theatlantic | His statements are completely
consistent with his approach to both his business and entertainment
careers, which was to connect with people’s guts at the expense of their
reason. In his 1987 book, The Art of the Deal, Trump explained his modus operandi:
“The final key to the way I promote is bravado. I play to people’s
fantasies. People may not always think big themselves, but they can
still get very excited by those who do. That’s why a little hyperbole
never hurts. People want to believe that something is the biggest and
the greatest and the most spectacular.”
There has been a tremendous amount of discussion about the “anger”and “frustration”of
Trump’s supporters. But it’s not just anger. Tapping all of the
passions, including avarice and lust, is the unifying theme of his
career. And therein lies the problem.
People have been wrestling with the problem of the passions in
politics as far back as Plato and Aristotle. Plato described three parts
of the soul—the appetites (like lust), the spirited (military courage),
and reason. Reason was a charioteer trying to control the “dark steed”
of the passions. The only way to control the appetites was to force the
horse to the ground and whip him until he bled.
It’s a violent metaphor, but the ancient diagram has proven stable,
continuing today in modern brain science, and even the Pixar movie Inside Out, which tracks the teenage protagonist’s struggle to understand and control her inner impulses.
The problem of the passions in politics was central to the thinking
of America’s founders, as well. Take James Madison, the father of the
Constitution. As a boy studying with his tutor Donald Robertson, Madison first learned the idea that “our passions are like Torrents which may be diverted, but not obstructed.”
In college, Madison was taught by the great Scottish cleric John
Witherspoon that passions originated in an object of intense desire.
Passions of love included admiration, desire, and delight. Passions of
hatred were envy, malice, rage, and revenge. Most important however was
the “great and real” distinction between selfish and benevolent
passions. A benevolent passion, Witherspoon taught, came from the
happiness of others. A selfish passion stemmed from gratification (like
Donald Trump’s stroking of his own ego)—and was the most dangerous to a
republic.
The
passions are slippery for anyone seeking to control them, particularly
in democracies with free speech. But that doesn’t mean they can’t be
tamed.
usatoday | Donald Trump says he's not a bully and, clinically, he may be right.
On
Wednesday, Trump was again defending himself following the latest in a
series of spats with network television personalities — this time with
Univision anchor Jorge Ramos, who Trump's security detail booted from a
news conference the previous night in Iowa.
"I am not a bully,'' the real estate magnate and Republican presidential candidate said on the TODAY show.
Americans may describe the billionaire businessman's behavior in many
ways, but psychologists and experts told USA TODAY that textbook
bullying shouldn't be one of them. The greater challenge, the bullying
experts say, is explaining the reasons for Trump's popularity in a
culture that is supposed to frown on naked aggression.
"Bullying
is the repeated, intentional harm of another person who has less power
than you do,'' said Dewey Cornell, a forensic psychologist and bullying
expert at the University of Virginia.
"If it’s him and Rosie O’Donnell going at each other, they may have comparable power,'' he said.
Patti McDougall,
associate professor of psychology at the University of Saskatchewan
echoed that, saying "bullying does not happen when you’ve got two equals
in a fight.''
Most of Trump's targets — from prominent media
figures like Ramos and Fox News's Megyn Kelly to fellow presidential
candidates — have societal power in their own right.
Trump has
singled out Kelly, one of the nation's most-watched cable news hosts,
ever since she pointedly questioned him during a Fox News
debate. He later insinuated she was menstruating at the time and, since
then, he's hurled insults at her, including retweeting a message on
Twitter that called her a "bimbo."
The attacks became too much for Fox News Chairman Roger Ailes, who on Tuesday called on Trump to apologize.
rollingstone | His signature moment in a campaign full of them was his exchange in the first debate with Fox's Kelly. She asked
him how anyone with a history of calling women "fat pigs, dogs, slobs,
and disgusting animals" could win a general election against a female
candidate like Hillary Clinton.
"I've been challenged by so many people," Trump answered. "I frankly
don't have time for political correctness. And to be honest with you,
the country doesn't have time either….We don't win anymore. We lose to
China. We lose to Mexico….We lose to everybody."
