covertactionmagazine | April 1st was a good news/bad news kind of day for U.S. military drone-maker General Atomics. First, it was reported
that the government of Australia had revealed that they were canceling
the planned purchase of 12 MQ-9B SkyGuardian drones, made by General
Atomics (GA). Since the deal would have been worth a cool one billion dollars to GA, this was definitely the bad news.
Luckily, GA had a good news story in the works. And as luck would have it, it would run on the same day as the bad news story.
Back in January, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) handed GA
$1.5 million to fly the 79-ft. 12,000 lbs SkyGuardian over North Dakota
for 10 hours. (GA apparently didn’t feel the need for a press release
and the resulting news article until the day before some bad news from down under was in the pipeline.)
The stated purpose of the FAA grant to GA was “to research Detect and
Avoid (DAA) capabilities.” (DAA, the ability for an unmanned aircraft
to ‘detect’ another aircraft, and ‘avoid’ it, is the Holy Grail of drone
integration. “Integration” is the process of removing restrictions
against drones operating in domestic U.S. airspace.)
That’s right—the FAA was PAYING a U.S. arms manufacturer $1.5 million
in public monies to demonstrate their newest military surveillance
drone over domestic U.S. territory.
If this is all a surprise to you, you’re not alone. The program to
integrate military drones into U.S. domestic airspace has been operating
for 10 years. It involves various federal agencies—DoD, FAA, NASA,
Commerce, Energy, DHS, etc. But it hasn’t been reported on in any major
news venue since the day before the bill creating it was signed into law in 2012 by then-President Barack Obama.
thedrive | Earlier this year The War Zone exclusively reported about a series of 2019 incidents that involved unidentified drones stalking US Navy vessels
over several nights in the waters off of Southern California. Our
initial report also covered the Navy’s investigation into the incidents,
which appeared to struggle to identify either the aircraft or their
operators. Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Michael Gilday later
clarified that the aircraft were never identified, and that there have been similar incidents across the service branches and allied militaries.
Newly
released documents obtained via the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)
show that the full scope of these drone incursions was greater than it
initially appeared, and they persisted well after the Navy’s
investigation was launched. Deck logs indicate that drone sightings
continued throughout the month of July 2019 and included events where
drone countermeasure teams were called into action. One notable event
involved at least three ships observing multiple drones.
Uncharacteristically for unclassified deck logs, the details on this
event are almost entirely redacted.
It is also noteworthy that these events occurred well after Navy investigators sought to “correlate or rule out operations”
with Fleet Area Control and Surveillance Facility (FACSFAC) based in
San Diego. Indeed, an investigation began immediately after the initial
events on July 16th, with information on the incidents being routed to
the Chief of Naval Operations as early as July 18th. Given the progress
of the investigation, more prosaic causes like errant US aircraft or
civilian activity had already been examined. Whatever the outcome of the
July 30th event, it was likely closely scrutinized by Navy leadership.
The
lack of concrete identification of the aircraft involved also led to
widespread public speculation earlier this year. Leaked photos and
videos said to pertain to the July 15th and 16th incident were released
this summer by filmmaker Jeremy Corbell.
The materials consisted of footage of radar screens showing multiple
unknown contacts, video of an object apparently falling into the ocean,
and a brief video of a triangular-shaped light flying over the deck of a
ship. The apparent triangular shape of the object has been strongly debated, as many have posited it was the result of a common optical artifact.
The Department of Defense was quick to partially authenticate
the material, acknowledging that the videos were taken by Navy
personnel. However, to date, the Pentagon has not provided any details
that corroborate the location or timeframe of the footage or any
clarification on what the objects were. Corbell maintains that the
videos depict extraordinarily complex vehicles capable of “transmedium”
travel, or the ability to traverse both water and the atmosphere with
ease. Chief of Naval Operations Michael Gilday explained in a press
briefing earlier this year that while the Navy had not positively
identified the aircraft, there were no indications they were extraterrestrial in nature.
There has been significant overlap in the discussion of the mounting threat from lower-end drones and resurgent interest in UFOs in recent years. That overlap is conspicuous in the recent National Defense Authorization Act language,
which authorizes an expansive approach to the Pentagon’s study of UFOs.
The language, introduced by Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, a New York
Democrat, creates a requirement for conducting “field investigations,”
as well as new mandates to scientifically examine UFO reports. An
amended version of Gillibrand's proposal was ultimately adopted in the
NDAA and awaits President Biden's signature. While many have focused on
otherworldly explanations for UFO sightings, Senator Gillibrand told Politico
that the rationale for her interest encompassed conventional and
emerging technology and not only the “unknown.” She explained, “you're
talking about drone technology, you're talking about balloon technology,
you're talking about other aerial phenomena, and then you're talking
about the unknown.”
The urgency surrounding the drone issue has been a growing focus among defense policymakers as encounters with both civilian and military aircraft
have become widespread. In the last five years the Federal Aviation
Administration has gathered approximately ten thousand drone incident
reports. We have made many of these reports available in an interactive tool that maps the location and descriptions of the incident.
Far
from being only a domestic issue, drones have also become a matter of
grave concern for military leaders. Earlier this year Marine General
Kenneth McKenzie Jr. said in a speech to the Middle East Institute that “the growing threat posed by these systems
coupled with our lack of dependable, networked capabilities to counter
them is the most concerning tactical development since the rise of the
improvised explosive device in Iraq.” McKenzie also explained that
drones “provide adversaries the operational ability to surveil and
target U.S. and partner facilities while affording plausible deniability
and a disproportionate return on the investment, all in our
adversaries’ favor.”
In
the case of the 2019 Southern California incidents, several of these
factors appear to be at work. The newly released map clarifies just how
closely drones were shadowing Navy ships, likely affording opportunities
to gather a variety of valuable intelligence. The lack of positive
attribution of the aircraft even today speaks to McKenzie’s comments
about plausible deniability and disproportionate return.
What, specifically, is the "DHS's work" when it comes to disinformation? Do they decide what is and is not disinformation? Do they use specific powers to "combat" it? It's not just the new Board itself that is unclear. DHS's entire role in all of this is unclear - and creepy. https://t.co/0PJGcTlqul
politico | President Zelensky has made ending the war in Ukraine’s eastern
Donbas region—which was instigated and is sustained by Russia and has
claimed 13,000 lives and counting—his administration’s top priority. He has made some progress toward that goal, overseeing a historic prisoner swap
with Russia that saw one of Ukraine’s most respected filmmakers as well
as 24 sailors captured last November returned home. According to
information from the U.N. High Commissioner on Human Rights, fewer
civilians have been killed in the conflict this year than any year
previously. A July cease-fire at the contact line seems to be holding
firmer than its previous incarnations.
