aljazeera | Malawi has declared a state of disaster over worsening food shortages caused by a severe drought as concerns grow over a hunger crisis spreading across much of southern Africa.
Malawi's
maize production has dropped by 12 percent, leaving it short of about
one million tonnes of maize needed to feed the population, President
Peter Mutharika said in a statement on Tuesday.
About 2.8
million Malawians - nearly 20 per cent of the population - face food
insecurity, making the country one of the worst hit in southern and
eastern Africa, where the current drought affects 50 million
people, according to United Nation figures.
"I declare Malawi [to
be in] a state of national disaster following prolonged dry spells
during the 2015/16 agriculture season," the Malawian president said.
"With the increased maize deficit, it is expected that an
increased number of people will be food-insecure and will require
humanitarian relief assistance for the whole 2016-17 consumption year,"
he said.
bnarchives | Food is still a crucial form of social
control – only that now it comes in a very different guise. Whereas until
recently – and even today in parts of China, South Asia and Africa – the main
threat for the underlying population was having too little to eat, nowadays it
is having too much. The poor, traditionally punished by hunger, are now much
more likely to be penalized by obesity.
This massive, ongoing transformation is
reshaping the heart, mind and body of the capitalist subject. The
undernourished, underweight, work-till-you-drop poor are gradually being
replaced by their overfed, overweight, shop-till-you-drop descendants. And this
inversion is hardly for the better. Although the adipose poor live longer than
their scrawny predecessors, they are not necessarily healthier. They tend to
suffer from non-communicable diseases – primarily diabetes, hypertension,
strokes, cancer, heart attacks, atherosclerosis and other cardiovascular ailments
Diamond 2012: Ch. 11. And having been born into a hyper-capitalized complex of cheap
industrial food, accessible pharmaceutical drugs and a highly intoxicating mass
media, many of them are gradually losing their ability to control their
inflating bodies and liberate their captured souls.
Ironically, this obesity revolution has
been driven by wheat, rice, corn and potatoes – the very same crops that
leveraged food power in the earlier hunger era. The plants that forced and lured
hunters and gatherers into centralized state structures are now used – together
with numerous supplements, both chemical and mental – to enslave capitalist
subjects to their own irresistible cravings. And as the sedated, junk-food
eating subjects become bigger and heavier, their previously ‘fat cat’ capitalist
rulers eat organic, go to the gym and grow leaner and meaner.
revealnews | Secret conversations between American diplomats show how a growing
water crisis in the Middle East destabilized the region, helping spark
civil wars in Syria and Yemen, and how those water shortages are
spreading to the United States.
Classified U.S. cables reviewed by Reveal from The Center for
Investigative Reporting show a mounting concern by global political and
business leaders that water shortages could spark unrest across the
world, with dire consequences.
Many of the cables read like diary entries from an apocalyptic sci-fi novel.
“Water shortages have led desperate people to take desperate measures
with equally desperate consequences,” according to a 2009 cable sent by
U.S. Ambassador Stephen Seche in Yemen as water riots erupted across
the country.
On Sept. 22 of that year, Seche sent a stark message
to the U.S. State Department in Washington relaying the details of a
conversation with Yemen’s minister of water, who “described Yemen’s
water shortage as the ‘biggest threat to social stability in the near
future.’ He noted that 70 percent of unofficial roadblocks stood up by
angry citizens are due to water shortages, which are increasingly a
cause of violent conflict.”
Seche soon cabled again,
stating that 14 of the country’s 16 aquifers had run dry. At the time,
Yemen wasn’t getting much news coverage, and there was little public
mention that the country’s groundwater was running out.
These communications, along with similar cables sent from Syria, now
seem eerily prescient, given the violent meltdowns in both countries
that resulted in a flood of refugees to Europe.
Groundwater, which comes from deeply buried aquifers, supplies the
bulk of freshwater in many regions, including Syria, Yemen and
drought-plagued California. It is essential for agricultural production,
especially in arid regions with little rainwater. When wells run dry,
farmers are forced to fallow fields, and some people get hungry, thirsty
and often very angry.
The classified diplomatic cables, made public years ago by Wikileaks,
now are providing fresh perspective on how water shortages have helped
push Syria and Yemen into civil war, and prompted the king of
neighboring Saudi Arabia to direct his country’s food companies to scour
the globe for farmland. Since then, concerns about the world’s
freshwater supplies have only accelerated.
Overall impacts are quite widespread. Ranchi, the capital of
Jharkhand has declared a water emergency. And the Ganges River is now so
low that it is unable to provide water to cool one of the largest
coal-fired electrical power stations in West Bengal — forcing it to suspend operations.The
great river is dramatically shrunken — causing islands of mud to emerge
even as pollutants concentrate in its thinning thread. A diminishing
flow that India’s 1.3 billion people rely on for much of their water.