On the surface, Kelly was just doing her job as a journalist,
throwing Trump's most outrageous comments back at him and demanding an
explanation.
But on another level, she was trying to bring Trump to heel. The
extraction of the humiliating public apology is one of the media's most
powerful weapons. Someone becomes famous, we dig up dirt on the person,
we rub it in his or her nose, and then we demand that the person get
down on bended knee and beg forgiveness.
The Clintons' 1992 joint interview on 60 Minutes was a classic example, as was Anthony Weiner's prostration before Andrew Breitbart and Chris Christie's 107-minute marathon apologia
after Bridgegate. The subtext is always the same: If you want power in
this country, you must accept the primacy of the press. It's like paying
the cover at the door of the world's most exclusive club.
Trump wouldn't pay the tab. Not only was he not wrong for saying
those things, he explained, but holding in thoughts like that is bad for
America. That's why we don't win anymore, why we lose to China and to
Mexico (how are we losing to Mexico again?). He was saying that hiding
forbidden thoughts about women or immigrants or whoever isn't just
annoying, but bad for America.
theregister | A Chinese hardware hacker has hidden a penetration-testing toolkit into her high-heeled shoes.
The Wi-Fi-popping platforms were forged in a 3D
printer, and contain compartments to smuggle hacking hardware past
strict security checks in data centres and the like, and later
retrieved.
The hacker and pen-tester, who goes by the handle
"SexyCyborg", showcases the heels she dubs Wu Ying shoes, named after
the famed "shadowless kick" that Chinese folk hero Wong Fei Hung used to
distract opponents.
The hacker published snaps of the shoes in an Imgur gallery (somewhat NFSW)
showing how a router, backup battery, and lock-picking set can be
concealed from security guards while on red team penetration tests.
"With my shadowless shoes I distract the target with my upper body and they don’t see the real danger on my feet," she writes.
"Each shoe has a drawer that can be slid out without
my having to take the shoes off [which] can be customised for various
payloads.
SexyCyborg says "... my right shoe contains a pen
testing drop box which is a wireless router running OpenWRT with a built
in rechargeable battery that could either be left running inside the
shoe (for war-walking, wifi sniffing and logging) or could be removed
and plugged into a convenient open network jack [gaining] gain remote
access anytime via SSH tunnel."
ibtimes | Yes, it is true. Ashley Madison was not hacked - the data was stolen by a woman operating on her own who worked for Avid Life Media. The reason that I am so late to the second act of the Ashley Madison affair is that, without a supercomputer, it has taken over a week to finish the analysis of the massive data dumps that the perpetrator has so generously provided us with.
A hacker is someone who uses a combination of high-tech cybertools and social engineering to gain illicit access to someone else's data. But this job was done by someone who already had the keys to the Kingdom. It was an inside job.
In my firstIBTimes UKarticle aboutAct One of the Ashley Madison Affair, I alleged that the group of hackers claiming responsibility for the "hack" simply did not exist. I gleaned this information from reliable sources within the Dark Web – which have yet to fail me. I also claimed that it was the act of a single person.
Any adept social engineer would have easily seen this from the wording in the first manifesto published by the alleged hacking group. I was one of the first practitioners of social engineering as a hacking technique and today it is my only tool of use, aside from a smartphone – in a purely white hat sort of way. But if you don't trust me, then ask any reasonably competent social engineer.
Today, I can confidently claim that the single person is a woman, and has recently worked within Avid Life Media. I have provided IBTimes UK background information and pertinent elements of the woman's data dump to prove both my access to the data and also to confirm elements of my research, under the strict conditions that it is to be referenced and then destroyed. The data I provided included such delicate material as the decoded password hash tables of every Avid Life and Ashley Madison employee, which I have also now destroyed.