For Zelensky,Trump could be the key to ending the war in the
Donbas. The American president has made his admiration for and cozy
relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin no secret. Likewise,
Trump’s views about Ukraine—ambivalence about the status of Crimea,
which Russia illegally seized in 2014, and support for ending the
sanctions placed on Russia in response to its activities in Ukraine—make
Ukrainians nervous. A cordial relationship between Trump and Zelensky
could give Trump insight into Ukraine’s perspective and give Ukraine
leverage it did not enjoy under former President Petro Poroshenko, who
struggled to connect with the U.S. leader.
Ukraine does not have the luxury to pick and choose its international
partners, something I learned when I served as an adviser to the
Ukrainian Foreign Ministry in 2016 and 2017 under the auspices of a
Fulbright Public Policy Fellowship. Ukraine relies on its larger, richer
allies as it attempts to shed its post-Soviet legacy. The United
States—its largest and richest ally—provides not only for the now-famous
military aid package, but hundreds of millions of dollars in civilian aid,
supporting projects in just about every sector. The containment of the
Chernobyl nuclear site, fighting HIV/AIDS, building cybersecurity
capabilities, and creating government bodies that are more responsive to
citizens are just a few of the projects that U.S assistance makes
possible. Continued reform, including the pursuit of energy independence
from Russia and the cleanup of the court system, the biggest obstacle
to Ukrainian anti-corruption efforts, would be imperiled without this
assistance. The United States also plays a key role in corralling
European partners to uphold their own sanctions on Russia and to
continue to support Ukraine as it walks the long and often bumpy road of
democratic reform.
There are reasons to believe Zelensky’s slippery answers to President
Trump’s repeated requests that he investigate former Vice President Joe
Biden and his son Hunter were deliberate. According to congressional
staff who recently visited Ukraine and spoke with senior Ukrainian
officials, the Zelensky administration was upset at feeling that it was
being used and didn’t want to be a pawn in America’s domestic political
machinations. In the phone call and at the meeting of the two presidents
Wednesday at the U.N. General Assembly, Zelensky was careful not to let
the name Biden cross his lips. Instead, Zelensky says he will “look
into the situation” related to Burisma, the company on whose board
Hunter Biden sat, more generally. At the U.N., Zelensky also mentioned a
few of the other important cases he hoped his new prosecutor would
investigate in addition to Burisma, and maintained that he didn’t want
to be dragged into American politics.
Nina Jankowicz, who served as a Fulbright fellow, works in a press room
at Volodymyr Zelensky's campaign headquarters in 2019 in Kyiv, Ukraine.
Jankowicz was recently named the head of the Department of Homeland
Security's Disinformation Governance Board.
WaPo | On
the morning of April 27, the Department of Homeland Security announced
the creation of the first Disinformation Governance Board with the
stated goal to “coordinate countering misinformation related to homeland
security.” The Biden administration tapped Nina Jankowicz, a well-known
figure in the field of fighting disinformation and extremism, as the
board’s executive director.
In
naming the 33-year-old Jankowicz to run the newly created board, the
administration chose someone with extensive experience in the field of
disinformation, which has emerged as an urgent and important issue. The
author of the books “How to Be a Woman Online” and “How to Lose the Information War,”
her career also featured stints at multiple nonpartisan think tanks and
nonprofits and included work that focused on strengthening democratic
institutions. Within the small community of disinformation researchers,
her work was well-regarded.
But
within hours of news of her appointment, Jankowicz was thrust into the
spotlight by the very forces she dedicated her career to combating. The
board itself and DHS received criticism for both its somewhat ominous
name and scant details of specific mission (Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said
it “could have done a better job of communicating what it is and what
it isn’t”), but Jankowicz was on the receiving end of the harshest
attacks, with her role mischaracterized as she became a primary target
on the right-wing Internet. She has been subject to an unrelenting
barrage of harassment and abuse while unchecked misrepresentations of
her work continue to go viral.
BAR | On April 4, 1967 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. gave one of the most significant speeches of his career. In “Beyond Vietnam - Time to Break Silence”
King declared his unequivocal opposition to the war in Vietnam. His
very public break with Lyndon Johnson was greeted with derision,
including from his own allies, who believed that the president was an
ally who should not be attacked. The NAACP board passed a resolution
calling King’s statement a “serious tactical mistake” that would neither
“serve the cause of civil rights nor of peace.” The media joined in the
condemnation, with the New York Times
characterizing his comments as “facile” and “slander.” Even Black
newspapers such as The Pittsburgh Courier judged his remarks to be
“tragically misleading.”
It is important to remember this speech in which he declared that the
United States was “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world
today.” There are individuals and organizations who routinely claim
King’s mantle until they fall prey to the war propaganda promoted by the
present day purveyors of violence.
The Rev. Dr. William Barber is sadly one such person. In an April 30, 2022 email on the subject Moral Clarity About Our Own Atrocities he made many specious arguments on the issue of war as it pertains to U.S. policy in Ukraine.
“To see the butchery at Bucha or the massacre at Mariupol and do
nothing would be to forfeit any claim to moral authority. We know this
instinctively. It is why, despite the political gridlock on Capitol
Hill, Republicans and Democrats have acted swiftly to approve historic
military aid to Ukraine. In the face of such a moral imperative, it
would be anathema for either party to ask, “How are we going to pay for
it?”
There is no independent investigation of what the Biden
administration and corporate media label as “massacres.” No one who
claims to act in the interests of humanity should praise the historic
levels of military aid to Ukraine, an oligarchic kleptocracy under U.S.
control which depends upon military and police support from openly
neo-Nazi formations. So blatant are the connections that in past years
members of congress have moved to ensure that these groups are denied U.S. aid.
Furthermore, Rev. Barber ought to know that questions of funding for
domestic needs must always be raised. Joe Biden is requesting $33
billion in aid to Ukraine, which means money for the military industrial
complex, after ending stimulus payments and other support for
struggling people in this country. Barber opens his email with the story
of a woman who lost children in her care to a child welfare agency
after the termination of the child tax credit program plunged her into
poverty. It is disturbing to see Barber’s attempt to have it both ways,
demanding help for the poor while also supporting the system that keeps
them in their condition.
The child tax credit which kept families afloat disappeared, along
with enhanced unemployment benefits, anti-eviction protection, and free
covid related treatments to the uninsured. The much vaunted Build Back
Better bill is dead and Biden seems uninterested in resurrecting it. It
is reasonable to ask the Biden administration for a monetary accounting
and for an explanation of how their actions led to a humanitarian
disaster for the Ukrainian people, mass theft from Americans’ public
resources, and a risk of hot war with the Russian Federation.
Barber and the Poor People’s Campaign are preparing for a Poor People’s and Low-Wage Workers Assembly and Moral March on Washington and to the Polls
taking place on June 18, 2022. His ill conceived email was meant to
bring attention to this event but instead he brought attention to the
deep connections that liberal politics has with right wing forces.