It’s a greater crisis so extreme that late last month one of BBC’s India
correspondents asked — is this the worst water crisis India has ever faced?
NYTimes | More
than 80 percent of the water from underground wells used by farms,
factories and households across the heavily populated plains of China is unfit for drinking or bathing because of contamination from industry and farming, according to new statistics that were reported by Chinese media on Monday, raising new alarm about pollution in the world’s most populous country.
After
years of focus on China’s hazy skies as a measure of environmental
blight, the new data from 2,103 underground wells struck a nerve among
Chinese citizens who have become increasingly sensitive about health
threats from pollution. Most Chinese cities draw on deep reservoirs that
were not part of this study, but many villages and small towns in the
countryside depend on the shallower wells of the kind that were tested
for the report.
“From my point of view, this shows how water is the biggest environmental issue in China,” said Dabo Guan, a professor at the University of East Anglia in Britain who has been studying water pollution and scarcity in China.
“People
in the cities, they see air pollution every day, so it creates huge
pressure from the public. But in the cities, people don’t see how bad
the water pollution is,” Professor Guan said. “They don’t have the same
sense.”
zerohedge | With every passing day, the Fed is slowly but surely losing the game.
Only it is not just former (and in some cases current)
Fed presidents admitting central banks are increasingly powerless to
boost the global economy, even if they still have sway over capital
markets. What is far more insidious to the Fed's waning credibility is
when former economists affiliated with the Fed start repeating mantras
that until recently were only a prominent feature in the so-called
fringe media.
This is precisely what happened today when former central bank
staffer and Dartmouth College economics professor Andrew Levin, special
adviser to then Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke between 2010 to 2012, joined
with an activist group to argue for overhauls at the central bank that
they say would distance it from Wall Street and make its activities more
transparent and accountable to the public.
Levin is pressing for the overhaul with Fed Up coalition activists.
Many of the proposed changes target the 12 regional Federal Reserve
Banks, which are quasi-private and technically owned by commercial banks
in their respective districts.
All of that is not surprising. What he said to justify his new found cause, however, is.
"A lot of people would be stunned to know” the extent to
which the Federal Reserve is privately owned, Mr. Levin said. The Fed
“should be a fully public institution just like every other central bank”
in the developed world, he said in a conference call announcing the
plan. He described his proposals as "sensible, pragmatic and
nonpartisan."
Why is that stunning? Because it has long been a bone of contention
if only among the fringe media, that at its core the Fed is merely a
private institution, beholden only to its de facto owners: not the
people of the U.S. but to a small cabal of banks. Worse, the actual org
chart of who owns what is not disclosed, even as the vast majority of the U.S. population remains deluded that the Fed is a publicly owned institution.
As the WSJ goes on to note,
the former central bank staffer said he sees his ideas as designed to
maintain the virtues the central bank already brings to the table. They
aren’t targeted at changing how policy is conducted today. “What’s important here is that reform to the Federal Reserve can last for 100 years, not just the near term,” he said.
And this is coming from a former Fed employee and Ben Bernanke's
personal advisor! That in itself is a most striking development, because
now that the insiders are finally speaking up, it will be a race among
both current and prior Fed workers to reveal as much dirty laundry as
possible ahead of what is increasingly being perceived by many as the
Fed's demise.
newyorker | Witanhurst, London’s
largest private house, was built between 1913 and 1920 on an eleven-acre
plot in Highgate, a wealthy hilltop neighborhood north of the city
center. First owned by Arthur Crosfield, an English soap magnate, the
mansion was designed in the Queen Anne style and contained twenty-five
bedrooms, a seventy-foot-long ballroom, and a glass rotunda; the views
from its gardens, over Hampstead Heath and across the capital, were
among the loveliest in London. For decades, parties at Witanhurst
attracted potentates and royals—including, in 1951, Elizabeth, the
future Queen.
In May, 2008, I
toured Witanhurst with a real-estate agent. There had been no parties
there for half a century, and the house had not been occupied regularly
since the seventies. The interiors were ravaged: water had leaked
through holes in the roof, and, upstairs, the brittle floorboards
cracked under our footsteps. The scale of the building lent it a
vestigial grandeur, but it felt desolate and Ozymandian. A few weeks
later, Witanhurst was sold for fifty million pounds, to a shell company
named Safran Holdings Limited, registered in the British Virgin Islands.
No further information about the buyers was forthcoming.