How did I come to this conclusion? Very simply. I have spent my entire career in the analysis of cybersecurity breaches, and can recognise an inside job 100% of the time if given sufficient data - and 40GB is more than sufficient. I have also practiced social engineering since the word was first invented and I can very quickly identify gender if given enough emotionally charged words from an individual. The perpetrator's two manifestos provided that. In short, here is how I went about it.
ap | The hacking of the cheating website Ashley Madison has triggered
extortion crimes and led to two unconfirmed reports of suicides,
Canadian police said Monday.
The company behind Ashley Madison is offering a $500,000 Canadian (US
$378,000) reward for information leading to the arrest of members of a
group that hacked the site.
Hackers last week released detailed records on millions of people
registered with the website, a month after a break-in at Ashley
Madison's parent company, Toronto-based Avid Life Media Inc. The
website, whose slogan is, "Life is short. Have an affair," is marketed
to facilitate extramarital affairs.
Toronto Police acting staff Superintendent Bryce Evans said the hack is having an "enormous social and economic fallout."
"This hack is one of the largest data breaches in the world," Evans
said. "This is affecting all of us. The social impact behind this leak,
we're talking about families, we're talking about children, we're
talking about wives, their male partners."
The hackers who took responsibility for the break-in had accused the
website's owners of deceit and incompetence, and said the company
refused to bow to their demands to close the site. The hackers referred
to themselves as the Impact Team.
Evans said the hackers released the entire Ashley Madison client
list, which claims more than 30 million users worldwide. He said the
hackers also sent a taunting message to the company CEO and released his
emails.
Evans said there are confirmed cases of criminals attempting to
extort Ashley Madison clients by threatening to expose them unless
payment is received.
The police official did not offer further details of the unconfirmed
suicides. He also said hate crimes may be connected to the hack but did
not provide details.
Evans addressed the hackers directly, saying their actions are "illegal and will not be tolerated."
WaPo | But a new study
called “Survival of the Fittest and the Sexiest” published in the
Journal of Interpersonal Violence has found that adolescent bullies have
higher self-esteem and social status, as well as lower rates of
depression and social anxiety. From an evolutionary standpoint, these
combined measures also make the meanest in the playground pack the ones
with the greatest sex appeal.
This probably comes at no surprise to anyone who’s seen Mean Girls.
And it could be important to the development of new bullying prevention
programs, which have long operated on the assumption that bullies are
troubled kids alienated from a school’s core population.
“The
bullies come out on top,” said Jennifer Wong, the study’s lead
researcher. Her surveys, conducted on 135 Vancouver high school
students, indicate that bullying is biological, as kids who have
dominating tendencies and a desire to rise to the top of social
hierarchies often victimize others in order to get there.
Wong came to these conclusions by administering questionnaires that
allowed participants to be categorized into one of four groups: bullies,
victims, bully/victims (individuals who bully but also report being
victimized themselves) and bystanders. Within these categories, the
bullies reported the best self-evaluations and the bully/victims the
worst.
Since her research indicates that bullies are
characterized by behaviors that are innate rather than learned, Wong
said, schools might want to consider ways of channeling those tendencies
towards more healthy activities instead of attempting to quell bullies’
innate drive to dominate.
medialens | On Twitter, George Monbiot succinctly made the point that matters about the Robinson-Salmond 'row':
'Establishment unites to crush popular movements. If movements protest, they're accused of bullying'
Indeed.
Robinson made himself look more ridiculous when he replied to Monbiot:
'protests by a governing party outside a media HQ not a good look'
Robinson was claiming, then, that it was not a public protest outside the BBC headquarters in Glasgow. It was a protest by the ruling Scottish National Party.
Monbiot challenged Robinson to back up his allegation with hard evidence:
'Incidentally, do you have evidence that the protest was organised by the SNP? If so, could you provide it? Thanks.'
As far as we can see, Robinson ignored the challenge to provide evidence for his claim. Instead, he appeared to backtrack when he replied:
'Don't know who organised protest.'
adding, in an attempt to justify his earlier unsubstantiated claim:
'Do know Salmond praised as "joyous", talked of BBC being "scarred" & "gains" for @theSNP'
For many years now, Media Lens has scrutinised Robinson's reporting.
