WaPo | Marijuana’s strict scheduling emerges
from the cultural and racial apathy felt by Richard Nixon, the activist
president who signed the Controlled Substances Act into law. Nixon’s
aides suggested the war on marijuana was racially motivated, and Oval Office tapes highlight his contempt for the counterculture movement as well as racial minorities.
The
tapes also make it clear that Nixon wanted to link marijuana use and
its negative effects to two groups who he held in contempt: African
Americans and hippies. Nixon even appointed a commission to look into
the ills of marijuana — the Shafer Commission. When the group issued its report entitled, “Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding,” which explained that marijuana was not as dangerous or addictive as it had widely been perceived, Nixon called his handpicked chairman, former Republican Pennsylvania governor Ray Shafer, into the Oval Office to be chastised.
So,
while marijuana’s placement in Schedule I was not a result of deep
scientific expertise, that does not mean that the CSA is to blame for
the continuing policy problems. The CSA has avenues to correct error or
compensate for new information or data. Rescheduling is one such remedy.
Under administrative rescheduling, the attorney general asks the Drug
Enforcement Administration and the Food and Drug Administration to
examine whether a substance is properly scheduled. The attorney general
takes those recommendations and ultimately makes a determination. If a
substance is determined to be improperly scheduled, a rulemaking process
commences that ultimately reschedules the substance.
That
the rescheduling process exists means that the architects of the CSA
understood the need for legal flexibility and thought that avenues for
revision should be built into the law. However, due to cultural biases
and stigma that have been cemented into society, science and
bureaucracy, those avenues have largely failed marijuana. The nearly
century-long institutional effort by the U.S. government to paint
marijuana as anathema to society, in all forms and under all
circumstances, has been devastatingly successful.
How
has that effort played out? Beyond promoting propaganda that stoked
public, congressional and media fears of marijuana, the government also
decided that it was of greater interest to fund research that focused on
marijuana’s addictive properties rather than its possible medical
efficacy. The government stifled the ability of the scientific community to build knowledge and expertise in as robust a way as research has explored the efficacy of other controlled substances, even as research came to discover the endocannabinoid system and developed an understanding of how cannabinoids impacted certain human systems and cellular processes.
The federal government set up a DEA-mandated monopoly through the National Institutes on Drug Abuse
for the growth of research grade marijuana — not for all Schedule I
drugs, just marijuana. For decades, the supply from that monopoly was
often insufficient to meet clinical researchers’ needs. Until recently,
all marijuana research proposals needed to go through an additional,
unique review by the Public Health Service that added a bureaucratic
layer, hindering research.
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