twitter | I'm starting to think that organized looting may represent a deeper
ambition to make a political statement against capitalism and "the
system."
Sharing some reactions to my thread on boarded up SF below.
(A ๐งต, 1/x)
First - the thread. It has reached about 15 million impressions - driven primarily by critics and trolls.
I went through a few hundred of the replies and quote tweets yesterday morning.
It was a painful read.
The tweets are filled with anger and hatred. If you are easily triggered
do not read this thread. I was very disturbed reading these.
If you want to see my notes they are linked in this Notion Doc.
However - to summarize there were a few categories of critical responses: 1. You are evil 2. Rich/businesses/property is evil 3. Gov/System is broken 4. This is justified 5. Misc/other
First up - "you are evil". The primary arguments were:
+ You just want to shop for luxury goods
+ You just care about money/things looking good
+ You are white (and have benefited from racism)
+ You are racist
A few more from "you are evil" theme (note - there were hundreds of these):
The second theme was that the rich/businesses/ property are evil (1/2)
foreignpolicy | To imagine that economics leads to political de-escalation would be,
to say the least, historically naive. As U.S. history teaches,
socioeconomic clashes can play out violently. The South fought a civil
war in defense of slavery, a mode of production based on forced labor.
Nor do producers, outrun by technology, necessarily surrender quietly to
the force of technological logic. Think about the protracted rearguard
actions mounted in defense of agrarian interests that distorts global
food markets all the way to the present day. The most gothic visions see
the United States plunged into something akin to a civil war between
fossil fuels and anti-fossil fuel factions. That may be fanciful, but
what is harder to deny is the United States, whether governed by
Democrats or Republicans, has a lamentable track record of managing and
mitigating the job losses and social dislocation that follows deep
economic change.
In 2012, economist David Autor and his co-authors published a famous paper on what they called the “China syndrome.”
They showed how China’s integration into the world economy and a surge
of imports to the United States raised incomes overall but, at the same
time, irreparably damaged many manufacturing communities across the
United States. Ahead of COP26, Autor and his co-authors released an updated paper,
which compared the China shock with the impact of coal’s rundown.
Damage to local economies from the coal industry’s decline was even
worse. If the China shock is widely blamed for unhinging the blue-collar
coalition that once supported Democrats, the effect of the coal
industry’s collapse was even more unambiguous: 2016 saw a heavy
pro-Trump swing across America’s coal regions.
The
answer from the Democratic Party’s left wing, after they won control of
the House of Representatives in 2018, was the Green New Deal. It sought
to address this challenge by combining gigantic investment in renewables
with an alliance with organized labor and marginalized groups to create
a “just transition.” It was a head-on effort to win the argument for an
energy transition, not just as an opportunity for green growth but as a
moment of social reconstruction as well. It was a grand vision adequate
to the scale of the climate crisis. When Sen. Bernie Sanders folded his
presidential bid in 2020, many of his key advisors were incorporated
into Biden’s policy team—and with good reason. Given the dislocation an
energy transition is likely to cause, the industrial revolution Kerry
advocates would be political poison were it not backed by a Green New
Deal vision.
But Biden was not carried to victory in 2020 on the back of
enthusiasm for green policies. In Texas, there is reason to believe an
anti-climate, pro-oil vote helped yield a better-than-expected result
for Trump. On Capitol Hill, Biden’s infrastructure plans have been cut
to ribbons by a Congress with a nominal Democratic majority. The outlook
for the 2022 midterms is grim. Decarbonization may be a promising
business proposition in some sectors, but it is not an issue that will
help Democrats win the majority they would need to give comprehensive
climate policy a robust political platform.
We are thus back at the impasse. The idea that economic logic by
itself will deliver an unambiguous case for ambitious climate policy in
the United States is naive. But so too is the idea that a Green New
Deal-style program will carry a progressive Democratic Party to
triumphant victory. The possibility of a deepening sociopolitical divide
around the climate issue and inconsistent and incoherent policy cannot
be denied. While individual eco-entrepreneurs like Musk may get rich,
the fear must be that the United States never develops a coherent social
response to the energy transition.
visualcapitalist | Anthropogenic mass is defined as the mass embedded in inanimate solid
objects made by humans that have not been demolished or taken out of
service—which is separately defined as anthropogenic mass waste.
Over the past century or so, human-made mass has increased rapidly,
doubling approximately every 20 years. The collective mass of these
materials has gone from 3% of the world’s biomass in 1900 to being on par with it today.
While we often overlook the presence of raw materials, they are what
make the modern economy possible. To build roads, houses, buildings,
printer paper, coffee mugs, computers, and all other human-made things,
it requires billions of tons of fossil fuels, metals and minerals, wood, and agricultural products.
Human-Made Mass
Every year, we extract almost 90 billion tons of raw materials from the Earth. A single smartphone, for example, can carry roughly 80% of the stable elements on the periodic table.
The rate of accumulation for anthropogenic mass has now reached 30
gigatons (Gt)—equivalent to 30 billion metric tons—per year, based on
the average for the past five years. This corresponds to each person on
the globe producing more than his or her body weight in anthropogenic
mass every week.
At the top of the list is concrete. Used for building and infrastructure, concrete is the second most used substance in the world, after water.