Notoriously, he was guilty of repeating false government claims about
weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, like so many other journalists.
When challenged about this, Robinson wrote in a column for The Times:
'It was my job to report what those in power were doing or
thinking... That is all someone in my sort of job can do.' (' "Remember
the last time you shouted like that?" I asked the spin-doctor', Nick
Robinson, The Times, July 16, 2004)
'That'd make an excellent epitaph on the tombstone of modern establishment journalism'
But Robinson had also made a solemn promise back then:
'Now, more than ever before, I will pause before relaying what those
in power say. Now, more than ever, I will try to examine the
contradictory case.' (The Times, op. cit.)
To little or no avail, as we have seen in the intervening years.
Robinson hates to be reminded of this. Likewise, he bristles whenever he
is told that his professed role is more that of a stenographer - an
honourable profession in law courts, of course - than a real journalist.
Proper analysis and investigation of government claims and propaganda
are systematically missing. Reporting of authoritative alternative
viewpoints is minimal or non-existent. But then, as Noam Chomsky once
noted of corporate journalism:
'The basic principle, rarely violated, is that what conflicts with
the requirements of power and privilege does not exist.' ('Deterring
Democracy', Vintage, 1992, p. 79)
kunstler |Immigration is a practical
problem, with visible effects on-the-ground, easy to understand. I’m
enjoying the Trump-provoked debate mostly because it is a pushback
against the disgusting dishonesty of political correctness that has
bogged down the educated classes in a swamp of sentimentality. For
instance, Times Sunday Magazine
staffer Emily Bazelon wrote a polemic last week inveighing against the
use of the word “illegal” applied to people who cross the border without
permission on the grounds that it “justifies their mistreatment.” One
infers she means that sending them back where they came from equals
mistreatment.
It’s refreshing that Trump is
able to cut through this kind of tendentious crap. If that were his only
role, it would be a good one, because political correctness is an
intellectual disease that is making it impossible for even educated
people to think — especially people who affect to be political leaders.
Trump’s fellow Republicans are entertainingly trapped in their own
cowardliness and it’s fun to watch them squirm.
But for me, everything else
about Trump is frankly sickening, from his sneering manner of speech, to
the worldview he reveals day by day, to the incoherence of his
rhetoric, to the wolverine that lives on top of his head. The thought of
Trump actually getting elected makes me wonder where Arthur Bremer is
when we really need him.
Did any of you actually catch
Trump’s performance last week at the so-called “town meeting” event in
New Hampshire (really just a trumped-up pep rally)? I don’t think I
miscounted that Trump told the audience he was “very smart” 23 times in
the course of his remarks. If he really was smart, he would know that
such tedious assertions only suggest he is deeply insecure about his own
intelligence. After all, this is a man whose lifework has been putting
up giant buildings that resemble bowling trophies, some of them in the
service of one of the worst activities of our time, legalized gambling,
which is based on the socially pernicious idea that it’s possible to get
something for nothing.
I daresay that legalized
gambling has had a possibly worse effect on American life the past three
decades than illegal immigration. Gambling is a marginal activity for
marginal people that belongs on the margins — the back rooms and back
alleys. It was consigned there for decades because it was understood
that it’s not healthy for the public to believe that it’s possible to
get something for nothing, that it undermines perhaps the most
fundamental principle of human life.
Trump’s verbal incoherence is
really something to behold. He’s incapable of expressing a complete
thought without venturing down a dendritic maze of digressions, often
leading to an assertion of how much he is loved (another sign of
insecurity). For example, when he attacked Jeb’s (no last name
necessary) statement that we have to show Iraqi leaders that “we have
skin in the game,” Trump invoked the “wounded warriors,” saying “I love
them. They’re everywhere. They love me.” In the immortal words of Tina
Turner, “what’s love got to do with it?”
NYTimes | A
review of public polling, extensive interviews with a host of his
supporters in two states and a new private survey that tracks voting
records all point to the conclusion that Mr. Trump has built a broad,
demographically and ideologically diverse coalition, constructed around
personality, not substance, that bridges demographic and political
divides. In doing so, he has effectively insulated himself from the
consequences of startling statements that might instantly doom rival
candidates.
