ipsnews | Since the 1960s, many institutions, the world over, have embraced the
notion of meritocracy. With post-Cold War neoliberal ideologies enabling
growing wealth concentration, the rich, the privileged and their
apologists invoke variants of ‘meritocracy’ to legitimize economic
inequality.
Instead, corporations and other social institutions, which used to be
run by hereditary elites, increasingly recruit and promote on the bases
of qualifications, ability, competence and performance. Meritocracy is
thus supposed to democratize and level society.
Ironically, British sociologist Michael Young pejoratively coined the term meritocracy in his 1958 dystopian satire, The Rise of the Meritocracy. With his intended criticism rejected as no longer relevant, the term is now used in the English language without the negative connotations Young intended.
It has been uncritically embraced by supporters of a social
philosophy of meritocracy in which influence is supposedly distributed
according to the intellectual ability and achievement of individuals.
Many appreciate meritocracy’s two core virtues. First, the
meritocratic elite is presumed to be more capable and effective as their
status, income and wealth are due to their ability, rather than their
family connections.
Second, ‘opening up’ the elite supposedly on the bases of individual
capacities and capabilities is believed to be consistent with and
complementary to ‘fair competition’. They may claim the moral high
ground by invoking ‘equality of opportunity’, but are usually careful to
stress that ‘equality of outcome’ is to be eschewed at all cost.
As Yale Law School Professor Daniel Markovits argues in The Meritocracy Trap,
unlike the hereditary elites preceding them, meritocratic elites must
often work long and hard, e.g., in medicine, finance or consulting, to
enhance their own privileges, and to pass them on to their children,
siblings and other close relatives, friends and allies.
Gaming meritocracy
Meritocracy is supposed to function best when an insecure ‘middle class’
constantly strives to secure, preserve and augment their income, status
and other privileges by maximizing returns to their exclusive
education. But access to elite education – that enables a few of modest
circumstances to climb the social ladder – waxes and wanes.
Most middle class families cannot afford the privileged education
that wealth can buy, while most ordinary, government financed and run
schools have fallen further behind exclusive elite schools, including
some funded with public money. In recent decades, the resources gap
between better and poorer public schools has also been growing.
Elite universities and private schools still provide training and
socialization, mainly to children of the wealthy, privileged and
connected. Huge endowments, obscure admissions policies and tax
exemption allow elite US private universities to spend much more than
publicly funded institutions.
Meanwhile, technological and social changes have transformed the
labour force and economies greatly increasing economic returns to the
cognitive, ascriptive and other attributes as well as credentials of
‘the best’ institutions, especially universities and professional
guilds, which effectively remain exclusive and elitist.
As ‘meritocrats’ captured growing shares of the education pies, the
purported value of ‘schooling’ increased, legitimized by the bogus
notion of ‘human capital’. While meritocracy transformed elites over time, it has also increasingly inhibited, not promoted social mobility.
campusreform | Amid nationwide calls for more diversity initiatives at universities,
one professor argues that these types of programs fail to address the
real issues and ultimately harm minority students.
In a recent interview, Henry Louis Taylor Jr., professor
of urban and regional planning at the University of Buffalo, said the
focus on “inclusion and diversity” on college campuses has been an
excuse to avoid any actual confrontation of race issues. Taylor says
that the primary issue of the century is race, and argues that society
needs to bring more attention to how different organizations handle
issues of race and racism.
He says this should be done by bringing these topics to the forefront.
According
to Taylor, universities have “replaced conversations around race with
conversations around inclusion and diversity, which shifts the
conversation and issue away so that we don’t have to deal with all of
those complex issues that are related to grappling and dealing with
race."
Taylor claims that the move toward “inclusion and
diversity” at universities “has been nothing more than a smokescreen to
marginalize the discussions of race and, in particular, the issues
facing African Americans."
“There are these predominantly white
science departments and medical centers that years later still have no
or very few black folks or Puerto Ricans,” said Taylor. “And this is one
of the reasons the anger is so deep." Taylor states that as a result of
the current situations, people are having their voices be heard by
bodies of government. The spread of the coronavirus and the recent
protests have us “caught in this kind of purgatory” by showing all
“people across the racial divide...the commonalities of pain and
misery."
According to the professor, the coronavirus crisis created the perfect storm for the types of change he believes is necessary.
“COVID-19
has snatched the mask off of America the beautiful, and revealed
disfigurement as a characteristic of this country,” said Taylor. “It’s
created a common experience of people across the racial divide that
allowed them to see the commonalities of pain and misery.