Human-Made Mass
Description
1900 (mass/Gt)
1940 (mass/Gt)
1980 (mass/Gt)
2020 (mass/Gt)
Concrete
Used for building and infrastructure, including cement, gravel and sand
2
10
86
549
Aggregates
Gravel and sand, mainly used as bedding for roads and buildings
17
30
135
386
Bricks
Mostly composed of clay and used for constructions
11
16
28
92
Asphalt
Bitumen, gravel and sand, used mainly for road construction/pavement
0
1
22
65
Metals
Mostly iron/steel, aluminum and copper
1
3
13
39
Other
Solid wood products, paper/paperboard, container and flat glass and plastic
4
6
11
23
Bricks and aggregates like gravel and sand also represent a big part of human-made mass.
Although small compared to other materials in our list, the mass of
plastic we’ve made is greater than the overall mass of all terrestrial
and marine animals combined.
As the rate of growth of human-made mass continues to accelerate, it
could become triple the total amount of global living biomass by 2040.
But humans can have a hard time comprehending numbers this big, so it
can be difficult to really appreciate the breadth of this incredible
diversity of life on Earth.
In order to fully grasp this scale, we draw from research by Bar-On et al. to break down the total composition of the living world, in terms of its biomass, and where we fit into this picture.
Why Carbon?
A “carbon-based life form” might sound like something out of science
fiction, but that’s what we and all other living things are.
Carbon is used in complex molecules and compounds—making it an essential part of our biology. That’s why biomass, or the mass of organisms, is typically measured in terms of carbon makeup.
In our visualization, one cube represents 1 million metric tons of carbon, and every thousand of these cubes is equal to 1 Gigaton (Gt C).
Here’s how the numbers stack up in terms of biomass of life on Earth:
Taxon
Mass (Gt C)
% of total
Plants
450
82.4%
Bacteria
70
12.8%
Fungi
12
2.2%
Archaea
7
1.3%
Protists
4
0.70%
Animals
2.589
0.47%
Viruses
0.2
0.04%
Total
545.8
100.0%
Plants make up the overwhelming majority of biomass on Earth. There are 320,000 species of plants, and their vital photosynthetic processes keep entire ecosystems from falling apart.
Fungi is the third most abundant type of life—and although 148,000 species of fungi have been identified by scientists, it’s estimated there may be millions more.
LATimes | “They’re trying to move us backward,” said Melina Abdullah, co-founder
of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles. “We don’t want to move backward; we
want to move forward.”
Abdullah called Avant’s killing “horrific and appalling” and said
Black Lives Matter mourns with her family. But she said officials must
not be allowed to use Avant’s death or recent property crime to push for
more policing, cash bail or other tough-on-crime measures that she said
have been proved not to work.
“We need to think about what kind
of economic desperation actually creates property crime and how do we
get people out of that state,” Abdullah said. “How do we create livable
wage jobs? How do we create affordable housing?”
Abdullah also warned against accepting claims about crime that may
not have a basis in reality — which, as it happens, is something police
have warned against in recent days, as concern over crime trends has
escalated.
For example, while the “follow-home” and
“smash-and-grab” trends in L.A., including upticks in robberies in
corridors like Melrose Avenue, have caused concern, they are not
indicative of a citywide surge in property crime.
According to
LAPD data through Nov. 27, property crime this year is up 2.6% over the
same period last year but is down 6.6% from 2019. Robbery is up 3.9%
over last year but down 13.6% from 2019. Burglaries are down 8.4% from
last year and down 7.7% from 2019. Car thefts are a notable outlier, up
nearly 53% from 2019.
More concerning is violent crime. Homicides
are up 46.7% compared with 2019, while shooting victims are up 51.4%,
according to police data. As of the end of November, there had been 359
homicides in L.A. in 2021, compared with 355 in all of 2020. There have
not been more homicides in one year since 2008, which ended with 384.
In Beverly Hills, police stress that crime is rare — and killings
like Avant’s even more so. Police Chief Mark Stainbrook said that
despite recent incidents, Beverly Hills remains one of the safest cities
in the nation.
Crime across Beverly Hills this year was down 2%
as of the end of October. Violent crime in the past two years is up 23%
compared with the two years prior, but the total number of such crimes
remains tiny: There were just five robberies in the city in October, and
homicides are rare.
It’s not clear what reforms the concerns about crime in the Los Angeles area will lead to — if any.
A
crime spike in the 1990s led California to adopt policies that
toughened sentences and increased incarceration. The reform movement was
an acknowledgment that those policies went too far and caused their own
injustices. A poll of L.A. voters
released this week showed that public safety is perceived as less of a
pressing problem than homelessness, housing affordability, traffic,
climate change and air quality.
Jonathan Simon, a criminal justice
professor at UC Berkeley’s law school and author of “Governing through
Crime: How the War on Crime Transformed American Democracy and Created a
Culture of Fear,” said it is unlikely that crime concerns will
completely derail the progressive criminal justice reform movement that
began with Floyd’s killing.
However, such concern could slow those
reforms, he said — showing once more “how potent the political value of
crime is” and how quickly politicians and others can revert to a
“crackdown” mentality.
“It’s a powerful trope now for 40 years,” Simon said.
