moderndiplomacy | One can’t
understand the impeachment proceedings against Donald Trump unless one
understands accurately what was happening in Ukraine and what the
motivations
were of the persons who were involved in U.S.-Ukraine policy, first
under U.S.
President Barack Obama, and then under his successor Donald Trump.
Information will be presented here, about those matters, which probably
won’t come up in the House impeachment hearings. These matters are
likelier to
be publicly discussed afterward, when the case goes to the Senate, but
might be
too ‘sensitive’ to be brought up even there — especially if they make
both
Democratic and Republican officials look bad, such as, for example, if
both
Democrats and Republicans had participated in a February 2014 coup
against, and
overthrowing, Ukraine’s democratically elected Government, and — if that
happened, as we will show it did — how this fact might affect
Trump’s relationship with Zelensky. So: a lot is to be shown here, and this
will be information that the ‘news’-media have been hiding from the public, not
reporting to the public.
Without understanding the reality of Obama’s
coup in Ukraine, there is no way
of honestly explaining Ukrainegate. The 1953 Iran coup produced, as blowback,
the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. Obama’s 2014 coup in Ukraine likewise
is having its blowbacks, but of different types.
TRUMP’S
PURPOSE IN THE 25 JULY 2019 CALL TO ZELENSKY
The argument to be presented here is
that Trump, in this phone-call, and generally, was trying not only to obtain
help with evidence-gathering in the “Crowdstrike” matter (which A.G. Barr is
now investigating, and which also is the reason why Trump specifically
mentioned “Crowdstrike” at the only instance in the phone-call where he was
requesting a “favor” from Zelensky), but to change the policy toward Ukraine
that had been established by Obama (via Obama’s coup and its aftermath). This
is a fact, which will be documented here. Far more than politics was involved
here; ideology was actually very much involved. Trump was considering a basic
change in U.S. foreign policies. He was considering to replace policies that
had been established under, and personnel who had been appointed by, his
immediate predecessor, Barack Obama. Democrats are extremely opposed to any
such changes. This is one of the reasons for the renewed impeachment-effort by
Democrats. They don’t want to let go of Obama’s worst policies. But changing
U.S. foreign policy is within a President’s Constitutional authority to do.
Trump fired the flaming
neoconservative John Bolton on 10 September 2019. This culminated a growing
rejection by Trump of neoconservatism — something that he had never thought
much about but had largely continued from the Obama Administration, which
invaded and destroyed Libya in 2011, Syria in 2012-, Yemen in 2015-, and more —
possibly out-doing even George W. Bush, who likewise was a flaming neocon.
Trump’s gradual turn away from neoconservatism wasn’t just political; it was
instead a reflection, on his part, that maybe, just maybe, he had actually been
wrong and needed to change his foreign policies, in some important ways. (He
evidently still hasn’t yet figured out precisely what those changes should be.)
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