Barber is not alone in his capitulation as members of congress who claim
to be progressive march in lock step with imperialism and austerity
which create suffering in this country and around the world.
bloomberg |Two months into Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, U.S. Secretary of
Defense Lloyd Austin convened an extraordinary conclave of allies and
partners at the U.S. military base in Ramstein, Germany. They were there
to establish a wartime coalition whose announced aim, at the time, was
to protect Ukraine from further Russian aggression.
The
participants were mostly members of the NATO alliance. They were joined
by a dozen or so pro-U.S. nations. Among them was Israel, a country
that began the war with the hope of remaining neutral but has been
reluctantly, incrementally and inexorably drawn toward the American
side. Israel’s presence at the conference signaled that it was now all
in.
The question is, all in on what?
Israel accepted the invitation assuming that it would be asked to play a
small part in arming Ukraine with advanced weapons that would enable
Kyiv to hold off and push back the invaders. But after the conference,
Austin told journalists that the goal of the Ramstein alliance would be
to weaken Russia in a way that would prevent it from using military
force against its neighbors. In other words, to reduce Russia from a
superpower to a more minor status. The Ramstein Group would be meeting
once a month, moreover, a sign America is anticipating a long war.
Russia
replied by signaling that it wouldn’t accept the sort of total defeat
that the U.S. and its partners had in mind. Putin made it clear that
Russia would, if necessary, use nuclear weapons to prevent such an
outcome.
The
government of Israel didn’t tell the public in advance that it had
decided to join a wartime alliance that in theory could lead to a
nuclear war. And it has yet to react to the Russian threat. But going to
Ramstein was a defining decision. There is no off-ramp.
Military
alliances are new to Israel. In the 1991 Gulf War its efforts to join
the U.S.-led coalition were rebuffed by Arab members. It isn’t a NATO
nation, which means that it has no mutual security guarantee. It also
has no formal defense treaty with the U.S. Israel is a
country accustomed to fighting neighborhood battles on its own. Signing
up for a prolonged conflict against Russia in Ukraine, perhaps a wider
war in Europe or even Armageddon isn’t something Israel appears to have
thought about deeply.
Most
of the Ramstein countries don’t have Russian troops on their borders.
Israel does, in Syria. In recent years, Israel and Russia have
coordinated military efforts that allowed Israel to wage a shadow war
against Iran and its proxies. An antagonized Russia will be much less
likely to prevent Iran from supplying its proxy army in Lebanon or
moving its own Islamic Republic army closer to Israel’s frontier. It’s
clear that ties
between Russia and Israel are already fraying. On Monday, Israel
denounced recent comments by Russia’s foreign minister saying he
believed Hitler had Jewish roots.
As
the war in Ukraine evolves, Jerusalem will do what Washington asks, up
to clear red lines. No presently conceivable Israeli government would
send large combat forces to fight in Ukraine. There is also little
chance Israel will ship heavy military gear there. NATO countries have
more than enough advanced weapons to go around, especially now that the
U.S. is ramping up domestic arms production. Israel also will refrain
from sharing its closely held military secrets with coalition
allies (although there are very few that the U.S. isn’t privy to).
moonofalabama | The Americans are now crying ‘uncle’ about Russia’s hypersonic
weapons. After the most recent flight test of the scramjet-powered
Zircon cruise missile, the Washington Post on July 11 carried a Nato statement of complaint:
"Russia’s new hypersonic missiles are highly destabilizing
and pose significant risks to security and stability across the
Euro-Atlantic area," the statement said.
At the same time, talks have begun on the ‘strategic dialog’
between the US and Russia, as agreed at the June 16 Geneva Summit of
the two presidents. The two sides had already agreed to extend the START
treaty on strategic weapons that has been in effect for a decade, but,
notably, it was the US side that initiated the summit—perhaps spurred by
the deployment of the hypersonic, intercontinental-range Avangard
missile back in 2019, when US weapons inspectors were present, as per
START, to inspect the Avangard as it was lowered into its missile silos.
But what exactly is a hypersonic missile—and why is it suddenly such a big deal?
We all remember when Vladimir Putin announced these wonder weapons
in his March 2018 address to his nation [and the world]. The response
from the US media was loud guffaws about ‘CGI’ cartoons and Russian
‘wishcasting.’ Well, neither Nato nor the Biden team are guffawing now.
Like the five stages of grief, the initial denial phase has slowly given
way to acceptance of reality—as Russia continues deploying already
operational missiles, like the Avangard and the air-launched Kinzhal,
now in Syria, as well as finishing up successful state trials of the
Zircon, which is to be operationally deployed aboard surface ships and
submarines, starting in early 2022. And in fact, there are a whole slew
of new Russian hypersonic missiles in the pipeline, some of them much
smaller and able to be carried by ordinary fighter jets, like the Gremlin aka GZUR.
The word hypersonic itself means a flight regime above the speed of Mach 5. That is simple enough, but it is not only about speed.
More important is the ability to MANEUVER at those high speeds, in
order to avoid being shot down by the opponent’s air defenses. A
ballistic missile can go much faster—an ICBM flies at about 6 to 7
km/s, which is about 15,000 mph, about M 25 high in the atmosphere.
[Mach number varies with temperature, so it is not an absolute
measure of speed. The same 15,000 mph would only equal M 20 at sea
level, where the temperature is higher and the speed of sound is also
higher.]
But a ballistic missile flies on a straightforward
trajectory, just like a bullet fired from a barrel of a gun—it cannot
change direction at all, hence the word ballistic.
This means that ballistic missiles can, in theory, be
tracked by radar and shot down with an interceptor missile. It should be
noted here that even this is a very tough task, despite the
straight-line ballistic trajectory. Such an interception has never been
demonstrated in combat, not even with intermediate-range ballistic
missiles [IRBMs], of the kind that the DPRK fired off numerous times,
sailing above the heads of the US Pacific Fleet in the Sea of Japan,
consisting of over a dozen Aegis-class Ballistic Missile Defense ships, designed specifically for the very purpose of shooting down IRBMs.
Such an interception would have been a historic demonstration
of military technology—on the level of the shock and awe of Hiroshima!
But no interception was ever attempted by those ‘ballistic missile
defense’ ships, spectating as they were, right under the flight paths of
the North Korean rockets!
The bottom line is that hitting even a straight-line ballistic
missile has never been successfully demonstrated in actual practice. It
is a very hard thing to do.
But let’s lower our sights a little from ICBMs and IRBMs [and even
subsonic cruise missiles] to a quite ancient missile technology, the
Soviet-era Scud, first introduced into service in 1957! A recent case
with a Houthi Scud missile fired at Saudi Arabia in December 2017 shows
just how difficult missile interception really is:
At around 9 p.m…a loud bang shook the domestic terminal at Riyadh’s King Khalid International Airport.
‘There was an explosion at the airport,’ a man said in a video taken
moments after the bang. He and others rushed to the windows as emergency
vehicles streamed onto the runway.