Townhall | Third Worldization reflects the asymmetry of law enforcement. Ideology
and money, not the law, adjudicate who gets arrested and tried, and who
does not.
There were 120 days of continuous looting, arson, and
lethal violence during the summer of 2020. Rioters burned courthouses,
police precincts, and an iconic church.
And there was also a
frightening riot on January 6, when a mob entered Washington D.C.'s
Capitol and damaged federal property. Of those arrested during the
violence, many have been held in solitary confinement or under harsh
jail conditions. That one-day riot is currently the subject of a
congressional investigation.
Some of those arrested are still - 10 months later - awaiting trial. The convicted are facing long prison sentences.
In
contrast, some 14,000 were arrested in the longer and more violent
rioting of 2020. Most were released without bail. The majority had their
charges dropped. Very few are still being held awaiting capital
charges.
A common denominator to recent controversies at the
Justice Department, CIA, FBI, and Pentagon is that all these agencies
under dubious pretexts have investigated American citizens with little
or no justification - after demonizing their targets as "treasonous,"
"domestic terrorists," "white supremacists," or "racists."
In the
Third World, basic services like power, fuel, transportation, and water
are characteristically unreliable: in other words, much like a frequent
California brownout.
I've been on five flights in my life where
it was announced there was not enough fuel to continue to the scheduled
destination. The plane was required either to turn around or land
somewhere on the way. One such aborted flight took off from Cairo,
another from southern Mexico. The other three were this spring and
summer inside the United States.
One of the most memorable scenes
that I remember of Ankara, Old Cairo, or Algiers of the early 1970s
were legions of beggars and the impoverished sleeping on sidewalks.
But
such impoverishment pales in comparison to the encampments of
present-day Fresno, Los Angeles, Sacramento, or San Francisco. Tens of
thousands live on sidewalks and in open view use them to defecate,
urinate, inject drugs, and dispose of refuse.
In the old Third
World, extreme wealth and poverty existed in close proximity. It was
common to see peasants on horse-drawn wagons a few miles from coastal
villas. But there is now far more contiguous wealth and poverty in
Silicon Valley. In Redwood City and East Palo Alto, multiple families
cram into tiny bungalows and garages, often a few blocks from tony
Atherton.
On the main streets outside of Stanford University and
the Google campus, the helot classes sleep in decrepit trailers and
buses parked on the streets.
Neistat was right in identifying a pandemic of crime in Los Angeles as Third Worldization.
But
so was Rogen, though unknowingly so. The actor played the predictable
role of the smug, indifferent Third World rich who master ignoring - and
navigating around - the misery of others in their midst.
NYTimes | The
police on Thursday announced that they had arrested a suspect in the
fatal shooting of Jacqueline Avant, a philanthropist and the wife of the
music producer Clarence Avant, one day after she was killed at her home
in Beverly Hills, Calif.
About an
hour after Ms. Avant, 81, was killed, the suspect, Aariel Maynor, 29, of
Los Angeles, was arrested when he accidentally shot himself in the foot
while burglarizing a home in Hollywood, about 7 miles from Ms. Avant’s
home, Chief Mark Stainbrook of the Beverly Hills Police Department said
at a news conference on Thursday.
The
police found Mr. Maynor in the backyard of the home in Hollywood after
they received a report of a shooting there at 3:30 a.m. on Wednesday,
Chief Stainbrook said, adding that they also recovered the rifle Mr.
Maynor is believed to have used to shoot Ms. Avant. Mr. Maynor was taken
to a hospital, where he remains in custody.
Ms.
Avant was found with a gunshot wound after the police received a report
of a shooting at her home in Beverly Hills at 2:23 a.m. on Wednesday.
Mr. Avant and a private security guard were at the home at the time of
the shooting, but were unharmed, the police said.
Surveillance
videos, including city cameras, showed Mr. Maynor’s vehicle heading
eastbound out of Beverly Hills shortly after Ms. Avant was shot, Chief
Stainbrook said.
The evidence
indicates that Mr. Maynor acted alone in the shooting, and his motive
remains under investigation, Chief Stainbrook said. Mr. Maynor has “an
extensive criminal record” and was on parole, Chief Stainbrook said.
“Our
deepest gratitude to The City of Beverly Hills, the B.H.P.D. and all
law enforcement for their diligence on this matter,” Ms. Avant’s family
said in a statement on Thursday after the police announced the arrest.
“Now, let justice be served.”
The fatal shooting of Ms. Avant
prompted an outpouring of grief and condolences from prominent figures
in the arts, sports and politics, including former President Bill
Clinton, former Vice President Al Gore and the former Los Angeles Lakers
star Magic Johnson.
A onetime model
who was married to Mr. Avant for more than 50 years, Ms. Avant was a
past president of the Neighbors of Watts, a charitable organization that
threw star-studded benefits to support child care and other needs. She
was also an elementary school tutor and an avid collector of Japanese
lacquered boxes.
Mr.
Avant started Sussex Records in 1969 and signed Bill Withers, releasing
some of his best-known songs, including “Ain’t No Sunshine,” “Use Me”
and “Lean on Me.” Over the years, he also worked with Jimmy Jam, Terry
Lewis and Babyface. He helped promote Michael Jackson’s “Bad” world tour
in 1987, and was chairman of the board of Motown Records.