“So we
won’t go back to the old world. We have a vision, that’s what they’re
talking about — saying that enough is enough,” he explained
Taylor told Campus Reform
that certain university diversity efforts have increased enrollment of
international students on college campuses, there has been an unnoticed
decrease of black students.
“The inclusion and diversity
framework, in practice, pushed issues concerning black and brown people
to the margin as they became increasingly abstract. In some places,
people were even calling for ideological diversity,” Taylor told Campus Reform.
Taylor
added that college campuses’ diversity efforts actually harm the very
people they are meant to aid, saying that “the rise of international
students made it easier to hide the disappearance of Blacks on college
campuses, along with Latinxs.”
jonathanturley | We have yet another teacher suspended or
put on leave for merely expressing her opinion of Black Lives Matter on
her personal Facebook page. After Tiffany Riley wrote that she does
not agree with the BLM, the Mount Ascutney School Board held an
emergency meeting to declare that it is “uniformly appalled” by the
exercise of free speech and Superintendent David Baker
assured the public that they would be working on “mutually agreed upon
severance package.” The case magnifies concerns over the free speech
rights of teachers on social media or in their private lives.
WSWS | It is now just over three weeks since the Memorial Day murder of
George Floyd set off mass protests throughout the United States and
around the world. The political representatives of the ruling class have
responded with, on the one hand, brute force and threats of military
repression, and, on the other hand, pledges of “reform” and
“accountability.”
Yesterday, Trump signed an executive order that would embed more
social workers and mental health professionals with the police, create a
national database to track officers fired or convicted for using
excessive force, and ban chokeholds, with the exception, as the
president explained, of “when an officer’s life is at risk.”
Trump announced his executive order in an address before police
officers filled with calls for “law and order” and denunciations of
protesters. Trump’s caveat on chokeholds leaves the window wide open for
the continued use of the deadly practice, since police officers
routinely claim that they fear for their lives when they grievously
wound or kill someone.
The Democrats have offered up their own slate of cosmetic changes
largely mirroring Trump’s, including banning chokeholds and creating a
national database of abusive officers, while also explicitly rejecting
the demand, popular among protestors, to “defund” the police. Former
Vice President Joe Biden, the Democrats' presumptive presidential
nominee, has called for $300 million in additional federal funding to
shore up police departments across the country, while Senator Bernie
Sanders has said that cops need to be paid higher salaries.
Such measures will amount to less than nothing. They might as well
propose to change the color of police uniforms. Inevitably, “reforms”
from these representatives of the ruling class will end up strengthening
the police as an oppressive apparatus of the state.
The promise of police reform has repeatedly been offered up by the
ruling class as a supposed solution to excessive violence. In the
aftermath of the urban rebellions of the 1960s, the Democrats claimed
that more black police officers on the beat, more black police chiefs
overseeing forces and more black mayors would solve the problem.
Half a century later, African Americans account for more than 13
percent of police officers, an overrepresentation compared to the
population as a whole. Black police chiefs head departments across the
country, and cities large and small have elected black mayors. In the
last decade, the introduction of police vehicle dash cams and body
cameras has been offered up as yet another panacea.
And yet the killing and abuse continue, and indeed have escalated.
What is absent from all of the media commentary on police violence,
let alone the statements from bourgeois politicians, is any examination
of what the police are and their relationship to capitalist society.
nonsite | Black Lives Matter sentiment is essentially a militant expression of
racial liberalism. Such expressions are not a threat but rather a
bulwark to the neoliberal project that has obliterated the social wage,
gutted public sector employment and worker pensions, undermined
collective bargaining and union power, and rolled out an expansive
carceral apparatus, all developments that have adversely affected black
workers and communities. Sure, some activists are calling for defunding
police departments and de-carceration, but as a popular slogan, Black
Lives Matter is a cry for full recognition within the established terms
of liberal democratic capitalism. And the ruling class agrees.
During the so-called Black Out Tuesday social media event, corporate
giants like Walmart and Amazon widely condemned the killing of George
Floyd and other policing excesses. Gestural anti-racism was already
evident at Amazon, which flew the red, black and green black liberation
flag over its Seattle headquarters this past February. The world’s
wealthiest man, Jeff Bezos even took the time to respond personally to
customer upset that Amazon expressed sympathy with the George Floyd
protestors. “‘Black lives matter’ doesn’t mean other lives don’t
matter,” the Amazon CEO wrote, “I have a 20-year-old son, and I simply
don’t worry that he might be choked to death while being detained one
day. It’s not something I worry about. Black parents can’t say the
same.” Bezos also pledged $10 million in support of “social justice
organizations,” i.e., the ACLU Foundation, the Brennan Center for
Justice, the Equal Justice Initiative, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil
Rights Under Law, the NAACP, the National Bar Association, the National
Museum of African American History and Culture, the National Urban
League, the Thurgood Marshall College Fund, the United Negro College
Fund, and Year Up. The leadership of Warner, Sony Music and Walmart each
committed $100 million to similar organizations. The protests have
provided a public relations windfall for Bezos and his ilk. Only weeks
before George Floyd’s killing, Amazon, Instacart, GrubHub and other
delivery-based firms, which became crucial for commodity circulation
during the national shelter-in-place, faced mounting pressure from labor
activists over their inadequate protections, low wages, lack of health
benefits and other working conditions. Corporate anti-racism is the
perfect egress from these labor conflicts. Black lives matter to the
front office, as long as they don’t demand a living wage, personal
protective equipment and quality health care.