Another video, taken from the tarmac, shows the emergency vehicles at
the end of the runway. Just beyond them is a plume of smoke, confirming the blast and indicating a likely point of impact.
The Houthi missile, identified as an Iranian-made Burqan-2 [a copy of
a North Korean Scud, itself a copy of a Chinese copy of the original
Russian Scud from the 1960s], flew over 600 miles before hitting the Riyadh international airport. The US-made Patriot missile defense system fired FIVE interceptor shots at the missile—all of them missed!
Laura Grego, a missile expert at the Union of Concerned
Scientists, expressed alarm that Saudi defense batteries had fired five
times at the incoming missile.
‘You shoot five times at this missile and they all miss?
That's shocking,’ she said. ‘That's shocking because this system is
supposed to work.’
Ms Grego knows what she’s talking about—she holds a physics doctorate
from Caltech and has worked in missile technology for many years. Not
surprisingly, American officials first claimed the Patriot missiles had
done their job and shot the Scud down. This was convincingly debunked in
the extensive expert analysis that ran in the NYT: Did American Missile Defense Fail in Saudi Arabia?
This was not the first time that Patriot ‘missile defense’ against this supposedly obsolete missile failed spectacularly:
On February 25, 1991, an Iraqi Scud hit the barracks in
Dharan, Saudi Arabia, killing 28 soldiers from the U.S. Army's 14’th
Quartermaster Detachment.
A government investigation revealed that the failed intercept at
Dhahran had been caused by a software error in the system's handling of
timestamps. The Patriot missile battery at Dhahran had been in operation
for 100 hours, by which time the system's internal clock had drifted by
one-third of a second. Due to the missile's speed this was equivalent
to a miss distance of 600 meters.
Whether this explanation is factual or not, the Americans’ initial
claims of wild success in downing nearly all of the 80 Iraqi Scuds
launched, was debunked by MIT physicist Theodore Postol, who concluded that no missiles were in fact intercepted!
greenwald | Needless to say, the U.S. security state wants to maintain a
stranglehold on political discourse in the U.S. and the world more
broadly. They want to be able to impose propagandistic narratives
without challenge and advocate for militarism without dissent. To
accomplish that, they need a small handful of corporations which are
subservient to them to hold in their hands as much concentrated power
over the internet as possible.
If a free and fair competitive
market were to arise whereby social media platforms more devoted to free
speech could fairly compete with Google and Facebook— as the various
pending bills in Congress are partially designed to foster — then that
new diversity of influence, that diffusion of power, would genuinely
threaten the ability of the CIA and the Pentagon and the White House to
police political discourse and suppress dissent from their policies and
assertions. By contrast, by maintaining all power in the hands of the
small coterie of tech monopolies which control the internet and which
have long proven their loyalty to the U.S. security state, the ability
of the U.S. national security state to maintain a closed propaganda
system around questions of war and militarism is guaranteed.
In this new letter, these
national security operatives barely bother to hide their intention to
exploit the strong animosity toward Russia that they have cultivated,
and the accompanying intense emotions from the ubiquitous, unprecedented
media coverage of the war in Ukraine, to prop up their goals. Over and
over, they cite the grave Russian threat — a theme they have been
disseminating and manufacturing since the Russiagate fraud of 2016 — to
manipulate Americans to support the preservation of Big Tech's
concentrated power, and to imply that anyone seeking to limit Big Tech
power or make the market more competitive is a threat to U.S. national
security:
This is a pivotal moment in modern history.
There is a battle brewing between authoritarianism and democracy, and
the former is using all the tools at its disposal, including a broad
disinformation campaign and the threat of cyber-attacks, to bring about a
change in the global order. We must confront these global challenges. .
. . U.S. technology platforms have given the world the chance to see
the real story of the Russian military’s horrific human rights abuses in Ukraine. . . . At the same time, President Putinand his regime have sought to twist facts in order to show Russia as a liberator instead of an aggressor. . . .
The Russian government is seeking to
alter the information landscape by blocking Russian citizens from
receiving content that would show the true facts on the ground. .. . . .
Indeed, it is telling that among the Kremlin’s first actions of the war was blocking U.S. platforms in Russia. Putin knows that
U.S. digital platforms can provide Russian citizens valuable views and
facts about the war that he tries to distort through lies and
disinformation. U.S. technology platforms have already taken concrete
steps to shine a light on Russia’s actions to brutalize Ukraine. . . . Providing timely and accurate on-the-ground information – and disrupting the scourge of disinformation from Russian state media – is essential for allowing the world (including the Russian people) to see the human toll of Russia’s aggression. . . . [T]he United States is facing an extraordinary threat from Russian cyber-attacks . . .
In the face of these growing threats, U.S. policymakers must not inadvertently hamper the ability of U.S. technology platforms to
counter increasing disinformation and cybersecurity risks, particularly
as the West continues to rely on the scale and reach of these firms to push back on the Kremlin . . . . Russia’s invasion of Ukraine marks the start of a new chapter in global history, one
in which the ideals of democracy will be put to the test. The United
States will need to rely on the power of its technology sector to ensure
that the safety of its citizens and the narrative of events continues
to be shaped by facts, not by foreign adversaries.
It
is hardly controversial or novel to observe that the U.S. security
state always wants and needs a hated foreign enemy precisely because it
allows them to claim whatever powers and whatever budgets they want in
the name of stopping that foreign villain. And every war and every new
enemy ushers in new authoritarian powers and the trampling of civil
liberties: both the First War on Terror, justified by 9/11, and the New Domestic War on Terror,
justified by 1/6, should have taught us that lesson permanently.
Usually, though, U.S. security state propagandists are a bit more subtle
about how they manipulate anger and fear of foreign villains to
manipulate public opinion for their own authoritarian ends.
Perhaps
because of their current desperation about the support these bills have
attracted, they are now just nakedly and shamelessly trying to channel
the anger and hatred that they have successfully stoked toward Russia to
demand that Big Tech not be weakened, regulated or restricted in any way.
The cynical exploitation could hardly be more overt: if you hate Putin
the way any loyal and patriotic American should, then you must devote
yourself to full preservation of the power of Google, Facebook, Apple,
and Amazon.
It should go without saying that these
life-long security state operatives do not care in the slightest about
the dangers of "disinformation.” Indeed — as evidenced by the fact that
most of them generated one Russiagate fraud after the next during...
WSJ | The U.S.
has trained thousands of African soldiers, from infantrymen rehearsing
counterterrorism raids on the edge of the Sahara to senior commanders
attending the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. The programs are a
linchpin of U.S. policy on the continent, intended to help African
allies professionalize their armed forces to fight armed opponents both
foreign and domestic.
But U.S. commanders have watched with dismay over the past year as military leaders in several African allies—including
officers with extensive American schooling—have overthrown civilian
governments and seized power for themselves, triggering laws that forbid
the U.S. government from providing them with weapons or training.