Mr. Avant was the subject of a 2019 Netflix documentary, “The Black Godfather,”
which featured testimonials from Mr. Clinton, former President Barack
Obama and Vice President Kamala Harris, who was then a presidential
candidate.
The couple’s daughter, Nicole A. Avant, a former U.S. ambassador to the Bahamas, was a producer of “The Black Godfather,” and is married to Ted Sarandos, a co-chief executive of Netflix.
LATimes | The spate of smash-and-grab robberies
plaguing Los Angeles made its way to Rancho Dominguez this week, where
authorities say cash, jewelry and other items were taken from the Del
Amo Swap Meet.
The incident occurred around 11:30 a.m. Thursday,
according to Deputy Grace Medrano of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s
Department.
Video provided to The Times showed several people making off with goods amid broken glass and blaring alarms.
The
witness who took the video said there were several people shopping at
the time of the robbery and that the thieves “faked a fight” to distract
security guards before breaking the glass and grabbing the items.
“People were scared [and] running away because the glass-smashing
sounded like gunshots,” said the witness, who asked to remain anonymous.
Two employees were shoved to the ground, but it was not clear whether
they were injured, the witness said, adding that the robbers had
multiple cars waiting outside with their engines running.
A representative for the Swap Meet did not immediately respond to a request for comment Friday.
ecosophia | There’s a fond belief among the comfortable classes of our time, and for
that matter every other time, that the future can be arranged in
advance through reasonable discussions among reasonable people. Popular
though this notion is, it’s quite mistaken. What history shows, rather,
is that the future is always born on the irrational fringes of society,
bursting forth among outcasts, dreamers, saints, and fools. It then
sweeps inward from there, brushing aside the daydreams of those who
thought they could make the world do as they pleased.
Consider the Roman Empire in the days of its power. While its
politicians and bureaucrats laid their plans and built their careers on
the presupposition that their empire would endure for all imaginable
time, a prisoner on a Mediterranean island—exiled for his membership in a
despised religious cult—saw the empire racked with wars, famines, and
plagues, ravaged by horsemen galloping out of the east, and finally
conquered and fallen into ruin, to be followed by a thousand years of
triumph for his faith. We call him John of Patmos today, and his vision
forms the last book of the New Testament. He was a figure of the
uttermost fringe in his own era: isolated, powerless, and quite possibly
crazy. He was also right.
Thus it’s important to keep a close eye on the fringes of
contemporary culture, the places where the future is being born out of
the surging tides of unreason. One of the things I watch most closely
with this in mind is the burgeoning realm of contemporary conspiracy
theories. Those reveal far more than the conventionally minded imagine,
irrespective of their factual accuracy or lack of same. As Alain de
Botton commented of religions, whether conspiracy theories are true or
not is far and away the least interesting question about them.
To begin with, the popularity of conspiracy theories is a sensitive
measure of the degree to which people no longer trust the conventional
wisdom of their time. That’s an explosive issue just now, and for good
reason: the conventional wisdom of our time is fatally out of step with
the facts on the ground. Look across the whole range of acceptable
views presented by qualified pundits, and by and large you’ll find that a
randomly chosen fortune cookie will give you better guidance. The
debacle in Afghanistan is only one reminder of the extent that a popular
joke about economics—“What do you call an economist who makes a
prediction? Wrong.”—can be applied with equal force to most of the
experts whose notions guide industrial societies.
What makes the astounding incompetence of today’s expert opinions so
toxic is that nobody in the corporate media, and next to nobody in the
political sphere, is willing to talk about it. No matter how disastrous
the consequences turn out to be—no matter how often the economic
policies that were supposed to yield prosperity result in poverty and
misery, no matter how often programs meant to improve the schools make
them worse, no matter how many drugs released on the market as safe and
effective turn out to be neither, and so on at great length—one rule
remains sacrosanct: no one outside the managerial class is supposed to
question the validity of the next round of expert-approved policies, no
matter how obviously doomed to fail they are.
Gregory Bateson, in a fascinating series of articles collected in his book Steps to an Ecology of Mind,
discussed the way that schizophrenia is created by this kind of
suppression of the obvious in a family setting. Insist to a child from
infancy onward that something is true that the child can see is
obviously not true, punish the child savagely every time it tries to
bring up the contradiction, and there’s a fair chance the child will
grow up to be schizophrenic. Conspiracy theories in society are the
collective equivalent of schizophrenia in the individual, and they have
the same cause: the systematic gaslighting of individuals who know that
they are being lied to.
Bateson’s analysis goes further than this. He noticed that, bizarre as
schizophrenic delusions can be, they always contain a solid core of
truth expressed in exaggerated and metaphoric language. Look into the
family situation, Bateson suggests, and you can decode the metaphors.
Here’s a patient who claims that he’s Jesus Christ. Observation of the
family reveals one of those wretched family dramas, as dysfunctional as
it is endlessly repeated, in which the patient was assigned an
ill-fitting role from birth. What the patient is saying, in his
exaggerated and metaphoric way, is quite accurate: “I’m not who they say
I am.”
hks.harvard | More than half of young Americans feel
democracy in the country is under threat, and over a third think they
may see a second U.S. civil war within their lifetimes, according to the
42nd Harvard Youth Poll, released by Harvard Kennedy School’s Institute of Politics (IOP) on Wednesday.