In
poll after poll of Republicans, Mr. Trump leads among women, despite
having used terms like “fat pigs” and “disgusting animals” to denigrate
some of them. He leads among evangelical Christians, despite saying he
had never had a reason to ask God for forgiveness. He leads among
moderates and college-educated voters, despite a populist and
anti-immigrant message thought to resonate most with conservatives and
less-affluent voters. He leads among the most frequent, likely voters,
even though his appeal is greatest among those with little history of
voting.
The
unusual character of Mr. Trump’s coalition by no means guarantees his
campaign will survive until next year’s primaries, let alone beyond. The
diversity of his coalition could even be its undoing, if his previous
support for liberal policies and donations to Democrats, for example,
undermine his support among conservatives. And in the end, the polling
suggests, Mr. Trump will run into a wall: Most Republicans do not
support his candidacy and seem unlikely ever to do so. Even now, more
say they definitely would not vote for him than say they support him.
But the breadth of Mr. Trump’s coalition
is surprising at a time of religious, ideological and geographic
divisions in the Republican Party. It suggests he has the potential to
outdo the flash-in-the-pan candidacies that roiled the last few
Republican nominating contests. And it hints at the problem facing his
competitors and the growing pressure on them to confront him, as
several, like Jeb Bush and Scott Walker, are starting to do.
His
support is not tethered to a single issue or sentiment: immigration,
economic anxiety or an anti-establishment mood. Those factors may have
created conditions for his candidacy to thrive, but his personality,
celebrity and boldness, not merely his populism and policy stances, have
let him take advantage of them.
Tellingly,
when asked to explain support for Mr. Trump in their own words, voters
of varying backgrounds used much the same language, calling him “ballsy”
and saying they admired that he “tells it like it is” and relished how
he “isn’t politically correct.”
Trumpism, the data and interviews suggest, is an attitude, not an ideology.
theatlantic | “You’re hollering this ‘black lives
matter’ bullshit,” Hubbard said. “It don’t matter. You’re killing each
other.” In fact, the overwhelming majority of people hollering “black
lives matter” have never killed and will never kill anyone. The vast
majority of Black Lives Matter protestors are not “tearing up the
neighborhood” either. These race-based generalizations rob their objects
of individual identities. The fact that some young black men carry guns
and commit violent crimes doesn’t mean that other young black men and
women––totally distinct individuals who happen to share the
same skin color––should have their activism discredited, enjoy fewer
civil liberties, or be at increased risk of being killed by cops. It is
interesting that the various right-wing news sites that picked up this
video failed to catch these flaws, despite fancying themselves champions
of individualism, color-blindness, and the rights contained in the
United States Constitution.
Hubbard
was speaking off-the-cuff at a moment of high emotion; it’s possible
that she hasn’t fully considered all the implications of her views; but
as stated, they are wrongheaded. She might’ve been on solid ground if
she’d stopped at arguing that police were justified in shooting Ball-Bey
and that Black Lives Matter was wrong to protest that particular
killing; instead, she spoke as if the Ball-Bey encounter bears on the
righteousness of protesting other deaths, like Freddie Gray, Walter
Scott, or any of the other black men that police officers have been indicted for murdering.
* * *
Despite these significant disagreements, I’m glad Peggy Hubbard spoke
out on Facebook. It’s generally a good thing when citizens earnestly
express their views in public discourse, and she deserves kudos for
trying to improve her community as best she can. She has articulated
beliefs that are shared by a lot of people, which is itself an important
service: Insofar as those beliefs are inaccurate or wrongheaded, better
that they be aired and debated than invisible and unexamined.