“There’s
no one more surprised or disappointed when partners that we’re working
with—or have been working with for a while in some cases—decide to
overthrow their government,” Rear Adm. Jamie Sands, commander of U.S.
special-operations forces in Africa, said this week. “We have not found
ourselves able to prevent it, and we certainly don’t assess that we’re
causing it.”
The
strategic setback was apparent in recent weeks here at Fort Benning,
where the U.S. Army hosted its annual gathering of top ground-force
commanders from around Africa. Senior soldiers from three dozen African
countries watched American recruits tackle boot-camp obstacle courses,
witnessed parachute training and saw live-ammo tank and mortar
demonstrations.
The
Army withheld invitations from coup leaders in Mali and Burkina Faso,
West African countries engaged in existential struggles with al Qaeda
and Islamic State. Guinean soldiers, who in Septembertoppled the West African nation’s civilian government, were left out of the Fort Benning events and are no longer included in U.S.-led special-operations exercises.
Sudan’s
ruling junta, which last year reversed a U.S.-supported transition to
democratic rule, was unwelcome at the Fort Benning summit. Ethiopia
hosted the last such gathering in 2020; this year its military is on the
outs with the U.S. over alleged human-rights abuses in its war against
Tigrayan rebels.
“We
don’t control what happens when we leave,” said U.S. Army Col. Michael
Sullivan, commander of the 2d Security Force Assistance Brigade, a unit
created to advise and train African armies. “We always hope we’re
helping countries do the right thing.”
Last
year, a logistics advisory team from Col. Sullivan’s brigade had just
arrived in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, and was waiting out its
Covid-19 quarantine at a hotel when the Biden administration decided to
cancel the deployment “due to our deep concerns about the conflict in
northern Ethiopia and human-rights violations and abuses being committed
against civilians,” according to a State Department spokesperson.
foreignpolicy | For decades, a so-called anti-propaganda law prevented the U.S.
government’s mammoth broadcasting arm from delivering programming to
American audiences. But on July 2, that came silently to an end with the
implementation of a new reform passed in January. The result: an
unleashing of thousands of hours per week of government-funded radio and
TV programs for domestic U.S. consumption in a reform initially criticized as a green light for U.S. domestic propaganda efforts. So what just happened?
Until this month, a vast ocean of U.S. programming produced by the
Broadcasting Board of Governors such as Voice of America, Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty, and the Middle East Broadcasting Networks could
only be viewed or listened to at broadcast quality in foreign countries.
The programming varies in tone and quality, but its breadth is vast:
It’s viewed in more than 100 countries in 61 languages. The topics
covered include human rights abuses in Iran, self-immolation in Tibet,
human trafficking across Asia, and on-the-ground reporting in Egypt and
Iraq.
The restriction of these broadcasts was due to the Smith-Mundt Act, a
long-standing piece of legislation that has been amended numerous times
over the years, perhaps most consequentially by Arkansas Senator J.
William Fulbright. In the 1970s, Fulbright was no friend of VOA and
Radio Free Europe, and moved to restrict them from domestic
distribution, saying
they "should be given the opportunity to take their rightful place in
the graveyard of Cold War relics." Fulbright’s amendment to Smith-Mundt
was bolstered in 1985 by Nebraska Senator Edward Zorinsky, who argued
that such "propaganda" should be kept out of America as to distinguish the U.S. "from the Soviet Union where domestic propaganda is a principal government activity."
Zorinsky and Fulbright sold their amendments on sensible rhetoric:
American taxpayers shouldn’t be funding propaganda for American
audiences. So did Congress just tear down the American public’s last
defense against domestic propaganda?
BBG spokeswoman Lynne Weil insists BBG is not a propaganda outlet,
and its flagship services such as VOA "present fair and accurate news."
"They don’t shy away from stories that don’t shed the best light on the United States," she told The Cable. She pointed to the charters
of VOA and RFE: "Our journalists provide what many people cannot get
locally: uncensored news, responsible discussion, and open debate."
A former U.S. government source with knowledge of the BBG says the organization is no Pravda,
but it does advance U.S. interests in more subtle ways. In Somalia, for
instance, VOA serves as counterprogramming to outlets peddling
anti-American or jihadist sentiment. "Somalis have three options for
news," the source said, "word of mouth, al-Shabab, or VOA Somalia."
This partially explains the push to allow BBG broadcasts on local
radio stations in the United States. The agency wants to reach diaspora
communities, such as St. Paul, Minnesota’s significant Somali expat
community. "Those people can get al-Shabab, they can get Russia Today,
but they couldn’t get access to their taxpayer-funded news sources like
VOA Somalia," the source said. "It was silly."
Lynne added that the reform has a transparency benefit as well. "Now
Americans will be able to know more about what they are paying for with
their tax dollars — greater transparency is a win-win for all
involved," she said. And so with that we have the Smith-Mundt Modernization Act of 2012, which passed as part of the 2013 National Defense Authorization Act, and went into effect this month.
But if anyone needed a reminder of the dangers of domestic
propaganda efforts, the past 12 months provided ample reasons. Last
year, two USA Today journalists were ensnared
in a propaganda campaign after reporting about millions of dollars in
back taxes owed by the Pentagon’s top propaganda contractor in
Afghanistan. Eventually, one of the co-owners of the firm confessed to creating phony websites and Twitter accounts to smear the journalists anonymously. Additionally, just this month, the Washington Post exposed
a counter-propaganda program by the Pentagon that recommended posting
comments on a U.S. website run by a Somali expat with readers opposing
al-Shabab. "Today, the military is more focused on manipulating news and
commentary on the Internet, especially social media, by posting
material and images without necessarily claiming ownership," reported
the Post.
popularresistance | Margaret Flowers: You’re listening to Clearing the FOG,
speaking truth to expose the forces of greed, with Margaret Flowers. And
now I turn to my guest, Michael Hudson. Michael is the president of the
Institute for the Study of Long-term, Economic Trends, ISLET. He’s a
Wall Street financial analyst and a distinguished research professor of
Economics at the University of Missouri, in Kansas City. He’s also the
author of numerous books and recently updated his book, “Super
Imperialism: The economic strategy of American Empire.” Thank you for
taking time to speak with me today, Michael.
Michael Hudson: Well, thanks for having me on Margaret.
MF: You’ve talked a lot and written a lot about dollar hegemony and
what’s happening now with de-dollarization. Can you start out by
explaining to my listeners what dollar hegemony is and how it has
benefited the wealthy class in the United States?
MH: Dollar hegemony seems to be the position that has just ended as
of this week very abruptly. Dollar hegemony was when America’s war in
Vietnam and the military spending of the 1960s and 70s drove the United
States off gold. The entire US balance of payments deficit was military
spending, and it began to run down the gold supply. So, in 1971,
President Nixon took the dollar off gold. Well, everybody thought
America has been controlling the world economy since World War I by
having most of the gold and by being the creditor to the world. And they
thought what is going to happen now that the United States is running a
deficit, instead of being a creditor.