Perhaps the most important point in Reed’s 2016 essay is his
insistence that Black Lives Matter, and cognate notions like the New Jim
Crow are empirically and analytically wrong and advance an equally
wrong-headed set of solutions. He does not deny the fact of racial
disparity in criminal justice but points us towards a deeper causation
and the need for more fulsome political interventions.
Racism alone
cannot fully explain the expansive carceral power in our midst, which,
as Reed notes, is “the product of an approach to policing that emerges
from an imperative to contain and suppress the pockets of economically
marginal and sub-employed working-class populations produced by
revanchist capitalism.” Most Americans have now rejected the worst
instances of police abuse, but not the institution of policing, nor the
consumer society it services. As we should know too well by now, white
guilt and black outrage have limited political currency, and neither has
ever been a sustainable basis for building the kind of popular and
legislative majorities needed to actually contest entrenched power in
any meaningful way.
theamericanconservative | Lincoln’s legacy as the Great Emancipator has survived the century and a
half since then largely intact. But there have been cracks in this
image, mostly caused by questioning academics who decried him as an
overt white supremacist. This view eventually entered the mainstream
when Nikole Hannah-Jones wrote misleadingly in her lead essay to the “1619 Project” that Lincoln “opposed black equality.”
Today, we find Lincoln statues desecrated. Neither has the memorial to the 54th Massachusetts Infantry,
one of the first all-black units in the Civil War, survived the recent
protests unscathed. To many on the left, history seems like the
succession of one cruelty by the next. And so, justice may only be
served if we scrap the past and start from a blank slate. As a result,
Lincoln’s appeal that we stand upright and enjoy our liberty gets lost
to time.
Ironically, this will only help the cause of
Robert E. Lee—and the modern corporations who rely on cheap, inhumane
labor to keep themselves going.
***
The
main idea driving the “1619 Project” and so much of recent scholarship
is that the United States of America originated in slavery and white
supremacy. These were its true founding ideals. Racism, Hannah-Jones
writes, is in our DNA.
Such arguments don’t make any sense, as the historian Barbara Fields clairvoyantly argued in a groundbreaking essay
from 1990. Why would Virginia planters in the 17th century import black
people purely out of hate? No, Fields countered, the planters were
driven by a real need for dependable workers who would toil on their
cotton, rice, and tobacco fields for little to no pay.
Before black
slaves did this work, white indentured servants had. (An indentured
servant is bound for a number of years to his master, i.e. he can’t pack
up and leave to find a new opportunity elsewhere.)
After
1776 everything changed. Suddenly the new republic claimed that “all
men are created equal”—and yet there were millions of slaves who still
couldn’t enjoy this equality. Racism helped to square our founding
ideals with the brute reality of continued chattel slavery: Black people
simply weren’t men.
But
in the eyes of the Southern slavocracy, the white laboring poor of the
North also weren’t truly human. Such unholy antebellum figures as the
social theorist George Fitzhugh or South Carolina Senator James Henry
Hammond urged
that the condition of slavery be expanded to include poor whites, too.
Their hunger for a cheap, subservient labor source did not stop at black
people, after all.
Always remember Barbara Fields’s
formula: The need for cheap labor comes first; ideologies like white
supremacy only give this bleak reality a spiritual gloss.
The true cause of the Civil War—and it bears constant repeating for all the doubters—was whether slavery would expand its reach or whether “free labor”
would reign supreme. The latter was the dominant ideology of the North:
Free laborers are independent, self-reliant, and eventually achieve
economic security and independence by the sweat of their brow. It’s the
American Dream.
But if that is so, then the Civil War ended in a tie—and its underlying conflict was never really settled.
theorganicprepper | Does that stuff look familiar? It should because we’re more than three-quarters of the way through this escalation.
The thing that makes this technique so effective is that the causes
themselves are not unjust. They are things that would rightly anger any
reasonable, compassionate human being.
