities of what this could be. And the first possibility is that
it is some sort of secret U.S. tech that somehow, we have managed to
keep secret even from ourselves for a long period of time. The second
option is that it is some sort of foreign adversarial technology that
has somehow managed to technology leapfrog ahead of our country despite
having a fairly robust and comprehensive intelligence apparatus. And of
course, the third option is something quite entirely different. It’s a
different paradigm completely.
Now
as of this week we now know through some of the discussions at
senior-level leadership that this report has definitively stated once
and for all that it’s not our technology. And that’s hugely important.
For 30 years there has always been this undercurrent, if you will, these
conspiracies that there was some sort of TR-3B program and some sort of
a super special technology that has been implemented and we’ve
been--just been very careless about it. And I think that argument was
finally put to bed this week. So that really only leaves two other
options, and that’s--again, it’s foreign adversarial or it’s something
quite different. And I think we’re now beginning to learn, as we’ve
heard from the director of national intelligence--and I can certainly
tell you from my experience--that we’re pretty confident that it’s not
Russian or Chinese technology, and there’s several reason for that that,
if you like, I’m more than happy to go into.
MS.
ALEMANY: Yeah, actually, could you go into that. I know you’ve
explained it in previous interviews, but these sightings have happened
for the past 70 years, and I know you’ve said before that you didn’t
think it was possible for one of our foreign adversaries who have been
helpful actually in providing information on this issue, would be
capable of keeping something a secret for so long. Is that accurate?
MR.
ELIZONDO: That’s precisely one of the counterarguments. In fact, if I’m
not mistaken, as of today, we had an announcement by former Director of
National Intelligence Ratcliffe who said this isn’t Russian technology.
And as we know during Glasnost and the fall of the Berlin Wall, there
was this five-year romance period, if you will, between the United
States and Russia where we began really sharing a lot of information.
And a lot of their--ironically enough, a lot of their UFO information
wound up in our hands, and it turns out that they were experiencing the
exact same issues from a UFO or a UAP perspective that we were. So, if
you look at really the timelines here, you know, it’s looking
increasingly less likely that this is some sort of Russian technology.
So
that really leaves China. And some of these reports, you’re absolutely
correct, Jackie, they go back into the early 1950s, and even earlier.
And so, what that says is that you have pilots, whether we’re describing
what we call a white flying tic-tac or a white flying butane tank in
the 1950s or a white flying lozenge, if you will--they’re all describing
the exact same vehicle, craft, if you will, doing exactly the same
thing, performing in ways well beyond our current capabilities.
And
if you look at that from a--from a temporal perspective, from a time
perspective, it simply doesn’t make sense that China back in 1950 would
have this beyond next generation technology, mastered it, is able to fly
at will anywhere it wants on the face of the planet, and the last 70
years, despite the billions of dollars we’ve put into our intelligence
community infrastructure and architecture, it has--it has managed to
evade us. In fact, China is a country that has stolen quite a
bit--spends a lot of time stealing technology from us. And so, one has
to ask the question that if really a country had this technology, would
it be necessary to steal, you know, much more basic technology from
another country. Furthermore, if you had this type of technology, you
probably wouldn’t need to invest so much in military because you had
this, if you will, checkmate type technology or capability where
everything else now becomes obsolete.
And
so, this goes to your last part of your question. So, I feel or do I
believe this is, quote, “extraterrestrial”? Let me be very careful
before I answer that by saying at the end of the day, Jackie, it doesn’t
matter what I think or what I believe. What matters is what the data
and the facts tell us. And from that perspective, it’s very important
that--I’ve always--I had a very simple job, and that is to collect the
truth and speak the truth. That’s it. Very much as an investigator,
which I used to be. We applied the same level of rigor and methodologies
we did at hunting terrorists and spies as we did in hunting UFOs. So,
we really didn’t care what these were. We were just trying to get to the
bottom of what they were. And so therein lies, if you will, a little
bit of our approach. We were--we were very agnostic, if you will, or
objective about this topic and tried to allow the facts to lead us down a
certain path. And that is really what we’re doing today. What we’re
realizing is that the facts are painting a far more compelling picture
than what we thought. In this case, you, your audience, they’re the
jury. So what matters is really what you think about this. And so, the
hope here is that the U.S. government can provide the data and the
evidence and information and then allow the American people to decide
what we think this is about.
caitlinjohnstone | In the summer of 1950, four nuclear physicists were walking to lunch
from the Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico. Their names were
Emil Konopinski, Herbert York, Edward Teller, and Enrico Fermi.