In
June, 2010, the local council approved plans to redevelop the house and
five and a half acres of grounds, maintaining Witanhurst as a “family
home.” It was the culmination of a long battle with other Highgate
residents, who did not welcome such an ambitious project. Since then,
Witanhurst’s old service wing has been demolished and replaced with the
so-called Orangery—a three-story Georgian villa designed for “everyday
family accommodation.” And beneath the forecourt, in front of the main
house, the new owners have built what amounts to an underground
village—a basement of more than forty thousand square feet. This
basement, which is connected to the Orangery, includes a
seventy-foot-long swimming pool, a cinema with a mezzanine, massage
rooms, a sauna, a gym, staff quarters, and parking spaces for
twenty-five cars. In late 2013, the local council approved plans for a
second basement, beneath the gatehouse, which will connect that building
to both the main house and the Orangery. Earlier this year, the owners
also sought planning permission to extend an underground “servants’
passage.”
When the refurbishment is
complete, Witanhurst will have about ninety thousand square feet of
interior space, making it the second-largest mansion in the city, after
Buckingham Palace. It will likely become the most expensive house in
London. In 2006, the Qatari royal family bought Dudley House, on Park
Lane, for about forty million pounds; after a renovation, its estimated
resale value is two hundred and fifty million pounds. Real-estate agents
expect that the completed Witanhurst will be worth three hundred
million pounds—about four hundred and fifty million dollars.
If
a vast and lavishly appointed house in Manhattan—a palace nearly double
the size of the White House—were being redeveloped on the edge of
Central Park, New Yorkers would want to know who lived there. Londoners
are equally inquisitive, and concerted efforts have been made to uncover
the identity of Witanhurst’s owners. Shortly after the house was sold,
it became known—from local gossip and publicly accessible planning
documents—that Witanhurst belonged to a family from Russia. Several
newspapers speculated that the owner was Yelena Baturina, Russia’s
richest woman, and the wife of Yury Luzhkov, then the mayor of Moscow.
(Luzhkov and Baturina reportedly enriched themselves while he was in
office, before Luzhkov clashed with the Russian government; she now
lives in London.) Baturina denied owning Witanhurst, and in 2011 she
sued the London Sunday Times for publishing an article titled “BUNKER BILLIONAIRESS DIGS DEEP.”
The
Baturina lawsuit and the continued secrecy surrounding Witanhurst have
intensified the guessing game. Generally, the names of homeowners in
Britain are listed in the Land Registry, which can be read for a small
fee. But listings for properties owned by offshore companies do not
disclose individual beneficiaries. In the British Virgin Islands,
records reveal merely the name of the “registered agent” of Safran
Holdings—Equity Trust Limited, a local agency that holds several such
positions and is connected to the company by name only—and the company’s
post-office box, on the island of Tortola.
A recent investigation by the Financial Times
found that more than a hundred billion pounds’ worth of real estate in
England and Wales is owned by offshore companies. London properties
account for two-thirds of that amount. Charles Moore, a former editor of
the Telegraph, says that London’s property market has become “a form of legalized international money laundering.”
resourceinsights | Was it corruption that led to the bailout instead of a takeover? Or
was it an honest difference of opinion about what would work best under
emergency circumstances?
We can argue whether these examples of transfers of funds from
one group to another are fair. But by themselves they do not constitute a
systemic risk to the stability of the entire economic and social
system. In fact, some would argue that such transfers enhance that
stability. However one evaluates these transfers, I would contend that a
much worse corruption is to subject our society knowingly to systemic
failures such as severe climate change and widespread crop failures.
To
understand this contention, we must review the material basis for our
modern society. Despite all the hype about the service economy, the
activities which make the service economy even possible are agriculture,
fishing, forestry, mining and manufacturing. These sectors create the
surplus food and fiber, the surplus energy and minerals, and the surplus
goods that allow so many of us to do something other than farm, fish,
log, mine or manufacture goods.
By "surplus" I mean that those
engaged in the five essential underlying activities of the modern
economy provide more food and fiber, extract more energy and other
mineral resources, and make more things than they themselves will use.
In fact, in so-called developed societies, the people in these
occupations create surpluses in their respective areas that are nothing
short of astonishing.
In the United States for example, those
working in agriculture, fishing and forestry number 2.4 million or about
1.6 percent of the working population of 149 million as of 2015 according the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Those working in mining including oil and natural gas production
(which, after all, is really just another type of mining) number 917,000
or about 0.6 percent of the working population. These two groups
provide most of the raw materials for the rest of the economy while
constituting just 2.2 percent of the workforce. Some raw materials,
notably oil and metal ores, are supplemented with imports. But that is
counterbalanced in part by agricultural exports that are about one-third
of all crops grown.
Those working in manufacturing number 15.3
million, dwarfing the number who actually provide the feedstocks for
that manufacturing. But manufacturing workers still only constitute 10.3
percent of the total U.S. workforce. We also supplement our
manufactured goods with imports. But we export high-value goods such as
airplanes, pharmaceuticals and advanced machinery.