Well, what happened was that, as I’ve described in Super Imperialism,
when the United States went off gold, foreign central banks didn’t have
anything to buy with their dollars that were flowing into their
countries – again, mainly from the US military deficit but also from the
investment takeovers. And they found that these dollars came in, the
only thing they could do would be to recycle them to the United States.
And what do central banks hold? They don’t buy property, usually, back
then they didn’t. They buy Treasury bonds. And so, the United States
would be spending dollars abroad and foreign central banks didn’t really
have anything to do but send it right back to buy treasury bonds to
finance not only the balance of payments deficit, but also the budget
deficit that was largely military in character. So, dollar hegemony was
the system where foreign central banks keep their monetary and
international savings reserves in dollars and the dollars are used to
finance the military bases around the world, almost eight hundred
military bases surrounding them. So, basically central banks have to
keep their savings by weaponizing them, by militarizing them, by lending
them to the United States, to keep spending abroad.
This gave America a free ride. Imagine if you went to the grocery
store and you just paid by giving them an IOU. And then the next week
you want to buy more groceries and you give them another IOU. And they
say, wait a minute, you have an IOU before and you say, well just use
the IOU to pay the milk company that delivers, or the farmers that
deliver. You can use this as your money and just you’ll as a customer,
keep writing IOU’s and you never have to pay anything because your IOU
is other people’s money. Well, that’s what dollar hegemony was, and it
was a free ride. And it all ended last Wednesday when the United States
grabbed Russia’s reserves having grabbed Afghanistan’s foreign reserves
and Venezuela’s foreign reserves and those of other countries.
And all of a sudden, this means that other countries can no longer
safely hold their reserves by sending their money back, depositing them
in US banks or buying US Treasury Securities, or having other US
investments because they could simply be grabbed as happened to Russia.
So, all of a sudden this last week, you’re seeing the world economy
fracture into two parts, a dollarized part and other countries that do
not follow the neoliberal policies that the United States insists that
its allies follow. We’re seeing the birth of a new dual World economy.
MF: Wow, there’s a lot to unpack there. So, are we seeing then other
countries starting to disinvest in US dollars? You’ve written about how
the treasury bonds that these central banks buy up have been basically
funding our domestic economy. Are they starting to shed those bonds or
what’s happening?
nakedcapitalism | His bottom line is, as he says near the top of a two hour-talk:
The Russians are grinding down the Ukrainians and they
are doing it with flipped math. 200,000 guys are grinding down 600,000
guys. It’s one of the most amazing things. When this story is finally
told, people are going to be stunned. All these people now are saying,
“Oh, the Russians, they are doing so poorly, the Russians this…”. Maybe
they are. Maybe I’m getting this all wrong. But you know, I’ve studied
military history, I think I know how to read a map, I think I know how
to look at the balance of forces, I think I know how to study logistics
and stuff, and I think I’m reading this right….This war is closer to
being over than many people think.
Ritter also argues, interestingly, that it is of paramount importance
that Zelensky surrenders to Russia, or the functional equivalent by
signing a peace on Russian terms. Ritter argues that at this juncture,
that means Russians cannot win too quickly. Ukraine has to look like it
has exhausted its options.
Not that this is factoring into how Russia proceeds on the field, but
a slower tempo favors Russia politically. Whether Zelensky accedes to
Russia’s demands is ultimately a US call, unless he has found a way to
go rogue. The West is at present unprepared to accept that, given that
they believe their own/Ukraine’s propaganda that Russia is losing the
war and that Russia’s economy is collapsing under the sanctions.
Western leaders and pundits appear not to have worked out that the
rouble falling (so far much less than in the 1998 crisis) is not the
same as a domestic economic seize-up. Aside from Western goods being
hoovered up after the sanctions hit, we have yet to hear of domestic
shortages. Admittedly, new hardships could kick in starting in a few
months as important speciality items from the West like car parts become
unattainable.
But the US and Europe are about to see energy price pain kick in in
April, and that may soften them up with respect to a Ukraine settlement.
We linked to this story on Saturday, but it’s important to keep in
mind. From the Financial Times, IEA calls for driving restrictions and air travel curbs to reduce oil demand:
How the West Helped Putin With Sanctions
Ritter is amped up on the topic of sanctions. He argues that Saddam
Hussein would have been shot by his own generals after the loss of the
1991 war save for Western sanctions, which unified the country behind
him.
As for Putin, Ritter contends that Putin, who was originally
pro-Western, became convinced of the time of the need to distance Russia
from Europe, but was hampered by the roughly 20% of Russians who are
middle class, normally politically indifferent, but would turn on Putin
if he threatened their access to European goods and vacations. Per
Ritter:
The West just did Putin the greatest favor in the world.
They don’t even realize how stupid they were. The West divorced itself
from Russia. Putin said, “Thank you. Thanks you very much! You’ve now
allowed me to do what I needed to do.”
strategic-culture | In its triple strike of sanctions on Russia, the EU initially was not looking to collapse the Russian financial system. Far from it: Its first instinct
was to find the means to continue purchasing its energy needs (made all
there more vital by the state of the European gas reserves hovering
close to zero). Purchases of energy, special metals, rare earths (all
needed for high tech manufacture) and agricultural products were to be
exempted. In short, at first brush, the sinews of the global financial
system were intended to remain intact.
The main target rather, was to block the core to the Russian
financial system’s ability to raise capital – supplemented by specific
sanctions on Alrosa, a major player in the diamond market, and Sovcomflot, a tanker fleet operator.
Then, last Saturday morning (26 February) everything changed. It
became a blitzkrieg: “We’re waging an all-out economic and financial war
on Russia. We will cause the collapse of the Russian economy”, said the
French Finance Minister, Le Maire (words, he later said, he regretted).
That Saturday, the EU, the U.S. and some allies acted to freeze the
Russian Central Bank’s foreign exchange reserves held overseas. And
certain Russian banks (in the end seven) were to be expelled from SWIFT
financial messaging service. The intent was openly admitted in an U.S.
unattributable briefing: It was to trigger a ‘bear raid’ (ie. an
orchestrated mass selling) of the Rouble on the following Monday that
would collapse the value of the currency.
The purpose to freezing the Central Bank’s reserves was two-fold:
First, to prevent the Bank from supporting the Rouble. And secondly, to
create a commercial bank liquidity scarcity inside Russia to feed into a
concerted campaign over that weekend to scare Russians into believing
that some domestic banks might fail – thus prompting a rush at the ATMs,
and start a bank-run, in other words.