One of them was not human.
On
the walk the four discussed science, because science is what they
always discussed. It's what they lived, it's what they thought about,
it's what they ate, slept and breathed. On this particular occasion they
discussed the recent spate of reports about flying saucers, and whether
or not an alien civilization could hypothetically have discovered how
to travel faster than the speed of light.
Once they arrived at the
Fuller Lodge for their meal their intense conversation was interrupted
by the mundane activities of finding seats and ordering their food.
After a brief pause, Fermi's thick Italian accent broke the silence with
a question that would later become famous.
"But where is everybody?" he asked loudly.
The
way he phrased it caused the other three to burst out laughing; they
immediately understood that he was asking, in his own inimitable way,
why no signs of extraterrestrial life had been discovered.
They
listened with rapt attention as Fermi's luminous mind rapidly dissected
the sheer mathematical improbability of humanity being the only
intelligent life in this galaxy, let alone the entire universe, given
the sheer number of stars and the likelihood that at least a small
percentage of them would have habitable planets capable of giving rise
to life. This question, and the peculiar exclamation with which it was
first expressed, would go on to be known as the Fermi paradox.
The
scientists joyfully batted around ideas with the Italian "pope of
physics", then finished their meal, returned to the laboratory, and they
each went their separate ways.
Fermi worked late, as such rare
geniuses often do. Out there in the world with small talk, politics,
family and teenaged children, it was difficult to really feel at ease.
But in the world of scientific adventure, discoveries and breakthroughs,
he always felt in command.
The sunlight had long gone and the lab
had gone still, and Fermi was scribbling away in his office, when there
was a knock at the door. It gave Fermi a start; nobody ever interrupted
him at this hour, that's what he liked about it.
"What is it?" he asked in irritation.
The door opened. It was York.
"Hi," York said.
"York," Fermi replied.
"Can I come in?"
"Yes, yes come in."
York closed the door.
"So," he said. "Do you want to know?"
"Want to know what?"
"Do you want an answer to the question you asked at lunch?"
NYPost | A white New York City psychoanalyst is under fire after publishing a
report decrying his skin color as a “malignant, parasitic like
condition” without a “permanent cure.”
Dr. Donald Moss — a published author who teaches at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute — published “On Having Whiteness” last month in the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association.
“Whiteness is a condition one first acquires and then one has —
a malignant, parasitic-like condition to which ‘white’ people have a
particular susceptibility,” an abstract of the article on Sage Journals
says.
“The condition is foundational, generating characteristic ways of being in one’s body, in one’s mind, and in one’s world.
“Parasitic Whiteness renders its hosts’ appetites voracious, insatiable, and perverse,” states the paper, also published on the National Library of Medicine’s PubMed site.
The “deformed appetites particularly target nonwhite peoples,” the
abstract says — and “once established, these appetites are nearly
impossible to eliminate.”
While “effective treatment consists of a combination of psychic and
social-historical interventions,” there is “no guarantee against
regression.”
“There is not yet a permanent cure,” the abstract says.
theatlantic |All four of the
narratives I’ve described emerged from America’s failure to sustain and
enlarge the middle-class democracy of the postwar years. They all
respond to real problems. Each offers a value that the others need and
lacks ones that the others have. Free America celebrates the energy of
the unencumbered individual. Smart America respects intelligence and
welcomes change. Real America commits itself to a place and has a sense
of limits. Just America demands a confrontation with what the others
want to avoid. They rise from a single society, and even in one as
polarized as ours they continually shape, absorb, and morph into one
another. But their tendency is also to divide us, pitting tribe against
tribe. These divisions impoverish each narrative into a cramped and ever
more extreme version of itself.