So, the percentage of the U.S. workforce that provides the actual material basis for the economy amounts to only 12.5 percent.
aljazeera |Julian Assange: WikiLeaks set an example and the
example was the threat. And the example was the threat because the
technology, over time, became more available to other people who could
then follow the example. But examples really are threats, once they're
copied you're not just dealing with one threat any more, you're dealing
with normalisation of a particular practice. But we're actually only
halfway there. So our technology has been adopted for some of the
inputs, a little bit for organisational-to-organisational communication.
But unfortunately not much yet on the publishing side. That's still a
big problem.
Looking forward as to how I think the Panama Papers will go, it's
going to be very hard to get reform without a bulk publishing effort.
There's just not the mass, if there are 300 journalists involved that is
just not enough mass to deal with the reliance that the establishment
of the UK, United States and in fact most countries have in the offshore
sector.
Now what you have in practice at the moment is basically a two-tiered
tax system where the middle class and the working poor pay income tax
and the wealthy essentially don't pay anything. That's a question about
the structure of society and that big picture angle is not being engaged
with in the journalism that it's done. It is all oh North Korea, oh
Russia or sanctions breaking or maybe someone dodging inheritance tax a
little bit. But there is a big picture here as well.
Al Jazeera: The stories that we can put a face on. They like to do the stories that they can put a face on ...
Julian Assange:
You know, scandals and stories you can put a face on. It can be good
for marketing reasons, but what are you marketing in the end? What
WikiLeaks does, and what I believe should've been done with this story,
is that the scandals are there to market the archive because it's
archive that has the scale that can deal with the problem.
aeon | Since the 2008
financial crisis, colleges and universities have faced increased
pressure to identify essential disciplines, and cut the rest. In 2009,
Washington State University announced it would eliminate the department
of theatre and dance, the department of community and rural sociology,
and the German major – the same year that the University of Louisiana at
Lafayette ended its philosophy major. In 2012, Emory University in
Atlanta did away with the visual arts department and its journalism
programme. The cutbacks aren’t restricted to the humanities: in 2011,
the state of Texas announced it would eliminate nearly half of its
public undergraduate physics programmes. Even when there’s no
downsizing, faculty salaries have been frozen and departmental budgets
have shrunk.
But despite the funding crunch, it’s a bull market for academic economists. According to a 2015 sociological studyin the Journal of Economic Perspectives,
the median salary of economics teachers in 2012 increased to $103,000 –
nearly $30,000 more than sociologists. For the top 10 per cent of
economists, that figure jumps to $160,000, higher than the next most
lucrative academic discipline – engineering. These figures, stress the
study’s authors, do not include other sources of income such as
consulting fees for banks and hedge funds, which, as many learned from
the documentary Inside Job (2010), are often substantial. (Ben
Bernanke, a former academic economist and ex-chairman of the Federal
Reserve, earns $200,000-$400,000 for a single appearance.)
Unlike
engineers and chemists, economists cannot point to concrete objects –
cell phones, plastic – to justify the high valuation of their
discipline. Nor, in the case of financial economics and macroeconomics,
can they point to the predictive power of their theories. Hedge funds
employ cutting-edge economists who command princely fees, but routinely
underperform index funds. Eight years ago, Warren Buffet made a 10-year,
$1 million bet that a portfolio of hedge funds would lose to the
S&P 500, and it looks like he’s going to collect. In 1998, a fund
that boasted two Nobel Laureates as advisors collapsed, nearly causing a
global financial crisis.
The
failure of the field to predict the 2008 crisis has also been
well-documented. In 2003, for example, only five years before the Great
Recession, the Nobel Laureate Robert E Lucas Jr told
the American Economic Association that ‘macroeconomics […] has
succeeded: its central problem of depression prevention has been
solved’. Short-term predictions fair little better – in April 2014, for
instance, a survey of 67 economists yielded 100 per cent consensus: interest rates would rise over the next six months. Instead, they fell. A lot.
Nonetheless, surveys indicate
that economists see their discipline as ‘the most scientific of the
social sciences’. What is the basis of this collective faith, shared by
universities, presidents and billionaires? Shouldn’t successful and
powerful people be the first to spot the exaggerated worth of a
discipline, and the least likely to pay for it?
In
the hypothetical worlds of rational markets, where much of economic
theory is set, perhaps. But real-world history tells a different story,
of mathematical models masquerading as science and a public eager to buy
them, mistaking elegant equations for empirical accuracy.
paecon | This paper examines several mainstream explanations of the financial crisis and
stagnation and the role they attribute to income inequality. Those explanations are
contrasted with a structural Keynesian explanation. The role of income inequality
differs substantially, giving rise to different policy recommendations. That highlights
the critical importance of economic theory. Theory shapes the way we understand the
world, thereby shaping how we respond to it. The theoretical narrative we adopt
therefore implicitly shapes policy. That observation applies forcefully to the issue of
income inequality, the financial crisis and stagnation, making it critical we get the story
right.