Most white people don’t want to see people of other races suffer
indignities and violence based on the color of their skin. (I say “most”
because there are always outliers and extremists.) Most Americans in
general do not want to see police brutality. They don’t want to see
families split up or people imprisoned for decades for victimless
crimes.
Let me be perfectly clear when I say that it is not unreasonable or
wrong to be outraged and want things to change. I hate some of the
things I’ve seen our government and police officers do and have written
about these misdeeds for years.
But this article isn’t about whether or not our anger is justified. It is an assessment of a playbook.
All of this outrage over injustice forms the foundation of something
that can be used against us. The agitation has been building up for
years – far longer than President Trump has been in office – so as much
as people love to hate him, he isn’t the cause of all this. But he’s
certainly not making things go any more smoothly.
Everything I’m writing about today is about how our government in the
past has encouraged a resistance in other countries, and how a
resistance is being nurtured here in the United States right now.
So what does it take to cause people to be angry enough to resist?
Resistance generally begins with the desire of individuals to remove intolerable conditions
imposed by an unpopular regime or occupying power. Feelings of
opposition toward the governing authority and hatred of existing
conditions that conflict with the individual’s values, interests,
aspirations, and way of life spread from the individual to his family,
close friends, and neighbors. As a result, an entire community may
possess an obsessive hatred for the established authority. Initially,
this hatred will manifest as sporadic, spontaneous nonviolent and
violent acts of resistance by the people toward authority. As the
discontent grows, natural leaders, such as former military personnel,
clergymen, local office holders, and neighborhood representatives,
emerge to channel this discontent into organized resistance that
promotes its growth. The population must believe they have nothing to lose, or more to gain. (source)
There can be more than one resistance going on at a time, too.
Currently, everything that is in the news is about the resistance that
has sprung up over the death of George Floyd. A few months ago, it was about the sanctuary cities in Virginia standing up against state legislators.
Resistance organizations have been around for years: Black Lives
Matter, the NRA, Antifa, the Boogaloo movement, the Black Bloc, the Gun
Owners of America. I’m just listing off examples of organizations here,
not passing judgment whether they’re good or bad. I’ll bet that most
people who join do so because of their own deeply held beliefs. They
sincerely feel they’re doing the right thing and have the best of
intentions.
unz |“The logistical capabilities of antifa+ are also impressive. They can
move people around the country with ease, position pallet loads of new
brick, 55 gallon new trash cans of frozen water bottles and other
debris suitable for throwing on gridded patterns around cities in a well
thought out distribution pattern. Who pays for this? Who plans this?
Who coordinates these plans and gives “execute orders?”
Antifa+ can create massive propaganda campaigns that fit their agenda.
These campaigns are fully supported by the MSM and by many in the
Congressional Democratic Party. The present meme of “Defund the Police”
is an example. This appeared miraculously, and simultaneously across
the country. I am impressed. Yesterday the frat boy type who
is mayor of Minneapolis was booed out of a mass meeting of radicals in
that fair city because he refused to endorse abolishing the police
force. Gutting the civil police forces has long been a major
goal of the far left, but now, they have the ability to create mass
hysteria over it when they have an excuse.” (“My take on the present situation”, Sic Semper Tyrannis)
Colonel
Lang is not the only one to marvel at Antifa’s “logistical
capabilities”. The United States has never experienced two weeks of
sustained protests in hundreds of its cities at the same time. It’s
beyond suspicious, it points to extensive coordination with groups
across the country, a comprehensive media strategy (that probably
preceded the killing of George Floyd), a sizable presence on social
media (to put people on the street), and agents provocateur whose task
is to incite violence, loot and create mayhem.
None
of this has anything to do with racial justice or police brutality.
America is being destabilized and sacked for other purposes altogether.
This a destabilization campaign similar to the CIA’s color revolutions
designed to topple the regime (Trump), install a puppet government
(Biden), impose “shock therapy” on the economy pushing tens of millions
of Americans into homelessness and destitution, and leave behind a
broken, smoldering shell of a country easily controlled by Federal shock
troops and wealthy globalist mandarins. Here’s a short excerpt from an
article by Kurt Nimmo at his excellent blog “Another Day in the Empire”:
“The BLM represents the forefront of an effort to divide Americans along
racial and political lines, thus keeping race and identity-based
barbarians safely away from more critical issues of importance to the
elite, most crucially a free hand to plunder and ransack natural
resources, minerals, crude oil, and impoverish billions of people whom
the ruling elite consider unproductive useless eaters and a hindrance to
the drive to dominate, steal, and murder….