All
four narratives are also driven by a competition for status that
generates fierce anxiety and resentment. They all anoint winners and
losers. In Free America, the winners are the makers, and the losers are
the takers who want to drag the rest down in perpetual dependency on a
smothering government. In Smart America, the winners are the
credentialed meritocrats, and the losers are the poorly educated who
want to resist inevitable progress. In Real America, the winners are the
hardworking folk of the white Christian heartland, and the losers are
treacherous elites and contaminating others who want to destroy the
country. In Just America, the winners are the marginalized groups, and
the losers are the dominant groups that want to go on dominating.
I don’t much want to live in the republic of any of them.
It’s
common these days to hear people talk about sick America, dying
America, the end of America. The same kinds of things were said in 1861,
in 1893, in 1933, and in 1968. The sickness, the death, is always a
moral condition. Maybe this comes from our Puritan heritage. If we are
dying, it can’t be from natural causes. It must be a prolonged act of
suicide, which is a form of murder.
I
don’t think we are dying. We have no choice but to live together—we’re
quarantined as fellow citizens. Knowing who we are lets us see what
kinds of change are possible. Countries are not social-science
experiments. They have organic qualities, some positive, some
destructive, that can’t be wished away. Our passion for equality, the
individualism it produces, the hustle for money, the love of novelty,
the attachment to democracy, the distrust of authority and
intellect—these won’t disappear. A way forward that tries to evade or
crush them on the road to some free, smart, real, or just utopia will
never arrive and instead will run into a strong reaction. But a way
forward that tries to make us Equal Americans, all with the same rights
and opportunities—the only basis for shared citizenship and
self-government—is a road that connects our past and our future.
Meanwhile,
we remain trapped in two countries. Each one is split by two
narratives—Smart and Just on one side, Free and Real on the other.
Neither separation nor conquest is a tenable future. The tensions within
each country will persist even as the cold civil war between them rages
on.
amgreatness |Despite her previous acclaim, Nikole
Hannah-Jones didn’t really come to the attention of many Americans
before August 2019, when the New York Times published “The 1619 Project.” This special issue of the New York Times Magazine
was devoted to the thesis that America was founded on black oppression
and white supremacy. It put Hannah-Jones’ particular genius on display.
She edited the collection of articles and wrote the lead essay, under
the expansive title, “Our democracy’s founding ideals of liberty and
equality were false when they were written. Black Americans fought to
make them true. Without this struggle, America would have no democracy
at all.” I think it fair to say that as editor she gave the project its
particular tone: stylish, in-control, aggressive, laced with a thread of
self-pity and a larger weave of self-aggrandizement, thin-skinned, and
in a peculiar way, heedless.
She was determined to say what she wanted to say, regardless of the
facts, but she was also determined to assert that her story was accurate
to the bone.
That was a contradiction, and it was a
time bomb. Sooner or later people were going to notice that among those
many confident assertions, some were iffy, others very doubtful, and
some completely false.
Beyond the three-sentence title of
her lead essay, Hannah-Jones took other liberties. Perhaps most
famously, she wrote, “One of the primary reasons the colonists decided
to declare their independence from Britain was because they wanted to
protect the institution of slavery.” This is not true. Indeed it isn’t
even a little bit true, and the leading historians of colonial America
from around the world quickly pointed this out. They did so politely by
writing to the newspaper’s editors; they did so individually, and as
joint signers of letters; they published their dissents. But receiving
either no answer or only firm rebuffs, they collectively stood back. Not
only was the Times
determined to keep its fabrication intact, but the great majority of
American historians either turned stone silent or capitulated.
Alex Lichtenstein, editor of the American Historical Review, wrote a widely read post in January 2020, “1619 and All That,”
in which he dismissed all the historical criticism of “The 1619
Project” as “a public scuffle between journalists and members of our
profession.” The “1619 Project,” he said, is an interpretive framework
“that many historians probably already accept—namely, that slavery and
racism lie at the root of nearly everything that has truly made America
exceptional.” Lichtenstein gave a permission slip to historians who
didn’t want to be bothered with the inconvenience of maintaining
historical accuracy on the matters at hand.