The poll also found approval of President Biden has plummeted, and a
majority of respondents are unhappy with how the president and Congress
are doing their jobs. In addition, many of the respondents feel strongly
affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and are worried about the threat of
climate change. Half of all respondents also said they struggled with
feelings of hopelessness and depression.
The Harvard Youth Poll—which is conducted twice a year, in fall and
spring, and has run for over 20 years—captured responses on these topics
and others from 2,109 people between the ages of 18 and 29, from across
the country. Students from the Harvard Public Opinion Project (HPOP)
organized the survey, under the supervision of John Della Volpe, director of polling at the IOP.
“After turning out in record numbers in 2020, young Americans are
sounding the alarm. When they look at the America they will soon
inherit, they see a democracy and climate in peril—and Washington as
more interested in confrontation than compromise,” Della Volpe said.
“Despite this, they seem as determined as ever to fight for the change
they seek.”
Jing-Jing Shen, a Harvard College undergraduate and the HPOP student
chair, said, “Right now, young Americans are confronting worries on many
fronts. Concerns about our collective future—with regard to democracy,
climate change, and mental health—also feel very personal.” Shen noted,
however, that “young people have come to even more deeply value their
communities and connections with others” in this challenging time.
The survey found a striking lack of confidence in U.S. democracy among
young Americans. Only 7% view the United States as a “healthy
democracy,” and 52% believe that democracy is either “in trouble” or
“failing.” This concern is echoed in the fact that 35% of respondents
anticipate a second civil war during their lifetimes, and 25% believe
that at least one state will secede.
theweek | Our infamous drone war has largely faded from the headlines. Aside from one strike that went horribly wrong
during the U.S. evacuation from Afghanistan, there has been vanishingly
little coverage of what's going on with the signature American tactic
of the war on terror: remote-controlled death robots.
So I was
rather taken aback to discover President Biden has almost totally halted
drone strikes, and airstrikes in general, around the world. It's a
remarkable foreign policy reform, but also a remarkable failure of both
government communication and media coverage. A hugely significant change
in foreign policy has happened — and almost nobody is paying attention.
Not long ago, the drone war was subject to fierce public debate. It started under former President George W. Bush, then became a favored tactic of former President Barack Obama.
He'd come to power on the strength of his record opposing the Iraq War
but was, at bottom, a devoted imperial chauvinist. Obama wanted to avoid
being bogged down in new overseas occupations (except in Afghanistan,
where he idiotically boosted troop levels to no positive effect) but
never truly questioned U.S. global imperialism or the
military-industrial complex.
The drone strike was thus the perfect
tool for his presidency: a cheap, high-tech, and supposedly
super-accurate method of fighting terrorism (and extending U.S. military
hegemony) at no risk to American soldiers. (U.S. airstrikes with human
pilots increasingly operate in similar safety, rarely flying over
targets with anti-aircraft defenses.) "Turns out I'm really good at
killing people," Obama told aides in 2011. "Didn't know that was gonna be a strong suit of mine."
thebulletin | Depending on specifications, drones can be cheap—some quite capable
models cost no more than $100—and still theoretically useful in a crude
attack on critical infrastructure. Of course, would-be terrorists could
acquire much more capable and expensive drones, as well. Controlling the
sale of popular and useful tools is difficult. What should the US
government, or others, do to reign in the threat drone terror could pose
to utilities or other critical infrastructure?
Within the United States, only federal authorities can operate counter-drone systems. The Department of Homeland Security’s 2019 Counter Unmanned Systems Technology Guide,
a 33-page booklet about drones and ways to detect and disable them,
contains four warnings, in case anyone mistakes the guide’s description
of the counter-drone systems for permission to build or acquire them.
Counter-drone systems create their own risk to surrounding systems. A
drone-jammer does not just jam the signal to the drone, but any signal
operating on the same frequency. That could include air traffic control radio, and other critical signals.
But a federal monopoly on these important defenses raises questions about how effective they can be in an emergency.
If a critical infrastructure owner or operator has to call the FBI
when they fear a drone attack, any response will mean little, unless
counter-drone operators are already on site. A racing drone flying over 100 miles per hour will outrun a federal SUV every time, especially when the drone has a significant head-start.
The Department of Homeland Security
has legal authority to protect “covered” facilities and assets, though
exactly what types of facilities are protected is unclear from open
sources. (And realistically, that information should not be publicly
available, because it would provide a clear guide for adversaries on
what facilities are unprotected.) Unless the department protects every
covered facility, there will be vulnerabilities, because correctly
anticipating every terrorist target is impossible/
Growing technology may create opportunities to avoid making tough
value trade-offs. The same technology that allows drones to operate
remotely or autonomously may be applied to counter-drone systems. A network
of remotely-operated or autonomous counter-drone systems stationed at
critical infrastructure sites would allow federal authorities to
maintain control, while also allowing far more rapid response to drone
events. Authorities could manage numerous counter-drone systems
dispersed over a whole region from a central location.