It
is sad to say BLM serves the elite by ignoring or remaining ignorant of
the main problem—boundless predation by a neoliberal criminal project
that considers all—black, white, yellow, brown—as expliotable and
dispensable serfs.” (“2 Million Arab Lives Don’t Matter“, Kurt Nimmo, Another Day in the Empire)
The
protest movement is the mask that conceals the maneuvering of elites.
The real target of this operation is the Constitutional Republic itself.
Having succeeded in using the Lockdown to push the economy into severe
recession, the globalists are now inciting a fratricidal war that will
weaken the opposition and prepare the country for a new authoritarian
order.
theintercept | In the face of protests composed largely of young people, the presence of America’s military on the streets of major cities has been a controversial development. But this isn’t the first time that Generation Z — those born after 1996 — has popped up on the Pentagon’s radar.
Documents obtained by The Intercept via the Freedom of Information
Act reveal that a Pentagon war game, called the 2018 Joint Land, Air and
Sea Strategic Special Program, or JLASS, offered a scenario in which
members of Generation Z, driven by malaise and discontent, launch a
“Zbellion” in America in the mid-2020s.
The Zbellion plot was a small part of JLASS 2018, which also featured
scenarios involving Islamist militants in Africa, anti-capitalist
extremists, and ISIS successors. The war game was conducted by students
and faculty from the U.S. military’s war colleges, the training grounds
for prospective generals and admirals. While it is explicitly not a
national intelligence estimate, the war game, which covers the future
through early 2028, is “intended to reflect a plausible depiction of
major trends and influences in the world regions,” according to the more
than 200 pages of documents.
According to the scenario, many members of Gen Z — psychologically
scarred in their youth by 9/11 and the Great Recession, crushed by
college debt, and disenchanted with their employment options — have
given up on their hopes for a good life and believe the system is rigged
against them. Here’s how the origins of the uprising are described:
Both the September 11 terrorist attacks and the Great
Recession greatly influenced the attitudes of this generation in the
United states, and resulted in a feeling of unsettlement and insecurity
among Gen Z. Although Millennials experienced these events during their
coming of age, Gen Z lived through them as part of their childhood,
affecting their realism and world view … many found themselves stuck
with excessive college debt when they discovered employment options did
not meet their expectations. Gen Z are often described as seeking
independence and opportunity but are also among the least likely to
believe there is such a thing as the “American Dream,” and that the
“system is rigged” against them. Frequently seeing themselves as agents
for social change, they crave fulfillment and excitement in their job to
help “move the world forward.” Despite the technological proficiency
they possess, Gen Z actually prefer person-to-person contact as opposed
to online interaction. They describe themselves as being involved in
their virtual and physical communities, and as having rejected excessive
consumerism.
In early 2025, a cadre of these disaffected Zoomers launch a protest
movement. Beginning in “parks, rallies, protests, and coffee shops” —
first in Seattle; then New York City; Washington, D.C.; Los Angeles; Las
Vegas; and Austin — a group known as Zbellion begins a “global cyber
campaign to expose injustice and corruption and to support causes it
deem[s] beneficial.”
kansascity | The four largest cities in the metro area will spend over $400
million on law enforcement this year. That doesn’t count the millions
spent on courts, prosecutors and jails. Just the men and women in blue.
Naturally,
Kansas City, Missouri, spends the most, having the largest population
and the most law enforcement needs. No single division within city
government gets more financial support than the police department.
The
KCPD is budgeted to get $273 million this fiscal year, which amounts to
16 percent of the city’s $1.7 billion budget. That works out to about
$554 for each of the estimated 492,000 people who were living within the
city limits at last count.
That’s more than twice the per
capita amount that suburban Overland Park spends on its police
department and four times more than the citizens of Omaha, Nebraska, pay
for police protection in a city whose population is only slightly less
than Kansas City’s.
As with any police department or private business, for that matter,
most of the KCPD’s budget goes to pay the salaries and benefits of its
personnel, roughly 1,400 sworn officers and 600 civilian workers.
The fire department is second with 1,300 employees, followed by the water department.
Just
under a quarter of the police budget goes toward paying the health
insurance and pension obligations the city owes to employees and
retirees.
From a program standpoint, about $100 million
supports the patrol bureau, which includes all those cops you see
driving down the streets responding to calls for service and enforcing
traffic laws.
About $41 million underwrites investigations, of
which just under a third is aimed at vice and narcotics crimes, another
third to investigate violent crimes and the rest to cover other
investigations and underwrite the cost of the crime lab.
Large amounts of the budget go for support services, like vehicle maintenance and the computer network.
