chicagomag | JAMES MONTGOMERY VIVIDLY RECALLS THE first time he met Jeff Fort. The
year was 1971. Richard Nixon was in the White House and the U.S.
attorney for northern Illinois was a young, ambitious Republican named
James R. Thompson. The War on Poverty was over; the war on the Left was
in full swing. Just two years earlier, Senator Charles Percy had praised
Jeff Fort as a bright young man who should enter politics and had
invited him to Nixon’s inauguration. (Fort sent two lieutenants in his
place.) But by 1971, the party was over.
Montgomery would later serve as Mayor Harold Washington’s corporation
counsel, but in 1971 he was a young lawyer in what he calls his “black
rage” days, defending Black Panthers and civil rights leaders. One day,
Montgomery recalls, he held an impromptu press conference on the
courthouse steps, lashing out at the white Establishment. Afterwards, he
was approached by two young black men.
“Jim, you hate those motherfuckers as much as we do,"]eff Fort said. “Why don’t you represent us?”
Fort needed a good lawyer. The TWO job training program had turned
into a scandal, and in March, Jim Thompson had indicted Fort and 23
Stones on conspiring to defraud the U.S. Government. Montgomery was
intrigued by the government’s case. It read like a blueprint for a
right-wing counterattack on the liberalism of the 1960s: Destroy one of
the last vestiges of the War on Poverty and put away a young man who
posed a threat to Mayor Daley’s tight rein on black Chicago—all in one
neat, orderly showcase of a trial.
THE TWO PROGRAM WAS IN TROUBLE FROM the start. Mayor Daley,
reportedly furious that the Feds had bypassed City Hall and funded TWO
directly, refused to approve the organization’s choice of a director.
“Daley knew how gangs operated. He had been in one himself,” says
Kenneth Addison, an associate professor of education at Northeastern
Illinois University and an expert on Chicago gangs. “Fort had
circumvented the Machine. Daley knew the threat Fort and his followers
represented, so he stayed on their asses.”
Daley’s strategy was to harass the gangs at every turn and jail their
leaders. The Gang Intelligence Unit staged repeated raids on TWO’s
training centers. Fort was arrested for murder and kept in jail for five
months, until March 1968, when the charges against him were dropped.
More important, in December 1967, the Chicago Tribune,
acting on a police tip, charged TWO with mismanagement and the
Blackstone Rangers with extortion. The stories scared off corporations
that had pledged to hire the program’s trainees, its supporters say.
In the summer of 1968, Senator John McClellan (D-Arkansas) held
dramatic hearings on the TWO program. When Fort was called as a witness,
his attorney, Marshall Patner, advised him not to testify. Fort rose,
clenched his fist, and stalked out of the room. He was cited for
contempt of Congress, and later convicted.
Criminal charges seemed imminent. But in fact it took nearly four
years and a Republican administration to indict anybody. And then the
grand jury brought charges only against Blackstone Rangers. Some of the
East Side Disciples became key witnesses for the prosecution.
NO ONE REALLY DISPUTED THE ALLEGATION that the Rangers had been
pocketing government money. That was the point of the program,
Montgomery argued. Gang bangers were being paid to stay off the streets
and to stop killing one another, he said at the trial. How can you
charge the gangs with extortion when the program intended all along to
transfer money from the Feds to the gang? Assistant U.S. attorney Samuel
K. Skinner, a protégé of Jim Thompson, argued otherwise. He produced
evidence that gang members had falsified attendance sheets and turned
over stipend l checks to their leaders. Little if any learning had taken
place in TWO’s training centers, Skinner said. In fact, many gang
members were placed in decent jobs, and many more would have i been
helped if the city had not been so hellbent on discrediting TWO, says
Anthony Gibbs who served as TWO’s acting director of the training
program. (He is now an aide to Acting Mayor Eugene Sawyer.)
“We knew what we were dealing with,” Gibbs says. “This was no
Sunday-school class. The way to destroy the gang was to wean the members
away from the gang. That was my philosophy. And the way to do that was
to provide them with another alternative. Not say, ‘Be a nice little boy
and go back to high school and get your GED.’ No, we’re gonna get you a
J-O-B, ’cause this little training stipend I’m giving you, $45 a week,
ain’t shit. I’m going to get you a job that makes you $150 a week and
will buy you a new pair of shoes, sweater, everything. You’l1 get used
to that, and you won’t have time for no gang.”
Others say the flood of grant money overwhelmed the gang.
“The money was coming so fast and so rapidly, the Rangers couldn’t
sort out the good offers from the bad,” says Dan Swope, the former Boys
Club director. “Ultimately, by not having that kind of guidance, they
began to make their own choices, and they obviously made bad ones.
“People were fighting over them for grants. Jeff Fort and his group
became ‘tough guys’ for hire. People made all kinds of offers, and they
learned how to get everything they wanted. That’s what corrupted them,
so much money being available. Everyone wanted to save the poor.
Everyone had the perfect answer.”
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