Why would people who devoted their
professional lives to the truth-telling of history go mum when presented
with one of the most publicized historical falsehoods in decades? Why
especially as that falsehood was being adapted rapidly to school
curricula across the country? Plainly this is a matter of racial
politics having invaded the history profession. For some, that is a
positive development: promoting greater attention to slavery and the
oppression of blacks is such a worthy goal that historians should
gracefully overlook whatever journalistic lapses may have marred the
great work of popularizing the cause. For others, the racialist agenda
is something to be feared. To criticize “The 1619 Project” or Nikole
Hannah-Jones was and still is to court professional friction or perhaps
even ostracism.
But that may be changing. The glare of attention is making it harder for people to avoid the shoddiness of the work.
Dissenters
Originally, it fell mostly to outsiders to draw attention to what the Times had perpetrated. The World Socialist Websitewas
among the publications to take the lead. This Marxist organization had
the foresight to invite a collection of prominent historians to be
interviewed about “The 1619 Project,” and to publish these in easily
accessible form. Thus, we heard early on from James McPherson, James
Oakes, Gordon Wood, Victoria Bynum, Richard Carwardine, and Clayborne
Carson, among others. The editors of World Socialist Website, David
North and Thomas Mackaman, and some of their associates added their own
analyses, which, despite being freighted with their Marxist views, were
impressively steadfast in separating fact from fiction. North and
Mackaman eventually gathered their interviews and analyses into a book, The New York Times’ 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History.
At bottom, North and Mackaman oppose
the idea that the basic conflict in American history is to be found in
racial antagonism. They stick to the Marxist thesis that it is really
about class. At least this gives them a place to stand outside the
racial hysteria of our moment in history, and from that position they
soberly take in the parade of historical absurdities that Hannah-Jones
and her peers at the Times have served up and that the journalistic and educational establishments continue to celebrate.
dailymail | Hunter Biden addressed his white lawyer as 'n***a' multiple times,
used phrases like 'true dat n***a' and bantered 'I only love you because
you're black,' in shocking texts unearthed days after Joe's emotional
Tulsa speech decrying racism
Text messages obtained by DailyMail.com reveal Hunter Biden used the n-word multiple times in banter with his lawyer
The
president's son, 51, flippantly addressed corporate attorney George
Mesires, who is white, by the racial slur, with phrases including 'true
dat n***a'
In a December 2018
conversation, Hunter asked Mesires: 'How much money do I owe you.
Becaause (sic) n***a you better not be charging me Hennessy rates.'
In another chat a month later, Hunter cracked jokes about his penis and then told Mesires 'I only love you because you're black'
'It's so annoying when you interject with frivolity,' the Chicago lawyer replied
The
damning texts have emerged just days after his father, President Joe
Biden gave a speech decrying racism on the 100th anniversary of the
Tulsa massacre
Biden has sought to portray racial justice as a top priority for his administration
Hunter also saved a meme with a photo of his father hugging Barack Obama with a caption describing a joke conversation
'Obama: Gonna miss you, man Joe: Can I say it? Just this once? Obama: *sigh* go ahead Joe: You my n***a, Barack'
Hunter Biden used the n-word multiple times in conversation with his white, $845-per-hour lawyer, his texts messages reveal.
The shocking texts may prove embarrassing for his father President Joe Biden,
who just last week gave a speech decrying racism on the 100th
anniversary of the Tulsa massacre, and has sought to portray racial
justice as a top priority for his administration.
The
president's son joked in a January 2019 text to corporate attorney
George Mesires about a 'big penis', and said to the lawyer: 'I only love
you because you're black' and 'true dat n***a'
wired |The repercussions of
Gebru’s termination quickly radiated out from her team to the rest of
Google and, beyond that, to the entire discipline of AI fairness
research.
Some Google employees, including David
Baker, a director who’d been at the company for 16 years, publicly quit
over its treatment of Gebru. Google’s research department was riven by
mistrust and rumors about what happened and what might happen next. Even
people who believed Gebru had behaved in ways unbecoming of a corporate
researcher saw Google’s response as ham-handed. Some researchers feared
their work would now be policed more closely. One of them, Nicholas
Carlini, sent a long internal email complaining of changes that company
lawyers made to another paper involving large language models, published
after Gebru was fired, likening the intervention to “Big Brother
stepping in.” The changes downplayed the problems the paper reported and
removed references to Google’s own technology, the email said.