Yet
even with a quarter-billion-dollar-plus budget, the police department
could always use more to keep up with all the demands placed upon it,
said Nathan Garrett, one of the four members of the five-member board of
police commissioners appointed by the governor that sets department
policy. By state statute, the mayor of Kansas City has the fifth vote.
Read more here: https://www.kansascity.com/article243490386.html#storylink=cpy
Read more here: https://www.kansascity.com/article243490386.html#storylink=cpy
WaPo | Even amid the coronavirus
pandemic and orders that kept millions at home for weeks, police shot
and killed 463 people through the first week of June — 49 more than the
same period in 2019. In May, police shot and killed 110 people, the most
in any one month since The Post began tracking such incidents.
The year-over-year consistency has confounded those who have spent decades studying the issue.
“It
is difficult to explain why we haven’t seen significant fluctuations in
the shooting from year to year,” former Charlotte police chief Darrel
Stephens said. “There’s been significant investments that have been made
in de-escalation training. There’s been a lot of work.”
The
overwhelming majority of people killed are armed. Nearly half of all
people fatally shot by police are white. Most of these shootings draw
little or no attention beyond a news story.
Some
become flash points in the country’s ongoing reckoning about race and
police. The ones prompting the loudest outcries often involve people who
are black, unarmed, or both, shootings that have led to the harshest
scrutiny of police.
Since The Post began tracking the shootings, black people have been shot and killed by police at disproportionate rates
— both in terms of overall shootings and the shootings of unarmed
Americans. The number of black and unarmed people fatally shot by police
has declined since 2015, but whether armed or not, black people are
still shot and killed at a disproportionately higher rate than white
people.
truthout | The unending killing of Black people at the hands of police forces,
and the sustained, relentless and highly visible police violence
inflicted on protesters represent a grave and immediate national crisis.
The Justice in Policing Act
put forth by House Democrats attempts to address this moment, but falls
frighteningly short. We will not see any end to this crisis until the
federal government reckons with one of its most important roles in
fueling police violence: money.
There are aspects of the Justice in Policing Act, including ending
qualified immunity and establishing a federal registry of police
misconduct, that are not harmful. But the myriad ways in which it
provides additional funds and legitimacy towards the current system of
policing — whether through trainings, standards, data collection or
accreditation programs — is neither responsive to the demands of the
millions of people taking to the streets in protest, nor to the simple
reality of what federal interventions would be most impactful — and most
needed.
To begin, Congress must grapple with an uncomfortable truth: By
sending billions of federal dollars to local policing over the last 25
years, it has helped precipitate the policing crisis that we find
ourselves in today.
In 1994, Congress passed the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, which established the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Program.
The program was designed to incentivize state and local law enforcement
agencies to purchase new equipment, develop and distribute new
technologies, and ultimately increase the number of officers deployed
throughout the United States. After an initial appropriation of $8.8
billion between 1995 and 2000, the COPS Program has granted over $14 billion to state and local governments since its establishment.
The program was successful in its mission — especially in flooding communities with policing.
Otherwise we might allocate 6% off the top to fund and sustain an effective fraternal order of blackness with professionial lobbyists, attorneys, and public relations officers free to pursue a doggedly and determinedly pro-black agenda.
fivethirtyeight | The overwhelming majority of black Americans view their racial
identity as a core part of their overall identity, and this black
identity and kinship with other black people has likely been heightened
by Floyd’s killing and the resulting debate over the status of black
people in the United States.
About 52 percent of non-Hispanic black Americans said they viewed
being black as “extremely important” to how they thought about
themselves, according to a Pew Research Center poll conducted last year.
Another 22 percent said it was “very important.” These numbers were
considerably lower for non-Hispanic Asian, non-Hispanic white and
Hispanic Americans. (More on the story with Asian and Hispanic Americans
in a bit — it’s complicated.)1
Pew polling from 2016 and 2017 also showed that black people were significantly more likely than other demographic groups2 to say that their race was central to their identities.
Similarly, Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape
polling from last December found that 75 percent of black Americans
said their ethnicity and race was “very important to their identity,”
significantly higher than the share of Hispanic Americans (58 percent),
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (40 percent) and white Americans
(30 percent) who said the same. Another 15 percent of black Americans
said that their race was “somewhat important.”3
This heightened sense of black identity does not appear to be a
particularly recent phenomenon — or one that was inspired by the Black
Lives Matter movement, which began to emerge in 2013. In 2012, about 70
percent of black Americans said that being black was either extremely or
very important to their identity, about the same proportion as in 2016,
according to surveys conducted as part of the American National
Election Studies. In both years, black Americans expressed much greater
ties to their identity than white or Hispanic Americans did.4
THE COMMUNITY AND POLICE DESERVE A CLEAR ANSWER FROM MAYOR LUCAS ABOUT LOCAL CONTROL OF KCPD!!!