This paper explores competing stories about the role of income inequality in the financial
crisis of 2008 and the ensuing stagnation. At one level, the paper is a purely analytical
exercise. At another level, there is a deeper purpose regarding exposing the neoclassical
monopoly in economics that has destroyed pluralism and distorted economic debate and
policy making.
An open-minded pluralistic economics demands representation of all economic theories that
provide a logically coherent explanation of the economy consistent with the facts as we know
them. But that is not how economics is practiced owing to the neoclassical monopoly.
Pluralism is not just important as an intellectual aspiration. It is also important in practical
terms for delivering sound economic policy. Theory shapes how we understand the world,
which in turn influences how we respond to events. Theory is a form of story-telling, and the
stories we tell shape our understanding of the economy and economic policy. That means the
stories we tell are critical.
zerohedge | Last September he again made waves when he became one of the first high profile personalities to endorse Donald Trump.
Then, overnight, during a presentation to Wynn Resorts investors,
Wynn tossed out another bombshell which, while taken out of context,
will further inflame the already class tension within the US. This is
what he said: "rich people only like being around rich people, nobody likes being around poor people, especially poor people."
Whether or not what he said is true is secondary because as Robert Frank correctly points out,
"this line is sure to go viral as the latest tone-deaf gaffe by a
billionaire, akin to the 2014 remarks made by technology venture
capitalist Tom Perkins saying that rich people were being persecuted and
should get more votes."
That said, in its full context context the phrase was less incendiary:
This
company caters to the top end of the gaming world. We're sort of a
Chanel, Louis Vuitton to use the comparison and metaphor of the retail
business. But unlike Chanel and Louis Vuitton, we are able in our
business to cater to all of the market by making our standard so high
that everybody wants to be in the building. Or to put it in a
more colloquial way, rich people only like being around rich people,
nobody likes being around poor people, especially poor people.
So we try and make the place, feel upscale for everyone. That
is to say, we cater to people who have discretion and judgment and we
give them the choice and we are consistent in that, whether the economy
is up or the economy is down. We don't do layoffs, we pay
attention to our capital structure, so that we don't bounce around our
employee base, and we don't bounce around our service levels.
And while Wynn's point about desiring to create a sense of wealth
that draws all kinds of crowds is indeed reasonable for a business plan,
it is almost certain that that particular soundbite will promptly make
the social media rounds as another indication of the language used by
Picasso-collecting, Ferrari-driving billionaires (especially one who
endorses Trump).
It will certainly not help the simmering tensions beneath America's
great wealth divide which is growing greater with every passing year.
NYTimes | Days
after the video gained national attention, the police commissioner,
William J. Bratton, said he had strong concerns about the actions taken
by the officers. By then the Police Department had already begun an
investigation by its Internal Affairs Bureau and the officers had been removed from their assignment
with the Conditions Unit, a neighborhood-based troubleshooting
division, and put back on patrol. Later, the supervising officer was stripped of his gun and badge and put on desk duty.
Despite
all that, the department did not reveal the names of the men involved
or apprise the public of any history of complaints leveled against them.
The officers’ names became known because of an accident report Mr.
Grays obtained at the 71st Precinct station house, which identified
them. After Mr. Grays was taken away by the police officers in an
unmarked car, that vehicle had hit another in front of it.
Secrecy is, in essence, protocol. It is required by a controversial law
passed 40 years ago, Section 50-a of the state’s civil rights code,
which protects officers’ personnel records from public view, enshrining
the suppression of information around police misconduct as governance.
Had
Mr. Grays, in his 27 years, accumulated a litany of petty offenses and
low-level drug possession charges, we would almost surely know about
them. One comparatively less glaring dimension of the hypocrisy that
surrounds cases in which ordinary people are harmed or killed by those
entrusted to protect them is the vast difference in the way that law
enforcement handles the biographies of those people. A system that
safeguards the names of police officers above all else often too easily
accommodates the tainting of victims. The most notorious example
occurred 16 years ago, when Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani authorized the
release of Patrick Dorismond’s arrest record after Mr. Dorismond had
become the third unarmed black man shot and killed by New York City
police officers in approximately a year. When asked to respond to
criticism that he had been vilifying the dead man, the mayor only
delivered his rebuke more emphatically, claiming that Mr. Dorismond was
not “an altar boy.”
alternet | Who writes the laws, in a society dominated by finance capital,
neoliberal economics and the ideology of free trade and globalization?