Soon
after, Google rolled out its response to the roiling scandal and
sketched out a more locked-down future for in-house research probing
AI’s power. Marian Croak, the executive who had shown interest in
Gebru’s work, was given the task of consolidating the various teams
working on what the company called responsible AI, including Mitchell
and Gebru’s. Dean sent around an email announcing that a review of
Gebru’s ouster had concluded; he was sorry, he said, that the company
had not “handled this situation with more sensitivity.”
Dean
also announced that progress on improving workforce diversity would now
be considered in top executives’ performance reviews—perhaps quietly
conceding Gebru’s assertion that leaders were not held accountable for
their poor showing on this count. And he informed researchers that they
would be given firmer guidance on “Google’s research goals and
priorities.” A Google source later explained that this meant future
projects touching on sensitive or commercial topics would require more
input from in-house legal experts, product teams, and others within
Google who had relevant expertise. The outlook for open-minded,
independent research on ethical AI appeared gloomy. Google claimed that
it still had hundreds of people working on responsible AI, and that it
would expand those teams; the company painted Gebru and Mitchell’s group
as a tiny and relatively unimportant cog in a big machine. But others
at Google said the Ethical AI leaders and their frank feedback would be
missed. “For me, it’s the most critical voices that are the most
important and where I have learned the most,” says one person who worked
on product changes with Gebru and Mitchell’s input. Bengio, the women’s
manager, turned his back on 14 years of working on AI at Google and
quit to join Apple.
Outside of Google, nine
Democrats in Congress wrote to Pichai questioning his commitment to
preventing AI’s harms. Mitchell had at one point tried to save the
“Stochastic Parrots” paper by telling executives that publishing it
would bolster arguments that the company was capable of self-policing.
Quashing it was now undermining those arguments.
Some
academics announced that they had backed away from company events or
funding. The fairness and technology conference’s organizers stripped
Google of its status as a sponsor of the event. Luke Stark, who studies
the social impacts of AI at the University of Western Ontario, turned
down a $60,000 grant from Google in protest of its treatment of the
Ethical AI team. When he applied for the money in December 2020, he had
considered the team a “strong example” of how corporate researchers
could do powerful work. Now he wanted nothing to do with Google.
Tensions built into the field of AI ethics, he saw, were beginning to
cause fractures.
“The big tech companies tried to
steal a march on regulators and public criticism by embracing the idea
of AI ethics,” Stark says. But as the research matured, it raised bigger
questions. “Companies became less able to coexist with internal
critical research,” he says. One person who runs an ethical AI team at
another tech company agrees. “Google and most places did not count on
the field becoming what it did.”
To some, the
drama at Google suggested that researchers on corporate payrolls should
be subject to different rules than those from institutions not seeking
to profit from AI. In April, some founding editors of a new journal of
AI ethics published a paper calling for industry researchers to disclose
who vetted their work and how, and for whistle-blowing mechanisms to be
set up inside corporate labs. “We had been trying to poke on this issue
already, but when Timnit got fired it catapulted into a more mainstream
conversation,” says Savannah Thais, a researcher at Princeton on the
journal’s board who contributed to the paper. “Now a lot more people are
questioning: Is it possible to do good ethics research in a corporate
AI setting?”
If that mindset takes hold, in-house
ethical AI research may forever be held in suspicion—much the way
industrial research on pollution is viewed by environmental scientists.
Jeff Dean admitted in a May interview with CNET that the company had
suffered a real “reputational hit” among people interested in AI ethics
work. The rest of the interview dealt mainly with promoting Google’s
annual developer conference, where it was soon announced that large
language models, the subject of Gebru’s fateful critique, would play a
more central role in Google search and the company’s voice assistant.
Meredith Whittaker, faculty director of New York University’s AI Now
Institute, predicts that there will be a clearer split between work done
at institutions like her own and work done inside tech companies. “What
Google just said to anyone who wants to do this critical research is,
‘We’re not going to tolerate it,’” she says. (Whittaker herself once
worked at Google, where she clashed with management over AI ethics and
the Maven Pentagon contract before leaving in 2019.)
