medialens | On September 11, four Americans, including the US ambassador, were
killed in an attack on the US consulate in Benghazi, Libya. The
following day, the BBC's Lunchtime News reported that the killings were
part of 'disturbances' which were 'linked to an anti-Islamic video' (BBC
News, September 12, 2012). The BBC's News at Six explained that the US
ambassador was killed 'in a protest'. This was mild language indeed
given that the consulate had been attacked with assault rifles, hand
grenades, rocket-propelled grenades and mortars. (According to the New York Times, two US security guards were killed by mortar fire).
We can easily imagine the BBC reaction if the killings had happened
under Gaddafi, Chavez or some other official enemy. The favoured
adjective, 'terrorist', would surely have made an early appearance.
How to explain the BBC's response? The key, of course, is that the
current Libyan government owes its existence to Western military
intervention. It achieved power because the West exploited UN resolution
1973, which authorised a 'no-fly zone', as an excuse to bomb Gaddafi's
forces to defeat. The 'no-fly zone' in fact became a 'no-drive zone' for
one side of the conflict. As so often, the BBC was taking its cue from
Washington and Downing Street. Obama expressed
'appreciation for the cooperation we have received from the Libyan
government and people in responding to this outrageous attack... This
attack will not break the bonds between the United States and Libya'.
Like most other media, the BBC instantly concluded that the 'protest'
and killings were expressions of religious rather than political anger.
As late as September 22, the BBC reported: 'The attack on the US consulate was triggered by an amateur video made in the US which mocks Islam.'
In similar vein, Julian Borger wrote an
article in the Guardian under the title: 'How anti-Islamic movie
sparked lethal assault on US consulate in Libya.' Kim Sengupta commented in the Independent:
'The US ambassador to Libya and three
members of his staff were killed in an attack by an armed mob which
stormed the country's consulate in Benghazi in a furious protest over an
American film mocking the Prophet Mohammed.'
How, the world asked, could any sane human being kill over a
second-rate film, over the idea that a religion had been insulted?
Reasonable questions. On the other hand, one might ask how anyone could
kill or die for a flag, or an idea like 'the
Homeland/Fatherland/Motherland', or for non-existent weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq.
Subsequent reporting suggested that the initial media consensus blaming a provocative film was false. The Telegraph noted:
'A security guard wounded in the
attack... has insisted it was a planned assault by Islamist fighters,
and not a protest that got out of hand.
'The guard, who works for a British firm,
said there was no demonstration over a controversial anti-Islamic film
before extremists stormed the compound in the eastern city of Benghazi.'
Matthew Olsen, director of the US National Counterterrorism Center, told the
Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs: 'I
would say [the four Americans] were killed in the course of a terrorist
attack.'
Olsen added:
'A number of different elements appear to
have been involved in the attack, including individuals connected to
militant groups that are prevalent in eastern Libya, particularly in the
Benghazi area. We are looking as well at indications that individuals
involved in the attack may have had connections to al Qaida or al
Qaida's affiliates, including al Qaida in the Maghreb.'
US Senator Joe Lieberman also questioned the US regime's assertion that the attack was spontaneous:
'I will tell you based on the briefings I
have had, I have come to the opposite conclusion and agree with the
president of Libya that this was a premeditated, planned attack that was
associated with the... anniversary of 9/11. I just don't think people
come to protest equipped with RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades) and other
heavy weapons.'
Between June and August in Benghazi, there had been bomb, grenade and
RPG attacks on the US consulate, the UK ambassador's motorcade, the
Tunisian consulate, and the local headquarters of the International
Committee of the Red Cross, with leafleted warnings of more to come. CNN
reported that
Chris Stevens was 'worried about what he called the never-ending
security threats' and 'mentioned his name was on an al Qaeda hit list'.
The attack also gave an insight into the US role in the country it helped 'liberate'. The New York Times observed:
'Among the more than two dozen American
personnel evacuated from the city after the assault on the American
mission and a nearby annex were about a dozen C.I.A. operatives and
contractors, who played a crucial role in conducting surveillance and
collecting information on an array of armed militant groups in and
around the city.'
Their role in a Libya that we are told is 'free' and 'independent':
'American intelligence operatives also
assisted State Department contractors and Libyan officials in tracking
shoulder-fired missiles taken from the former arsenals of Colonel
Qaddafi's forces; they aided in efforts to secure Libya's chemical
weapons stockpiles; and they helped train Libya's new intelligence
service, officials said.'
As Glenn Greenwald pointed out,
evidence that the attack was a carefully planned, politically-motivated
attack, rather than a spontaneous eruption of religious ire, is the
wrong kind of news for the many supporters of Nato's intervention in
Libya:
'Critics of the war in Libya warned that
the US was siding with (and arming and empowering) violent extremists,
including al-Qaida elements, that would eventually cause the US to claim
it had to return to Libya to fight against them – just as its funding
and arming of Saddam in Iraq and the mujahideen in Afghanistan
subsequently justified new wars against those one-time allies.'
The truth of the attack 'underscores how unstable, lawless and dangerous Libya has become'. Indeed, as we noted in July, the media did an excellent job of burying an Amnesty International report
which described 'the mounting toll of victims of an increasingly
lawless Libya, where the transitional authorities have been unable or
unwilling to rein in the hundreds of militias formed during and after
the 2011 conflict'.
This post-intervention mayhem is something supporters of Western
intervention are naturally keen to hide – focus on a 'mocking' film has
served the purpose.
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