In a system, to quote the author I alluded to earlier, “under which the
market is the regulator of social production,” including the production
of culture and thought? (Yes, that would be V.I. Lenin, of October
Revolution fame.) Whose interests are those laws meant to protect? Does
the world of Mossack Fonseca and its ilk, where morphing, shifting
corporate entities shepherd amazingly large sums of money in secret from
one jurisdiction to another, sound like the operation of a free and
fair market society where everyone who works hard or has talent has an
equal chance to become Donald Trump or Kim Kardashian? Or does it sound
like a rigged system designed to delude the powerless and make them
accomplices in their own impoverishment, while ensuring the indefinite
oligarchic rule of the rich and powerful?
One of Lenin’s main points, in the essay “What Is to Be Done?,” was
that the market system produces its own rules, its own ideology and its
own self-justifying structure of thought. Those things are enforced
upon the entire society, and you can’t do anything to fight the system
until you get outside that ideological structure. One does not have to
agree with Lenin’s concrete solutions (which I am not inclined to
defend) to see that the problem is still with us. It may be the secret
narrative behind the Democratic primary campaign between Bernie Sanders
and Hillary Clinton, for instance: While they are nominally not far
apart on many issues, Clinton is a member of the Mossack Fonseca-level
social stratum, and represents its interests. Whatever his flaws as a
candidate may be, Sanders isn’t and doesn’t.
WaPo | How can it be that the United States is more of a secrecy haven than
Panama, the British Virgin Islands, etc.? Michael Findley, Daniel
Nielson, and I decided to get to the bottom of this by shopping for
shell companies on an industrial scale in a project called Global Shell Games.
We impersonated a rogues’ gallery of 21 would-be money launderers,
corrupt officials, and terrorist financiers, and sent over 7,000 emails
asking firms like Mossack Fonseca to set up prohibited untraceable shell
companies to shell in 180 countries.
We wanted to know whether
these firms would require us to prove our identity in accord with
international rules. This would help us to answer three important
questions. First: how well do the global rules banning the formation of
untraceable shell companies that hide the identity of the real owner
work? Second: do incorporation firms respond differently to more or less
risky customers? Third: which countries do a good, bad, or indifferent
job of enforcing these Know Your Customer rules? The answers were
counter-intuitive – and very worrying.
First, only about half of
those firms that replied followed international rules by asking for the
proper suite of ID documents from our fictitious ne’er-do-wells. Almost a
quarter didn’t ask for any ID at all. Second, incorporation firms were
generally just as willing to do business with high-risk customers as
those with low-risk profiles, with the partial exception of customers
who presented terrorism financing risks. Third – getting back to
Panama, we found that once again, firms in tax havens were actually much
more likely to follow international Know Your Customer rules than those
in the U.S. and other OECD countries.
Does this mean that
Mossack Fonseca and other offshore firms are blameless? Hardly; if they
facilitated real misdeeds, they deserve to be punished. But if this leak
shows the damage that can be done with 200,000 offshore companies,
remember that there are more than 15 million companies incorporated in
the U.S. Then consider the advertising pitch of one U.S. incorporation
firm: “A corporation is a legal person created by state statute that can
be used as a fall guy, a servant, a good friend or a decoy. A person
you control… yet cannot be held accountable for its actions. Imagine the
possibilities!”
counterpunch | In August 2015, at the Democratic Party convention in Minneapolis, 33
democratic state parties made deals with the Hillary Clinton campaign
and a joint fundraising entity called The Hillary Victory Fund. The deal
allowed many of her core billionaire and inner circle individual donors
to run the maximum amounts of money allowed through those state parties
to the Hillary Victory Fund in New York and the DNC in Washington.
The idea was to increase how much one could personally donate to
Hillary by taking advantage of the Supreme Court ruling 2014, McCutcheon
v FEC, that knocked down a cap on aggregate limits as to how much a
donor could give to a federal campaign in a year. It thus eliminated the
ceiling on amounts spent by a single donor to a presidential candidate.
In other words, a single donor, by giving 10,000 dollars a year to
each signatory state could legally give an extra $330,000 a year for two
years to the Hillary Victory Fund. For each donor, this raised their
individual legal cap on the Presidential campaign to $660,000 if given
in both 2015 and 2016. And to one million, three hundred and 20 thousand
dollars if an equal amount were also donated in their spouse’s name.
From these large amounts of money being transferred from state
coffers to the Hillary Victory Fund in Washington, the Clinton campaign
got the first $2,700, the DNC was to get the next $33,400, and the
remainder was to be split among the 33 signatory states. With this
scheme, the Hillary Victory Fund raised over $26 million for the Clinton
Campaign by the end of 2015.