Any
such divide is unlikely to be neat, given how the field of AI ethics
sprouted in a tech industry hothouse. The community is still small, and
jobs outside big companies are sparser and much less well paid,
particularly for candidates without computer science PhDs. That’s in
part because AI ethics straddles the established boundaries of academic
departments. Government and philanthropic funding is no match for
corporate purses, and few institutions can rustle up the data and
computing power needed to match work from companies like Google.
For
Gebru and her fellow travelers, the past five years have been
vertiginous. For a time, the period seemed revolutionary: Tech companies
were proactively exploring flaws in AI, their latest moneymaking
marvel—a sharp contrast to how they’d faced up to problems like spam and
social network moderation only after coming under external pressure.
But now it appeared that not much had changed after all, even if many
individuals had good intentions.
Inioluwa Deborah
Raji, whom Gebru escorted to Black in AI in 2017, and who now works as a
fellow at the Mozilla Foundation, says that Google’s treatment of its
own researchers demands a permanent shift in perceptions. “There was
this hope that some level of self-regulation could have happened at
these tech companies,” Raji says. “Everyone’s now aware that the true
accountability needs to come from the outside—if you’re on the inside,
there’s a limit to how much you can protect people.”
Gebru,
who recently returned home after her unexpectedly eventful road trip,
has come to a similar conclusion. She’s raising money to launch an
independent research institute modeled on her work on Google’s Ethical
AI team and her experience in Black in AI. “We need more support for
external work so that the choice is not ‘Do I get paid by the DOD or by
Google?’” she says.
Gebru has had offers, but she
can’t imagine working within the industry anytime in the near future.
She’s been thinking back to conversations she’d had with a friend who
warned her not to join Google, saying it was harmful to women and
impossible to change. Gebru had disagreed, claiming she could nudge
things, just a little, toward a more beneficial path. “I kept on arguing
with her,” Gebru says. Now, she says, she concedes the point.
Guardian |Kate Crawford studies the social and political implications of artificial intelligence. She is a research
professor of communication and science and technology studies at the
University of Southern California and a senior principal researcher at Microsoft Research. Her new book, Atlas of AI, looks at what it takes to make AI and what’s at stake as it reshapes our world.
You’ve written a book critical of AI but you work for a company that is among the leaders in its deployment. How do you square that circle? I
work in the research wing of Microsoft, which is a distinct
organisation, separate from product development. Unusually, over its
30-year history, it has hired social scientists to look critically at
how technologies are being built. Being on the inside, we are often able
to see downsides early before systems are widely deployed. My book did
not go through any pre-publication review – Microsoft Research does not
require that – and my lab leaders support asking hard questions, even if
the answers involve a critical assessment of current technological
practices.
What’s the aim of the book? We
are commonly presented with this vision of AI that is abstract and
immaterial. I wanted to show how AI is made in a wider sense – its
natural resource costs, its labour processes, and its classificatory
logics. To observe that in action I went to locations including mines to
see the extraction necessary from the Earth’s crust and an Amazon
fulfilment centre to see the physical and psychological toll on workers
of being under an algorithmic management system. My hope is that, by
showing how AI systems work – by laying bare the structures of
production and the material realities – we will have a more accurate
account of the impacts, and it will invite more people into the
conversation. These systems are being rolled out across a multitude of
sectors without strong regulation, consent or democratic debate.
What should people know about how AI products are made? We
aren’t used to thinking about these systems in terms of the
environmental costs. But saying, “Hey, Alexa, order me some toilet
rolls,” invokes into being this chain of extraction, which goes all
around the planet… We’ve got a long way to go before this is green
technology. Also, systems might seem automated but when we pull away the
curtain we see large amounts of low paid labour, everything from crowd
work categorising data to the never-ending toil of shuffling Amazon
boxes. AI is neither artificial nor intelligent. It is made from natural
resources and it is people who are performing the tasks to make the
systems appear autonomous.
Problems of bias have been well documented in AI technology. Can more data solve that? Bias
is too narrow a term for the sorts of problems we’re talking about.
Time and again, we see these systems producing errors – women offered
less credit by credit-worthiness algorithms, black faces mislabelled –
and the response has been: “We just need more data.” But I’ve tried to
look at these deeper logics of classification and you start to see forms
of discrimination, not just when systems are applied, but in how they
are built and trained to see the world. Training datasets used for
machine learning software thatcasually categorise
people into just one of two genders; that label people according to
their skin colour into one of five racial categories, and which attempt,
based on how people look, to assign moral or ethical character. The
idea that you can make these determinations based on appearance has a
dark past and unfortunately the politics of classification has become
baked into the substrates of AI.