More than two decades ago, in August 1998, Russia defaulted on its
debt and devalued the Rouble, sparking a political crisis that
culminated with Vladimir Putin replacing Boris Yeltsin. In 2014, there
was a similar U.S. attempt to crash the Rouble through sanctions and by
engineering (with Saudi Arabian help) a 41% drop in oil prices by
January 2015.
Plainly, last Saturday morning when Ursula von der Leyen announced
that ‘selected’ Russian banks would be expelled from SWIFT and the
international financial messaging system; and spelled out the near
unprecedented Russian Central Bank reserve freeze, we were witnessing
the repeat of 1998. The collapse of the economy (as Le Maire said), a
run on the domestic banks and the prospect of soaring inflation. This
combination was expected to conflate into a political crisis – albeit
one intended, this time, to see Putin replaced, vice Yeltsin – aka regime change in Russia, as a senior U.S. think-tanker proposed this week.
In the end, the Rouble fell, but it did not collapse. The Russian
currency rather, after an initial drop, recovered about half its early
fall. Russians did queue at their ATMs on Monday, but a full run on the
retail banks did not materialise. It was ‘managed’ by Moscow.
What occurred on that Saturday which prompted the EU switch from
moderate sanctions to become a full participant in a financial war à outrance on
Russia is not clear: It may have resulted from intense U.S. pressure,
or it came from within, as Germany seized an opportune alibi to put
itself back on the path of militarisation for the third time in the past
several decades: To re-configure Germany as a major military power, a
forceful participant in global politics.
And that – very simply – could not have been possible without tacit U.S. encouragement.
Ambassador Bhadrakumar notes
that the underlying shifts made manifest by von der Leyen on Saturday
“herald a profound shift in European politics. It is tempting, but
ultimately futile, to contextually place this shift as a reaction to the
Russian decision to launch military operations in Ukraine. The pretext
only provides the alibi, whilst the shift is anchored on power play and
has a dynamic of its own”. He continues,
“Without doubt, the three developments — Germany’s decision to
step up its militarisation [spending an additional euro100 billion]; the
EU decision to finance arms supplies to Ukraine, and Germany’s historic
decision to reverse its policy not to supply weapons to conflict zones —
mark a radical departure in European politics since World War II. The
thinking toward a military build-up, the need for Germany to be a
“forceful” participant in global politics and the jettisoning of its
guilt complex and get “combat ready” — all these by far predate the
current situation around Ukraine”.
The von der Leyen intervention may have been opportunism, driven by a
resurgence of SPD German ambition (and perhaps by her own animus
towards Russia, stemming from her family connection to the SS German capture of Kiev), yet its consequences are likely profound.
Just to be clear, on one Saturday, von der Leyen pulled the switch to
turn off principal parts to Global financial functioning: blocking
interbank messaging, confiscating foreign exchange reserves and the
cutting the sinews of trade. Ostensibly this ‘burning’ of global
structures is being done (like the burning of villages in Vietnam) to
‘save’ the liberal Order.
However, this must be taken in tandem with Germany’s and the EU
decision to supply weapons (to not just any old ‘conflict zone’) but
specifically to forces fighting Russian troops in Ukraine. The ‘Kick Ass’ parts to those Ukrainian forces ‘resisting’ Russia are neo-Nazi forces with a long history of committing atrocities against the Russian-speaking Ukrainian peoples. Germany will be joining with the U.S. in training these Nazi elements in Poland. The CIA has been doing such
since 2015. (So, as Russia tries to de-Nazify Ukraine, Germany and the
EU are encouraging European volunteers to join in a U.S.-led effort to
use Nazi elements to resist Russia, just as in the way Jihadists were trained to resist Russia in Syria).
What a paradox! Effectively von der Leyen is overseeing the building
of an EU ‘Berlin Wall’ – albeit with its purpose inverted now – to
separate the EU from Russia. And to complete the parallel, she even
announced that Russia Today and Sputnik broadcasts
would be banned across the EU. Europeans can be allowed only to hear
authorised EU messaging – (however, a week into the Russian invasion,
cracks are appearing in this tightly-controlled western narrative – “Putin is NOT crazy and the Russian invasion is NOT failing”, warns a leading U.S. military analyst in the Daily Mail. Simply
“[b]elieving Russia’s assault is going poorly may make us feel better
but is at odds with the facts”, Roggio writes. “We cannot help Ukraine
if we cannot be honest about its predicament”).
So Biden, finally, has his foreign policy ‘success’: Europe is
walling itself off from Russia, China, and the emerging integrated Asian
market. It has sanctioned itself from ‘dependency’ on Russian natural
gas (without prospect of any immediate alternatives) and it has thrown
itself in with the Biden project. Next up, the EU pivot to sanctioning
China?
consortiumnews |In
the time of the first Queen Elizabeth, British royal circles enjoyed
watching fierce dogs torment a captive bear for the fun of it. The bear
had done no harm to anyone, but the dogs were trained to provoke the
imprisoned beast and goad it into fighting back. Blood flowing from the
excited animals delighted the spectators.
This cruel practice has long since been banned as inhumane.
And
yet today, a version of bear baiting is being practiced every day
against whole nations on a gigantic international scale. It is called
United States foreign policy. It has become the regular practice of the
absurd international sports club called NATO.
United
States leaders, secure in their arrogance as “the indispensable
nation,” have no more respect for other countries than the Elizabethans
had for the animals they tormented. The list is long of targets of U.S.
bear baiting, but Russia stands out as prime example of constant
harassment. And this is no accident. The baiting is deliberately and
elaborately planned.
As
evidence, I call attention to a 2019 report by the RAND corporation to
the U.S. Army chief of staff entitled “Extending Russia.” Actually,
the RAND study itself is fairly cautious in its recommendations and
warns that many perfidious tricks might not work. However, I consider
the very existence of this report scandalous, not so much for its
content as for the fact that this is what the Pentagon pays its top
intellectuals to do: figure out ways to lure other nations into troubles
U.S. leaders hope to exploit.
The
official U.S. line is that the Kremlin threatens Europe by its
aggressive expansionism, but when the strategists talk among themselves
the story is very different. Their goal is to use sanctions, propaganda
and other measures to provokeRussia into taking the very sort of negative measures (“over-extension”) that the U.S. can exploit to Russia’s detriment.
The RAND study explains its goals:
“We
examine a range of nonviolent measures that could exploit Russia’s
actual vulnerabilities and anxieties as a way of stressing Russia’s
military and economy and the regime’s political standing at home and
abroad. The steps we examine would not have either defense or deterrence
as their prime purpose, although they might contribute to both. Rather,
these steps are conceived of as elements in a campaign designed to
unbalance the adversary, leading Russia to compete in domains or regions
where the United States has a competitive advantage, and causing Russia
to overextend itself militarily or economically or causing the regime
to lose domestic and/or international prestige and influence.”
Clearly,
in U.S. ruling circles, this is considered “normal” behavior, just as
teasing is normal behavior for the schoolyard bully, and sting
operations are normal for corrupt FBI agents.