His non-binding agreement with BLM doesn't ring true if it's followed up by a confessional love letter addressed to police.
Even worse, our local media FAIL to question the mayor on his
duplicity and would, seemingly, rather play sycophant or simply lack
perspective on this importance of this issue.
Mayor Lucas has needlessly created confusion on "local control" wherein
the two sides are clearly defined. There is no middle-ground in this
discussion. The future of police in Kansas City and across the nation
are now at a critical crossroads and the question of governance is at
the crux of the dilemma. The longer the Mayor waits to make his position
clear, the less his words matter. As Kansas City suffers historic
unrest and record-breaking deadly crime, demands for police
accountability start with Mayor Lucas.
flatlandkc | They started popping up in Kansas City neighborhoods in late April —
homemade barriers, some quite creative, informing motorists a block is
closed to traffic except for residents and deliveries.
Call it a pandemic experiment. As schools, workplaces and even some
public spaces like playgrounds closed, Kansas City rolled out a program
called Neighborhood Open Streets. With minimal hassle, residents can apply for a city permit to close their blocks to through traffic.
Depending on who you’re talking to, Neighborhood Open Streets is
either a) an inspired step toward a safer, happier community; or b) a
colossal nuisance.
In general, people who live on the closed blocks tend to favor the
safety and community argument. Motorists forced to detour around them
seethe over the inconvenience.
“I’m all for it,” said Diana Halverson, whose block on 70th Street off of Ward Parkway got a permit.
Halverson’s block has been seeing a lot of traffic in recent months
because of construction projects on Gregory Boulevard, two blocks to the
south. So when a neighbor proposed applying for a closure permit, she
heartily agreed.
“Got it in one day,” she said.
Unlike the process for a block party permit, which requires
signatures from a majority of residents to close the street for a few
hours, applicants for a Neighborhood Open Streets permit need only fill
out a form and submit evidence — like a text or email — that they
informed their neighbors of their intent.
“We had a strict social distancing order in place,” said Maggie
Green, information officer for Kansas City’s Public Works Department.
“The last thing we wanted to do was encourage people to knock on doors.”
So far, the department has issued permits for 37 blocks, Green said.
The majority are in the 4th and 6th City Council districts, and the
program is especially popular in the southwest corridor.
taibbi.substack | Probably the most disturbing story involved Intercept writer
Lee Fang, one of a fast-shrinking number of young reporters actually
skilled in investigative journalism. Fang’s work in the area of campaign
finance especially has led to concrete impact, including a record fine to a conservative Super PAC: few young reporters have done more to combat corruption.
Yet Fang found himself denounced online as a racist, then hauled before H.R. His crime? During protests, he tweeted this interview
with an African-American man named Maximum Fr, who described having two
cousins murdered in the East Oakland neighborhood where he grew up.
Saying his aunt is still not over those killings, Max asked:
I
always question, why does a Black life matter only when a white man
takes it?... Like, if a white man takes my life tonight, it’s going to
be national news, but if a Black man takes my life, it might not even be
spoken of… It’s stuff just like that that I just want in the mix.
Shortly
after, a co-worker of Fang’s, Akela Lacy, wrote, “Tired of being made
to deal continually with my co-worker @lhfang continuing to push black
on black crime narratives after being repeatedly asked not to. This
isn’t about me and him, it’s about institutional racism and using free
speech to couch anti-blackness. I am so fucking tired.” She followed
with, “Stop being racist Lee.”
Like
many reporters, Fang has always viewed it as part of his job to ask
questions in all directions. He’s written critically of political
figures on the center-left, the left, and “obviously on the right,” and
his reporting has inspired serious threats in the past. None of those
past experiences were as terrifying as this blitz by would-be
colleagues, which he described as “jarring,” “deeply isolating,” and
“unique in my professional experience.”
To save his career, Fang had to craft a public apology
for “insensitivity to the lived experience of others.” According to one
friend of his, it’s been communicated to Fang that his continued
employment at The Intercept is contingent upon avoiding comments that may upset colleagues. Lacy to her credit publicly thanked Fang for his statement and expressed willingness to have a conversation; unfortunately, the throng of Intercept co-workers who piled on her initial accusation did not join her in this.
counterpunch | Floyd’s alleged murder by a white Minneapolis police officer turned
the city into the center of the “defund the police,” with nine of its
councilmembers supporting this proposal. Floyd’s death is about the
hypocrisy on race in America, even with Democrats. But equally
fascinating is how a Democratic Party city is going after the police
union whom it blames for a history of officer shootings and use of
excessive force against African-Americans. Minneapolis’ police chief announced he would no longer negotiate with the union. Minnesota’s Democratic Governor also locates much of the blame with the union. Former Minneapolis Mayor RT Rybek sees the union as an obstacle to reform, and even other labor unions, such as the AFL-CIO are calling for the current head of the police union to resign. In Minneapolis and across the country police unions are seen by members of the civil rights community as hostile to civil rights reform.