WSJ | A genome is a blueprint for the factory of a cell to make proteins.
The language is made up of three-letter “words,” 64 in total, that
represent the 20 different amino acids. For example, there are six
different words for the amino acid arginine, the one that is often used
in supercharging viruses. Every cell has a different preference for
which word it likes to use most.
In the case of the gain-of-function supercharge, other
sequences could have been spliced into this same site. Instead of a
CGG-CGG (known as “double CGG”) that tells the protein factory to make
two arginine amino acids in a row, you’ll obtain equal lethality by
splicing any one of 35 of the other two-word combinations for double
arginine. If the insertion takes place naturally, say through
recombination, then one of those 35 other sequences is far more likely
to appear; CGG is rarely used in the class of coronaviruses that can
recombine with CoV-2.
In fact, in the entire class of coronaviruses that includes
CoV-2, the CGG-CGG combination has never been found naturally. That
means the common method of viruses picking up new skills, called
recombination, cannot operate here. A virus simply cannot pick up a
sequence from another virus if that sequence isn’t present in any other
virus.
Although the double CGG is suppressed naturally, the opposite
is true in laboratory work. The insertion sequence of choice is the
double CGG. That’s because it is readily available and convenient, and
scientists have a great deal of experience inserting it. An additional
advantage of the double CGG sequence compared with the other 35 possible
choices: It creates a useful beacon that permits the scientists to
track the insertion in the laboratory.
Now the damning fact. It was this exact sequence that appears
in CoV-2. Proponents of zoonotic origin must explain why the novel
coronavirus, when it mutated or recombined, happened to pick its least
favorite combination, the double CGG. Why did it replicate the choice
the lab’s gain-of-function researchers would have made?
Yes, it could have happened randomly, through mutations. But do
you believe that? At the minimum, this fact—that the coronavirus, with
all its random possibilities, took the rare and unnatural combination
used by human researchers—implies that the leading theory for the origin
of the coronavirus must be laboratory escape.
When the lab’s
Shi Zhengli
and colleagues published a paper in February 2020 with the virus’s
partial genome, they omitted any mention of the special sequence that
supercharges the virus or the rare double CGG section. Yet the
fingerprint is easily identified in the data that accompanied the paper.
Was it omitted in the hope that nobody would notice this evidence of
the gain-of-function origin?
politico | At the
heart of the current broadside against Fauci is reporting around — and
the investigation into — the Wuhan lab leak theory, which holds that the
virus leaked, accidentally or intentionally, from a virology lab in the
city where it was first found. Republicans and right-wing media outlets
have circulated such theories since the beginning of the pandemic even
as scientists, including Fauci, insisted that problematic coronaviruses,
from the SARS and MERS epidemics to Covid-19, were becoming
increasingly common.
The
pressure to probe Wuhan lab leak theories continued to mount, leading
Trump’s White House to demand in April 2020 that the National Institutes
of Health abruptly cancel
a multimillion-dollar grant to EcoHealth Alliance, a nonprofit studying
coronavirus origins that had worked with the Wuhan viral lab in the
past. April emails between EcoHealth Alliance CEO Peter Daszak and
Fauci, published as part of the recent FOIA, have become a new
touchstone for conspiracy theorists, after Daszak thanked the NIAID
director for dismissing lab leak theories early in the pandemic.
“I
just wanted to say a personal thank you on behalf of our staff and
collaborators, for publicly standing up and stating that the scientific
evidence supports a natural origin for COVID-19 from a bat-to-human
spillover, not a lab release from the Wuhan Institute of Virology,”
Daszak wrote to Fauci on April 18, 2020.
“Many
thanks for your kind note,” Fauci responded the next day, just over a
week before POLITICO first reported that NIH canceled the EcoHealth
grant. Daszak did not respond to a POLITICO request for comment.