This
description perfectly fits U.S. operations in Ukraine, intended to
“exploit Russia’s vulnerabilities and anxieties” by advancing a hostile
military alliance onto its doorstep, while describing Russia’s totally
predictable reactions as gratuitous aggression. Diplomacy involves
understanding the position of the other party. But verbal bear baiting
requires total refusal to understand the other, and constant deliberate
misinterpretation of whatever the other party says or does.
What
is truly diabolical is that, while constantly accusing the Russian bear
of plotting to expand, the whole policy is directed at goading it into
expanding! Because then we can issue punishing sanctions, raise the
Pentagon budget a few notches higher and tighten the NATO Protection
Racket noose tighter around our precious European “allies.”
The generals always knew that the public
admission of failure would not simply throw 20 years of graft and deceit
into sharp relief; such an admission would expose the four stars
themselves to serious scrutiny. To explain the rapid collapse of the
U.S.-backed Afghan state and the inexcusable waste of American blood and
treasure, the American people would discover the long process of moral
and professional decline in the senior ranks of the Army and the
Marines, their outdated doctrine, thinking, and organization for combat.
For the generals it was always better to preserve the façade in Kabul,
propping up the illusion of strength, than face the truth.
It was as if the Afghanistan debacle had finally ripped
the last scab off the military’s role in the failed enterprise. Suddenly
the superstar warrior/monk generals for whom the mainstream media had
written endless paeans, before which members of Congress had bowed and
scraped, were under the garish light of delayed circumspection.
As a result, there is plenty of talk about what went wrong
and what shape the military is in for the future. And certainly just
focusing on “the generals” would be shortsighted. This is about the
institution — for which America’s trust is actually plummeting.
So can the military really afford not to take stock of the cultural,
institutional — and yes, political — changes that have swept over it in
the last 20 years or more?
“My major concern is military effectiveness,” says (Ret.) Marine Corps. Capt. Dan Grazier, who served tours in Iraq and Afghanistan in a tank battalion and is now a
military analyst at the Project on Government Oversight, “that in the
rare event where the military does need to be deployed that we can be
the most effective, lethal force possible when the situation calls for
it.”
After interviews with several infantry veterans who served in the post-9/11 wars, The American Spectator picked
up on a familiar theme as the main obstacle for rebuilding the forces
and the faith: leadership corrupted by careerism and influenced by
outside interests that don’t always coincide with the interests of the
national defense.
The forces aren’t healthy: whose fault?
To Grazier’s mind, after 20 years of
constant deployments the military is “going to naturally decay.” It’s
impossible to sustain systems on a tempo of that measure without
undergoing entropy. According to the most recent RAND Corporation study on deployments, 2.7 million
service members have served in 5.4 million deployments across the globe
since 2001. The National Guard and reserves account for about 35
percent of the total (as of 2015). In fact, thanks to COVID, wildfires, border patrol, and the extra security put on the nation’s capital in January, the Guard was used in 2020
more than any time since World War II. Missions peaked in June when
more than 120,000 of its 450,000 members were on duty here or abroad.
Gil Barndollar,
who served in Afghanistan with the Marines and is now a fellow with
Defense Priorities, says retention will be a concern. These “citizen
soldiers” have “become an operational reserve, not the strategic reserve they were originally intended to be,” he told the Spectator. “Manpower is a rollercoaster, the effects on recruiting and retention always have a lag after events and policy decisions.”
He laments that the Guard, of which he is currently a member, has been used to augment the active duty force so that it can maintain what has become protracted, unending overseas conflicts, often using resources and equipment that are needed stateside, particularly helicopters necessary to fight wildfires in western states.
“It hasn’t been just a long year, it’s been a long 20
years,” Army Maj. Gen. Bret Daugherty, commander of the Washington state
Guard, said back in January.
“I just want to focus on that. We’re all consumed with our domestic
operations right now, but it is simultaneous with our overseas
deployments, which have not let up one iota.”
Unfortunately, instead of pouring resources and energy
into maintaining readiness, much of Washington’s zeal today is about
throwing money at shiny new objects: big-ticket weapons systems, ships,
and aircraft that either take years to build, become obsolete, or don’t
work. A boon to the Beltway defense lobby, not so much for the fighting
forces.
“The military has gotten into a lot of bad habits over the
last 20 years. If you look at the amount of money that was thrown at
the Pentagon, it’s created a lack of discipline,” Grazier charges.
“After 9/11 the floodgates were opened wide. That played to the worst
tendencies of the military industrial congressional complex.”
rutherford | It’s no longer a question of whether the government will lock up Americans for defying its mandates but when.
This is what we know: the government has the means,
the muscle and the motivation to detain individuals who resist its
orders and do not comply with its mandates in a vast array of prisons,
detention centers, and FEMA concentration camps paid for with taxpayer
dollars.
It’s just a matter of time.
It no longer matters what the hot-button issue might be (vaccine
mandates, immigration, gun rights, abortion, same-sex marriage,
healthcare, criticizing the government, protesting election results,
etc.) or which party is wielding its power like a hammer.
The groundwork has already been laid.
Under the indefinite detention provision of the National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), the President and the military can detain and
imprison American citizens with no access to friends, family or the
courts if the government believes them to be a terrorist.
So it should come as no surprise that merely criticizing the government or objecting to a COVID-19 vaccine could get you labeled as a terrorist.
After all, it doesn’t take much to be considered a terrorist anymore,
especially given that the government likes to use the words
“anti-government,” “extremist” and “terrorist” interchangeably.
For instance, the Department of Homeland Security broadly defines
extremists as individuals, military veterans and groups “that are
mainly antigovernment, rejecting federal authority in favor of state or
local authority, or rejecting government authority entirely.”
Indeed, if you believe in and exercise your rights under the
Constitution (namely, your right to speak freely, worship freely,
associate with like-minded individuals who share your political views,
criticize the government, own a weapon, demand a warrant before being
questioned or searched, or any other activity viewed as potentially
anti-government, racist, bigoted, anarchic or sovereign), you could be at the top of the government’s terrorism watch list.
The government also has a growing list—shared with fusion centers and
law enforcement agencies—of ideologies, behaviors, affiliations and
other characteristics that could flag someone as suspicious and result
in their being labeled potential enemies of the state.
This is what happens when you not only put the power to determine who is a potential
danger in the hands of government agencies, the courts and the police
but also give those agencies liberal authority to lock individuals up
for perceived wrongs.
It’s a system just begging to be abused by power-hungry bureaucrats desperate to retain their power at all costs.
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Two years and I've lost count of how many times my eye has been operated
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eel ...
April Three
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4/3
43
When 1 = A and 26 = Z
March = 43
What day?
4 to the power of 3 is 64
64th day is March 5
My birthday
March also has 5 letters.
4 x 3 = 12
...
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sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
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He ...