Critical infrastructure faces growing risks from drone terrorism. As
the stories of Aum, ISIS, and other terror groups show, non-state actors
have been using and experimenting with drones since the mid-1990s. At
least back then, to obtain them they had to do more than a quick search
on Amazon.
lawfareblog |The Colonial Pipeline attack was the most recent reminder of a steadily encroaching wave of cyber threats affecting the nation’s critical infrastructure. Although the ransomware attack was considered to be “relatively unsophisticated” in nature, it was powerful enough to shut down America’s largest refined products pipeline for several days. It took Colonial six days to get the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) any notifications that could then be disseminated to other at-risk industry entities—and even then, acting CISA Director Brandon Wales remarked that he did not think Colonial would have reached out to CISA had the FBI not facilitated the interaction. Much of the discussion around the Colonial Pipeline ransomware attack has obscured a key point: The U.S. government does not have a reliable method to identify, support and secure the most “critical of critical” infrastructure.
The U.S. government is not completely aware of what is critical—as in which companies’ disruption could have devastating or cascading consequences for the economy, national security, or public health and safety. Since its inception, the term “critical infrastructure” has grown so large that it has lost any meaningful specificity. Ranking Member of the House Homeland Security Committee, Rep. John Katko, reaffirmed this evaluation in a recent press release noting that because the United States has diluted what qualifies as critical infrastructure, “the federal government has visibility into a shockingly small sliver of significant cyber incidents across the country.” Underlying this dilution is the fact that no sufficiently granular and legally enforceable designation for “critical infrastructure” exists—consequently, there is no bound that keeps the concept from expanding into obscurity. Previous bills that have attempted to confer benefits or burdens on “critical infrastructure” have been vague and have not provided any clarity on what qualifies as such.
Furthermore, a risk-based approach to national security requires that the U.S. must prioritize its resources in areas where it can have the greatest impact to prevent the worst consequences. The U.S. government’s most capable adversaries, including Russia and China, are constantly looking for opportunities to scale their cyber operations and focus on targets that would have the greatest destructive impact. These past cyberattacks have illustrated that the nation’s adversaries have adopted a clear strategy that targets the “critical of critical” nodes that underlie U.S. national security. Therefore, the United States should respond in kind and reshape its approach to identifying and protecting them. The Cyberspace Solarium Commission’s 2020 report addresses just that.
The commission recommended that the United States codify into law the concept of “systemically important critical infrastructure” (SICI). These entities, responsible for the most important critical systems and assets in the U.S., would be granted special assistance from the federal government as well as assuming increased responsibility for additional security and information security requirements that are vital to their unique status and importance. This proposal answers the increasing need for the identification, partnership, and protection of the most “critical of critical” infrastructure.
proteanmag | his April, the Iowa Department of Corrections issued a ban
on charities, family members, and other outside parties donating books
to prisoners. Under the state’s new guidelines, incarcerated people can
get books only from a handful of “approved vendors.” Used books are
prohibited altogether, and any new reading material is subject to a
laundry list of restrictions.
The policy is harsh, but far from unique. In fact, it’s only the latest in a wave of similar bans. In 2018, the Michigan prison system introduced an almost identical set of rules, and Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Washington
have all made attempts to block book donations, which were only rolled
back after public outcry. Across the United States, the agencies
responsible for mass imprisonment are trying to severely limit
incarcerated people’s access to the written word—an alarming trend, and
one that bears closer examination.
The official narrative is that donated books could contain
“contraband which poses a threat to the security, good order, or
discipline of the facility”—the language used in Michigan—and should be
banned for everyone’s safety. This is a flimsy justification that begins
to fall apart under even the lightest scrutiny. While it’s true that
contraband is often smuggled into prisons (cell phones, tobacco, and
marijuana being some of the most popular items), it’s not originating
from nonprofit groups like the Appalachian Prison Book Project or Philadelphia’s Books Through Bars. In fact, twelve of the seventeen incidents used to justify a book ban in Washington didn’t involve books at all.
Instead, the bulk of the contraband in today’s prisons is smuggled in by guards themselves, who profit handsomely from their illicit sidelines, sometimes making as much as $300
for a single pack of cigarettes. If prison officials’ concerns were
genuine, the appropriate move would be to limit the power and impunity
of their officers—not snatch books away from those who are already
powerless. The old cartoon scenario of a hollow book with a saw or a gun
inside just isn’t realistic, and its invocation is a sign that
something else is going on.
That “something else,” predictably enough, is profit. With free books
banned, prisoners are forced to rely on the small list of “approved
vendors” chosen for them by the prison administration. These retailers
directly benefit when states introduce restrictions. In Iowa, the
approved sources include Barnes & Noble and Books-a-Million, some of
America’s largest retail chains—and, notably, ones which charge the
full MSRP value for each book, quickly draining prisoners’ accounts. An
incarcerated person with, say, $20 to spend can now only get one book,
as opposed to three or four used ones; in states where prisoners make as
little as 25 cents an hour for their labor, many can’t afford even that.
With e-books, the situation is even worse, as companies like Global Tel Link supply supposedly “free” tablets which actually charge their users by the minute to
read. Even public-domain classics, available on Project Gutenberg, are
only available at a price under these systems—and prisons, in turn,
receive a 5% commission on every charge. All of this amounts to rampant
price-gouging and profiteering on an industrial scale.
The rise of these private
vendors has also been mirrored by the systematic dismantling of the
prison library system. In the last ten years, budgets for literacy and
educational resources have seen dramatic cuts, reducing funding to
almost nothing, and incarcerated people have been deprived as a result.