Theories
about a leak from the Wuhan virology lab became a consistent line of
questioning for Republican lawmakers by last spring and soon turned into
a mainstay of congressional hearings and increasingly contentious
exchanges between Fauci and Paul, who sits on the Senate health
committee. The longtime NIAID director and Kentucky doctor have
exchanged barbs on television after Senate hearings where Paul accused
Fauci of moving the goalposts on coronavirus science while the
infectious disease scientist has told Paul that “with all due respect,”
he was “entirely and completely incorrect.”
Paul was swift to accuse Fauci on
Wednesday of knowledge of the Wuhan lab allegedly carrying out
controversial “gain-of-function” studies, a field of research that
alters viruses in a way that can make them more transmissible or help
them hop to new hosts, such as humans.
A senior NIH official insisted to
POLITICO that detractors such as Paul are taking Fauci’s emails “out of
context.” But the prevailing posture, like that of the White House, was
to downplay rather than engage.
“The FOIA articles are discussed like
any other issues and then we move on,” the official said. “We're taking
it seriously, of course, but it's not changing how we do business or our
focus.”
foxnews | "It was fascinating to watch and track the reaction of the
establishment to Donald Trump. He became a figurehead for this populist
push back against global capitalist ideology," said Hopkins.
This
"global capitalist ideology" he described, or "GloboCap" as he’s taken
to calling it in his writings, is an ideologically monolithic
global-capitalist societal structure. Essentially, a ruling class made
up of globalist oligarchs.
"It was just so clear they set out to
destroy him, make an example of him, and demonize everybody who put him
in office," said Hopkins.
He claimed the demonization of Trump
during his four years in office was this ruling class "reminding us
who's in charge and what happens if we elect unauthorized presidents who
haven't been approved by the system."
Admittedly not a fan of Trump, Hopkins couldn’t help but laugh at all of
the ways in which the former president was vilified. "First, he was a
Russian intelligence asset, then he was literally Hitler and was going
to overthrow the U.S. government with some underground White supremacist
militia," Hopkins recalled, claiming the accusations were "pure fantasy
that was taken seriously."
According to Hopkins, this push toward a post-COVID "New Normal"
society in which people are willing to lockdown in their homes when
told, wear masks when asked, and carry around their COVID-19 vaccination
cards in order to be allowed into public spaces is a continuation of
the invisible ruling class asserting its dominance.
"One thing
that I've been saying to try to get through to people," said Hopkins,
"is just the whole idea of lockdowns. ‘Lockdown,’ this is a prison term,
right? And when do you lock down the prison? When the prisoners are
rioting and getting rebellious. It's a way of reminding everyone, 'Hey,
you're in prison and we're in charge.'"
"It isn't really about the
vaccines or the tests," he said in regards to newly implemented
guidelines. "What it's about is training us, conditioning us to live in a
society where we accept this type of control."
Another aspect of
this "synchronization of culture," as Hopkins called it, and which he
finds particularly terrifying is the ideological uniformity being spread
by "big supranational entities and corporate media" on behalf of the
establishment.
"It's tearing societies apart, it's tearing
relationships apart, it's tearing families apart, this extreme
polarization and intolerance of dissent and differing views," he said.
"I feel like if I start questioning or challenging the official COVID
narrative, if I start pointing out facts, I'm treated like a suppressive
person in the Church of Scientology."
Rejuvenation Pills
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No one likes getting old. Everyone would like to be immorbid. Let's be
careful here. Immortal doesnt include youth or return to youth. Immorbid
means you s...
Death of the Author — at the Hands of Cthulhu
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In 1967, French literary theorist and philosopher Roland Barthes wrote of
“The Death of the Author,” arguing that the meaning of a text is divorced
from au...
9/29 again
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"On this sacred day of Michaelmas, former President Donald Trump invoked
the heavenly power of St. Michael the Archangel, sharing a powerful prayer
for pro...
Return of the Magi
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Lately, the Holy Spirit is in the air. Emotional energy is swirling out of
the earth.I can feel it bubbling up, effervescing and evaporating around
us, s...
New Travels
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Haven’t published on the Blog in quite a while. I at least part have been
immersed in the area of writing books. My focus is on Science Fiction an
Historic...
Covid-19 Preys Upon The Elderly And The Obese
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sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
arrived at the emergency room at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
He ...