George Floyd’s death is perhaps the final fracturing of the
Democratic Party, labor, and the civil rights supporters. Maybe this
split needed to happen. But as it does it bodes a dramatic turn in
party politics that complicates the electoral map for Democrats and
progressive politics going forward. Smart politicians, such as Donald
Trump, see this opportunity and will surely exploit it in the 2020
election.
medium | In
an ironic — and entirely predictable — twist, police officers in city
after city responded to the demonstrations against their brutality with
yet more violence.
With
each new video shared on social media, it became increasingly clear
that police officers were the ones escalating the violence. Their
attacks on civilians were not made in self-defense or because they were
needed to maintain order — police hurt people because they wanted to.
In response, conservatives bemoaned property destruction and theft — the president even tweeted that “looters” should be shot
— as if broken windows or stolen clothing could compare to the
thousands of lives lost to police violence. This focus is not
accidental: By painting mostly peaceful protestors as criminals, those
on the right hope it will provide cover for — and distract from — the
unchecked thuggery of police officers across the U.S.
But
there is no “both sides” argument to be made here. Police officers,
armed and armored, act with the power of the state behind them.
Protestors have no such power. Cops are tasked with protecting the
community and de-escalating tensions. Protesters have no such
responsibility. To act as if this is a fight between equals is
ridiculous.
jimmycsays | Is Quinton Lucas up to this challenge? Does he have the intestinal
fortitude to stand up to the two most important unions that supported
him? In his letter to police officers, is he sticking a finger up to see
how the wind is blowing, or is he laying the groundwork for the most
important initiative he could take as long as he is mayor?
Those are open and nagging questions. I think he is certainly the
best person to have in the mayor’s office now, with race relations and
racial injustice at the hands of law enforcement having thrust itself
head, shoulders and chest above all other issues.
Yet Lucas has a lot to prove, and not just to me.
Another skeptic is my friend Clinton Adams Jr., perhaps the shrewdest and most unblinking City Hall analyst around.
In a series of text exchanges yesterday, Adams called Lucas
“feckless” and “duplicitous” and said that while he was “a better option
than Jolie (Justus), he’s no Kay Barnes or Emanuel Cleaver.”
Adams, former attorney for Freedom Inc., went on to say…
Some people find the pandering to police offensive. He’s waffling
on local control. The F.O.P. supported him because privately he is
opposed or will not fight for it…He can’t be in both camps. Rank and
file officers (who comprise the largest of two police unions) are the
ones who abuse and brutalize; who harass and stop for driving while
black; who use excessive force. It’s generally not commanders.
Now, there’s a tough and clear-eyed assessment; there’s a challenge laid down.
On June 2, in the wake of Lucas’ role as a peacemaker in the
protests, a Kansas City Star editorial was headlined, “KC Mayor Quinton
Lucas has met this moment. Will Police Chief Rick Smith join him there?”
I think a bigger question by far is, “Does Quinton Lucas have the
heart to lead an all-out battle against the General Assembly and the
governor over control the Kansas City Police Department?”
This is his best opportunity to take a stand on behalf of the public
at the risk of losing the support of the F.O.P. and maybe Local 42. He’s
less than a year into his first term. If he fails, all could be
forgiven by 2023. If he wins, he never loses an election in Kansas City
or Jackson County, and he could even go on to compete for a statewide
office.
During the half-hour special, Chappelle connects the Minneapolis police officers who stood by and watched while Derek Chauvin
kneeled on Floyd’s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds until Floyd died,
with the cop-killing spree Dorner embarked on following his dismissal
from the LAPD after he complained about a fellow officer kicking a
handcuffed mentally ill suspect in the head.
Dorner sat before a Board of Rights
hearing in December 2008 and was accused of making the story up about
his fellow officer’s actions. Starting on February 3, 2013, he engaged
in a series of targeted shootings in Orange County, Los Angeles County
and Riverside County, California.
Dorner, who previously served in the Navy, killed four people in 10 days to avenge what he described in his lengthy manifesto
as wrongful termination from the LAPD. Following an intense manhunt,
Dorner died of a self-inflicted gun wound in Big Bear, California, on
February 12, 2013.
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