The money was either transferred to the Hillary for America or
Forward Hillary PACs and spent directly on the Hillary Clinton Campaign,
often paying the salaries and expenses within those groups, or it was
moved into the DNC or another Clinton PAC. Some of it was spent towards
managing the Hillary merchandise store, where you can buy Hillary T
shirts and hats and buttons.
The fund is administered by treasurer Elizabeth Jones, the Clinton
Campaign’s chief operating officer. Ms. Jones has the exclusive right to
decide when transfers of money to and from the Hillary Victory Fund
would be made to the state parties.
One could reasonably infer that the tacit agreement between the
signatories was that the state parties and the Hillary Clinton Campaign
would act in unity and mutual support. And that the Super Delegates of
these various partner states would either pledge loyalty to Clinton, or,
at the least, not endorse Senator Sanders. Not only did Hillary’s
multi-millionaire and billionaire supporters get to bypass individual
campaign donation limits to state parties by using several state parties
apparatus, but the Clinton campaign got the added bonus of buying that
state’s Super Delegates with the promise of contributions to that
Democratic organization’s re-election fund.
If a presidential campaign from either party can convince various
state parties to partner with it in such a way as to route around any
existing rules on personal donor limits and at the same time promise
money to that state’s potential candidates, then the deal can be sold as
a way of making large monetary promises to candidates and Super
Delegates respectable.
counterpunch | It is probably a truism that you do not know people you do not hang
out with very well. Maybe you read about them but if you happen to be
the person who is hired to write about them, they probably do not get
written about. You know why. Because they are not the people, you know
very well or at all.
Let us say we have the sort of generous plutocracy where about 20% of
the population, most of them the professional/gentrified class and a
few at the very top, the Equestrian/Patrician class. First, let me say,
that one fifth of a population of over 300 million is enough to keep the
Dow Jones doing its ups and downs. Also, members of this top 20% keep
the 80% informed, not about the 20 people who have wealth equal to 50%
of the population or about the consequences of this. Now the 80% who do
not know fuck all about Wall Street’s dark dealings have suddenly, in
the eyes of the 20%, emerged to push the presidential candidacies of
Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump.
For the gentry, whether Democrat or Republican, this is like your
hired Nanny telling you to shut up, or a bunch of hooligans busting
through the gates of your “community” and wanting to do something other
than clean your pool. Somebody has shown up at the electoral dinner
party who wasn’t invited and whose name is unknown. This is not exactly
like Nat Turner showing up in a bloody rebellion but the sheer
unexpectedness of it is something like what 20% of the country is now
facing with the populist explosion in both parties.
So how come almost no one who represents what is going on knew this
would happen? Simple answer: they did not know these people were there
because they were not reporting anything about them and they were not
reporting anything about them because they were invisible to them. Look
at it this way: no one had been campaigning the bottom 40% hard
since…never. We have thrown into that group blue collar workers, the
once unionized manufacturing working class, the “salaried” class, and
now all, The Underclass. The classless, ungentrified. They have less
shopping power than the top 20%, they do not usually vote, they have no
one lobbying for them, they are not needed as laborers except for jobs
that cannot be sent out of the country, and they have almost no leverage
in a plutocracy. Right now, we have a burgeoning plutocracy still tied
to an electoral, representative democracy and so “one person one vote”
remains the solo bargaining chip of plutocracy’s “negative assets,” how The National Review refers to Trump’s followers.
cassandralegacy |For a good number of years, I have been studying the reasons for the collapse of societies. And, at the beginning, I tended to explain it as mainly the result of the depletion of crucial resources; crude oil, in our case. But, the more I think about that, the more I understand that the relation between depletion and collapse is far from being straightforward. A society can very well collapse without running out of anything; think of the case of the Soviet Union. When it collapsed, the Union had still plenty of mineral resources, but it couldn't find a way to exploit them in a convenient manner. In the case of the Roman Empire, also, there is no evidence that it run out of food or of any basic resource. Rather, it ran out of the resource it used for paying its troops,gold and silver for its currency. In both cases, it was a question of thecollapse of control. As we all know,power without control is nothing.
Note that the loss of control is related to resource depletion, but the relation is not direct. It works like this: any complex society can exist only in certain conditions: it is not enough to have access to natural resources. It is necessary to be able to distribute these resources in such a way to keep all the sections of society supplied; this is a question ofcontrol. You can also use the term "governance" if you like to avoid a term that has a military ring to it. The point is that if a society is unable to allocate the resources in such a way to make most people accept the way they are allocated, it will break down, or collapse, or both things.