In Illinois,
for instance, the Department of Corrections spent just $276 on books
across the entire state in 2017, down from an already meager $605 the
previous year. (This means, incidentally, that each of the state’s
roughly 39,000 prisoners was allotted seven-tenths of a cent.) Oklahoma,
meanwhile, has no dedicated budget for books at all, requiring prison
librarians to purchase them out-of-pocket. Many books in its small stock
are “falling apart, dilapidated and may be missing some pages.” These
cuts are part of capitalism’s more general push to privatize or
eliminate public goods and services—libraries among them—so massive corporations can receive windfalls. In prisons, the method is especially devastating.
michaelshellenberger | In my new book, San Fransicko, I describe why progressives create and defend what European researchers call “open drug scenes,”
which are places in cities where drug dealers and buyers meet, and many
addicts live in tents. Progressives call these scenes “homeless
encampments,” and not only defend them but have encouraged their growth,
which is why the homeless population in California grew 31 percent
since 2000. This was mostly a West Coast phenomenon until recently. But
now, the newly elected progressive mayor of Boston, Michelle Wu, has decided to keep open a drug scene at Mass and Cass avenues, even though it has resulted in several deaths from drug overdoses and homicides.
Progressives
defend their approach as compassionate. Not everybody who is homeless
is an addict, they say. Many are just down on their luck. Others turn to
drugs after living on the street. What they need is our help. We should
not ask people living in homeless encampments to go somewhere else.
Homeless shelters are often more dangerous than living on the street. We
should provide the people living in tents with money, food, clean
needles, and whatever else they need to stay alive and comfortable. And
we should provide everyone with their own apartment unit if that’s what
they want.
But this “harm reduction” approach is obviously
failing. Cities already do a good job taking care of temporarily
homeless people not addicted to drugs. Drug dealers stab and sometimes
murder addicts who don’t pay. Women forced into prostitution to support
their addictions are raped. Addicts are dying from overdose and
poisoning. The addicts living in the open drug scenes commit many crimes
including open drug use, sleeping on sidewalks, and defecating in
public. Many steal to maintain their habits. The hands-off approach has
meant that addicts do not spend any amount of time in jail or hospital
where they can be off of drugs, and seek recovery.
Now, even a
growing number of people who have worked or still work within the
homeless services sector are speaking out. A longtime San Francisco
homeless service provider who read San Fransicko, and said they
mostly agreed with it, reached out to me to share their views. At first
this person said they wanted to speak on the record. But as the
interview went on, and the person criticized their colleagues, they
asked to remain anonymous, fearing retribution.
The main progressive approach for addressing homelessness, not just
in San Francisco but in progressive cities around the nation, is
“Housing First,” which is the notion that taxpayers should give, no
questions asked, apartment units to anyone who says they are homeless,
and asks for one. What actually works to reduce the addiction that
forces many people onto the streets is making housing contingent on
abstinence. But Housing First advocates oppose “contingency management,”
as it’s called, because, they say, “Housing is a right,” and it should
not be conditioned upon behavior change.
But such a policy is
absurdly unrealistic, said the San Francisco homeless expert. “To
pretend that this city could build enough permanent supportive housing
for every homeless person who needs it is ludicrous,” the person said.
“I wish it weren’t. I wish I lived in a land where there was plenty of
housing. But now people are dying on our streets and it feels like we’re
not doing very much about it.”
The underlying problem with
Housing First is that it enables addiction. “The National Academies of
Sciences review [which showed that giving people apartments did not
improve health or other life outcomes] you cited shows that. San
Francisco has more permanent supportive housing units per capita than
any other city, and we doubled spending on homelessness, but the
homeless population rose 13%, even as it went down in the US. And so we
doubled our spending and the problem got worse. But if you say that, you
get attacked.”
michaelshellenberger | Drug decriminalization and “Housing First” advocates say that all we
should do to help Diane is to give her a free apartment, needles for
shooting and foil for smoking fentanyl, and a place where she can safely
use fentanyl. That’s the progressive thing to do, according to San
Francisco’s Mayor and Supervisors, who are advocating for a place for
addicts to smoke and inject fentanyl. But does that seem like the moral
thing to do? Of course it’s not. In fact, it could kill her, in the same
way that decriminalization and Housing First policies have contributed
to the deaths of 712 people in San Francisco last year.
The moral thing to do is to arrest Diane. Does that sound mean to you?
If it does, then you don’t understand addiction, or you’re in denial
about its hold over people. In the comments on Twitter to Adam’s video,
Jacqui Berlinn, the mother of a fentanyl street addict in San Francisco,
said, “She deserves love and compassion mental care and counseling —
not needles and foil.” Someone responded, “She has to chose to do that
herself. Nobody can force her.” It’s true that Diane has to decide
whether to quit fentanyl. But by enforcing our laws against public drug
use, we can give Diane the choice of rehab or jail.
Why don’t we? In a word, victimology. That’s the three part idea that a) Diane is a victim; b) victimhood is not
a stage on the road to heroism but rather a permanent state; and c)
everything should be given and nothing required of victims. According to
the progressive victimologists who run San Francisco, and other
progressive cities, the laws against public drug use, public defecation,
and shoplifting, should not be enforced against Diane because she’s an
addict. As a victim, Diane is sacred, and the system is sinful. As such,
it is better to let her die from fentanyl than to enforce the law. It’s
part of the Woke religion.
