ET | Censorship
is the cudgel that is out there. Censorship and cancellation are the
two cudgels that are being used against us. It’s absolutely remarkable
how easily we’ve gone from free speech to asking, “How can I make my way
around the censorship that’s here?” We have skipped over the outrage
phase, which might have led us to a more vigorous protection. Granted, a
lot of boiling frog-type dynamics were built into the censorship
regime.
But
if you’ve been looking for the last 20 years at our press, September
11th brought a quantum leap in this need to marshal people into
categories and to prohibit certain things and certain words and certain
positions from entering into the public sphere. In 2001, Susan Sontag,
one of the great American intellectuals, wrote about having some
questions about the way the new war on terror was being pursued, and she
was hooted down.
We’re
beginning to see that a lot of this hooting down is not as spontaneous
as many of us would like to believe. With the recent Twitter Files, and
the case that the attorney generals of Missouri and Louisiana are trying
now, we’re finding out that this was anything but spontaneous. There
were a number of government actors working in concert with private
actors to achieve a censorship that, frankly, for those of us of a
certain age, is unimaginable.
You
used to be able to say, “I have the First Amendment. Screw you. I’m
going to say what I’m going to say.” We’ve gone from that to, “I have to
be on guard because someone’s always watching me.” We went down this
hole fairly quickly, and it’s very troubling.
Mr. Jekielek:
This is the treason of the experts, I suppose.
Mr. Harrington:
Yes. If you have been lucky enough to have a mentor in your life, what
is a mentor? A mentor is someone who leads you along, who suggests, who
looks at you and says, “What skills does this young person have that
they are not aware of ?” They do an inquiry into that person and suggest
and lead along, and then say implicitly, “How can I help this young
person be the best version of themselves as I see it?” That is what an
expert does. They do not impose a reality on anyone.
They
are very aware of the power they have through their social title, but
more often through their moral force. They realize that it’s a sacred
thing that they have, and that it needs to be treated with the care that
you treat treasures in your life, and that you don’t abuse it. They
need to be very rigorous and be able to look at and check some of their
ego impulses, and then ask, “Am I using this power to satisfy my ego
gratification, more than I am to help the people that I say I am
helping?”
It
seems that that line has been crossed. There’s a lot of ego
gratification that is interfering with what should be a real sober
taking of responsibility for a gift of power. Power is a gift in a
democratic society. It’s not something you own, and it’s not something
there to make people obey you. It’s a gift you have that hopefully you
can use in constructive ways that preserve the dignity of those who
don’t have as much power as you do.
With
the term treason of the experts, I’m playing with history a bit here
with the title. It’s from a famous book that was written by Julien Benda
after the First World War. He was an intellectual. As you know, the
First World War was one of the great cataclysms in the history of the
world, with violence that few people had ever seen.
When
you go back and study it, you can look at what the violence was about,
and the cynicism with which the violence was employed. Leaders marched
their hundreds of thousands of troops so that they could get a tiny
strip of land. It was an open auctioning of soldiers to be fed into the
machine.
Benda
wrote this book in 1927 called, “La Trahison des Clercs,” the Treason
of the Clerisy. What he’s playing with is that in the world after the
late 19th century, the church clerisy began to recede as an important
element in society, to be superseded by the intellectual. The
independent intellectual was made possible through newspapers and the
publishing industry. The new clerisy, as he’s suggesting, are the free
intellectuals.
He
suggests that the role of the free intellectual is to always be
rigorous and to always place themselves above their passions to the best
extent they can and say, “What’s really going on here?” He wrote a
devastating critique in the mid-1920s in which he takes on both the
French intellectuals and the German intellectuals. He said, “They
betrayed our trust. They acted as cheerleaders. They sent young men off
to war to get destroyed, and became cheerleaders of gross propaganda.”
He said, “Come on. We’ve got to reassume the responsibility that goes
with having been granted a credential or a moment in power.” The first
thing I thought about when this began three years ago was World War I.
Mr. Jekielek:
This being Covid?
Mr. Harrington:
Covid. The Covid triennial that we’re in now. In March of 2020, and
you’ll see it in the first essay in the book where I say, “What’s going
on here?” My mind immediately went to World War I. There were big forces
that were pushing us in ways that didn’t add up. There were hidden
hands in places making us do things that simply were not justified at
the level of pure rational analysis. I was very grateful that I had
studied a bit of World War I.
There’s
another wonderful book where you can see some of the madness. It’s by
Stefan Zweig, who was a wonderful intellectual back in that time. He
talks about what happened in 1914 in Vienna. He thought, “We’ve reached
the highest civilization that the world has ever seen.” He was a
Viennese Jew. His friends had been integrated into Viennese life, and
they were leading Viennese life in many ways.
All
of a sudden, they were saying, “Don’t you want to go off to the
trenches? Shouldn’t you be going off to the trenches? Shouldn’t you be
excited? I’m going to go. Isn’t it wonderful?” He began to say, “What’s
going on in this world that I thought was civilized?” I had the very
same reaction in March of 2020.
Mr. Jekielek:
Some people think that this is being done for their own good. It’s not
that there are nefarious forces with their own agendas. A lot of these
folks genuinely believe in this incredibly dystopian vision of the
world, that this is really the right thing to do, and that it will be
good for me and good for you. There is a line that I flagged in the
book, “Ever more open disdain for the intelligence of the citizenry.”
There’s hubris here. That’s particularly infuriating, isn’t it?
Mr. Harrington:
Absolutely. It’s condescension, and I’ve always had a very thin skin for
people being condescending to me. One of the nice things that my
parents did in general was they talked to us as sentient beings almost
from the beginning. It’s one of the things I’ve sought to do with both
my children and with my students.
The
condescending idea is that you need to dole it out and say, “If I told
you, you might not understand. I’m coming from a place of complexity
that you can’t understand. You’ll just have to trust me.” This is very
insulting to people, and it’s antidemocratic. That’s just a fact.
The
premise of democracy, as we understand it, and as it was formed in this
country in the late 18th century, was that the farmer, the worker, and
the lawyer were all citizens in the same measure. Granted, there would
be a natural pecking order in terms of certain skill sets that would
emerge. But in the public space, no one was inherently better or in a
place to tell someone else what they need to know and how they need to
live. It’s one of the great things about this country.
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