In our world, resource allocation is controlled by the entity we call "the market", with some correction on the part of another entity that we call "the government". Generally speaking, the government is supposed to correct for the fact that the market is not supposed to provide a fair distribution of wealth. For instance, the government is supposed to provide health care services even to people who can't afford it. This is why taxes are progressive (or used to be, before president Trump took office). This is what we normally call democracy: it works on the shared belief that society is kept together by a certain degree of fair sharing of the available resources.
It works, but only in some conditions. In particular, it works under the assumption that the available resources are relatively abundant. If that's the case, it is more convenient to create new wealth by exploiting some untapped resource than to steal wealth from others who already have it. But that's not always the case. Lets'imagine that you are out of your job. In normal conditions, you look for another job. But if there are no jobs available, or you are too old to get a new job, your only possible survival strategy is theft or robbery (it is happening). Then, if those Arabs are sitting on our oil, then it makes sense to bomb them to smithereens and get it. And why should the poor getourmoney fortheirhealth problems?
Note that you don't need to run out of anything to cross the critical point. Within some limits, you may assume that the cost of exploiting a natural resource goes up with the inverse of the resource abundance while the cost of stealing it from someone who has it may be taken as approximately constant. So, there has got to be a point where stealing becomes a better strategy than finding new resources. It is a phase transition in society (see the model, below). At this point, society goes to a crisis that leads it either by some form of breakdown, including "ethnic cleansing," or to some kind of centralized military control. The second outcome can be said to be better than the first. That's what the Romans did when it moved from a republic to an Imperial system. That's the path in front of us.
After Bernie Sanders
singled out General Electric’s tax avoidance and extensive overseas
operations as an example of corporate “greed” and “selfishness,” Jeff
Immelt, G.E.’s chief executive, penned a long, snarky op-ed
for The Washington Post that went beyond defending the company, and
appeared to take sides in the Democratic nominating contest. His
comments were particularly unseemly on the eve of hotly-contested
primaries in New York and Connecticut, G.E.’s corporate home bases.
General
Electric was created in this country by American workers and American
consumers. What we have seen over the many years is shutting down of
many major plants in this country. Sending jobs to low-wage countries.
And General Electric, doing a very good job avoiding the taxes. In fact,
in a given year, they pay nothing in taxes. That’s greed. That is greed
and that’s selfishness. That is lack of respect for the people of this
country.
Asked “how does that destroy the fabric of America?” Mr. Sanders issued a broader condemnation:
I’ll tell
you how it does. If you are a corporation and the only damn thing you
are concerned about is your profits. Let’s just give an example of a
corporation that’s making money in America, today, but desiring to move
to China or to Mexico to make even more money. That is destroying the
moral fabric of this country. That is saying that I don’t care that the
workers, here have worked for decades. It doesn’t matter to me. The only
thing that matters is that I can make a little bit more money. That the
dollar is all that is almighty. And I think that is the moral fabric.
G.E.’s controversial
tax avoidance strategies, its shedding of domestic jobs and its heavy
reliance on political lobbying to get what it wants have been
well-documented. That, and Mr. Sanders, clearly got Mr. Immelt’s goat.
theatlantic | And now, courtesy of the
Center for Effective Government, a nonprofit, and the Institute for
Policy Studies, a think tank, here is another: Together, 100 American
CEOs have more saved up for retirement than 41 percent of American families combined.
The
CEO with the largest nest egg on the report’s list was David C. Novak,
the former chief of Yum Brands (which owns KFC, Pizza Hut, and Taco
Bell), and now its executive chairman. At last count, Novak had nearly
$250 million in his retirement account, according to the report, which
got its data on CEOs from companies’ SEC filings.
For the purposes of comparison, the average Yum employee had about $70,000 in his or her 401(k).
That means the Novak’s retirement savings are more than 3,330 times the
size of the typical Yum employee’s, which makes the ratio of average
CEO pay to average worker pay—300:1—look relatively small.
The
report, in a way, obscures the crisis at hand. The comparison it’s
making—between 100 exceedingly well-paid executives and tens of millions
of Americans—suggests intolerable corporate excess. As the report makes
clear, on the CEO side of the equation, there are beefy retirement
accounts flush with more than $4.5 billion. But on the typical-American
side of the equation, there are a huge number of people who have
practically nothing saved up—for all American households nearing
retirement age, the median retirement-account balance is about $12,000. So, it’s not so much that these CEOs have a lot (they do) but that everyone else has next to nothing.
With
that in mind, the fact that 100 CEOs have saved up more than 41 percent
of Americans is stunning but not surprising. Over the last few decades,
companies have moved away from providing their workers with pensions,
which used to offer a degree of security in retirement. But during that
transition, pensions weren’t reliably replaced with retirement-savings
accounts, such that now only about 40 percent
of private-sector American workers have any kind of employer-provided
or subsidized retirement plan, such as a pension or a 401(k). Everyone
else is on their own.
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