It is Woke religion, a.k.a., victimology, which leads progressives to
grossly misrepresent Diane’s situation. Progressives insist, against
what they say are our lying eyes, that Diane is homeless not because she
is addicted to fentanyl but rather because rents in San Francisco are
too high. Progressives insist that the homeless on the streets are
locals who couldn’t afford the rent, not people who moved to San
Francisco because they knew the city would allow them to maintain their
addiction at low cost without risk of arrest. And progressives insist
that the only moral approach is to help Diane maintain her addiction,
and not enforce the laws when she breaks them.
In San Fransicko,
I debunk the myths that homelessness is a result of high rents, show
that Europe saved lives being lost to addiction by arresting addicts and
closing open drug scenes, and explain why victimology leads
progressives to maintain what is plainly an immoral situation. The title
of the book has two meanings. The sickness I describe is the sickness
of untreated mental illness and addiction. But the other sickness, San
Fransickness, is the sickness of those in the grip of victimology. It is
a sickness unto death, one that leads them to deny the fact that the
normalization and liberalization of drugs is killing 100,000 of our
brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, every year.
FT | From December 1, Facebook Inc’s stock ticker FB will be relegated to the dust of time. The world’s largest social media company will instead officially morph into Meta Platforms, to trade under the official ticker MVRS.
The move follows Mark Zuckerberg’s bold decision to tie the company’s future evolution with the development of what is loosely described as the metaverse. In coming years, Zuckerberg hopes, people will transition to seeing his empire as primarily a servicer to this new digital realm.
That means investors in the near $1tn market capitalisation company — and broader society — will have to get a grip on what exactly is the metaverse.
It’s not that easy to describe. Today, it exists on many disjointed planes — from gaming universes to virtual conference call systems. Its first and most famous incarnation was probably the Second Life platform, notorious for being a flop although it still boasts some 200,000 active daily users.
Zuckerberg’s vision will benefit from far superior tech.
“The metaverse will feel like a hybrid of today’s online social experiences expanded into three dimensions or projected into the physical world,” reads the Facebook spiel.
But it’s also likely to be an attempt to standardise the metaverse’s consensus reality so that value can be harvested from users in even more creative ways. That may sound alluring to investors, but economists, politicians and activists should take heed.
Facebook’s move may also be a jarring acknowledgment that for some tech leaders, the base reality of our world is at risk of losing its investment appeal relative to the metaverse.
BBC documentary maker Adam Curtis’ once opined that “all of us in the west — not just the politicians and the journalists and the experts, but we ourselves — have retreated into a simplified, and often completely fake version of the world”.
The forward march to the metaverse pushes this trend to the extreme. It sends the message that perhaps our true world is so corrupted, so divided and so unfair, that it isn’t worth saving after all. Alternatively, we can photoshop reality to the point we can all pretend everything is as pretty as we experience it in our own heads. Also known as cultivating delusions: don’t worry about your lousy life, come join us in your own dreamworld.
WSWS | In a highly revealing passage, Silverstein writes that, in
“privileging ‘actual fact’ over ‘narrative,’” critics of the 1619
Project “seem to proceed from the premise that history is a fixed thing;
that somehow, long ago, the nation’s historians identified the relevant
set of facts about our past, and it is the job of subsequent
generations to simply protect and disseminate them.” This passage comes
after a lengthy discussion of efforts by far-right Republicans who have
sought to censor the 1619 Project—efforts which the WSWS opposes.
Silverstein’s aim is to conflate scholarly and left-wing criticism of
the 1619 Project with the likes of Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and
Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton, who have seized on the 1619 Project’s
attack on the American Revolution to posture as defenders of democracy,
and with earlier efforts by the Republican Party in the 1990s to
eliminate what they derided as “revisionist history” from high school
textbooks.
That the writing of history involves interpretation of
evidence is the most elementary proposition of the profession. To
suggest that historians such as Gordon Wood and James McPherson have
viewed their task to be to “protect and disseminate” facts reveals far
more of Silverstein’s own ignorance than it does these historians’
monumental achievements in researching and writing the histories of the
American Revolution and the Civil War.
But it is not really
interpretation of the archive that Silverstein has in mind. His brief
and reckless foray into historical methodology aims to provide a
permission slip for the 1619 Project’s disregarding of facts,
whenever these contradict the settled-upon “narrative.” Silverstein
gives away the game by his placement within cynical quotations marks the
word facts, and by his admission that he does not view history to be “a fixed thing.”
But history is “a fixed thing” in at least one sense. The past actually
happened. Generations of people lived, worked, created, struggled,
loved, fought and died. They did so under conditions not of their own
choosing, but those handed down to them from preceding generations. And
they did not do so alone. Out of the development of the productive
forces, as Marx long ago explained, classes emerged—lord and vassal,
master and slave, capitalist and worker—now in hidden, now in open
conflict. On top of all of this culture, law, politics, language,
nation—and, with apologies to Hannah-Jones—race developed, always reflecting the ideology of the ruling layers, and always interacting dynamically with the class structure.
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