This viral video and the comments around it also represent an
opportunity for the activists of Black Lives Matter to understand how
some critics of their movement perceive the world, to engage in
conversation and debate,
to refine any weaknesses in their own thinking that emerge, and to
persuade their interlocutors to adjust some of their positions. In fact,
despite Hubbard’s harsh words, I’d bet that, properly engaged, she
could be persuaded to voice support for at least a portion of the
policing-reform agenda. If so, what an ambassador she would make to
millions of potential converts.
slate | Watching Donald Trump bluster and bluff his way through a
presidential campaign, I wonder if we underestimate the ways in which
Internet vitriol has broadened the parameters of political debate. We
are “shocked, shocked” by Trump’s language, but all of it is exactly the
sort of thing anyone can encounter in the normal course of reading
about politics online. John McCain isn’t a war hero? I’ll bet he finds worse insults than that on his Facebook page, and so does everybody who writes about him. All Mexicans are rapists?
I open my Twitter account every morning to find similar and worse (my
personal favorite, translated from Polish: “Reading what that
@anneapplebaum writes I understand anti-semitism. Jews have an
incredible gift for pissing you off”).
The language of online political discourse is now so extreme, and
often so far divorced from reality, that Trump’s words fit right in,
especially when they make no sense. Trump’s defenders—and I know because
they tell me so online—say they admire him because he is allegedly
“anti-establishment.” They are wrong: He isn’t anti-establishment at
all. As a vastly wealthy man—as one who can invite a former president
and his then-senator wife to his wedding and expect them to come—he
actually lives at the very heart of a certain slice of the
establishment. But of course he is different from other politicians in
another sense: He is the only presidential candidate who uses, on
television, the kind of language normally found in the comment section
of a celebrity website or the more aggressive Reddit forums. Vulgar
insults, racist slurs, manufactured “anger,” and invented “facts” are
all a normal part of debate in those kinds of public spaces. Thanks to
Trump, they have now migrated to presidential politics, too.
As others have noted, protest candidates are hardly a uniquely
American phenomenon. Silvio Berlusconi brought the language and style of
Italian tabloid television into the center of Italian politics;
multiple far-right ideologues have brought anger and bombast into
European debates. In Britain, the obscurantist far left is having a
revival in the form of Jeremy Corbyn, a bearded Marxist—he favors the
nationalization of industry and nuclear disarmament—who may well be the
next leader of the Labour Party. All of these candidates appeal to
electorates who have strong online ties but don’t hear their views
reflected in mainstream politics. Trump falls into that category, too.
But instead of the far left or the far right, he speaks for the
sarcastic hate-tweeters, the anti-everything nihilists, and the
conspiracy theorists who write convoluted anonymous comments at the
bottom of newspaper articles.
iarpa.gov | Adaptive reasoning and problem-solving are increasingly valuable for
information-oriented workplaces, where inferences from sparse,
voluminous, or conflicting data must be drawn, validated, and
communicated—often under stressful, time-sensitive conditions. In such
contexts, one’s ability to accurately update one’s mental models, make
valid conclusions, and effectively deploy attention and other cognitive
resources is critical. Accordingly, optimizing an analyst’s adaptive
reasoning could pay large dividends in the quality of their analytic
conclusions and information products. Given adaptive reasoning tests’
high predictive value for performance and productivity, proven methods
for strengthening adaptive reasoning and problem-solving could have
significant benefits for society in general, as well as for individuals
whose work is both analytical and cognitively demanding. Intriguingly,
some recent research suggests that these capabilities may be
strengthened, even among high-performing adults. Despite some promising
results, however, there are methodological and practical shortcomings
that currently limit the direct applicability of this research for the
Intelligence Community.
Therefore, the Strengthening Human Adaptive Reasoning and
Problem-Solving (SHARP) Program is seeking to fund rigorous,
high-quality research to address these limitations and advance the
science on optimizing human adaptive reasoning and problem-solving. The
goal of the program is to test and validate interventions that have the
potential to significantly improve these capabilities, leading to
improvements in performance for high-performing adults in
information-rich environments.
The research funded in this program will use innovative and promising
approaches from a variety of fields with an emphasis on collecting data
from a set of cognitive, behavioral, and biological outcome measures in
order to determine convergent validity of successful approaches. It is
anticipated that successful teams will be multidisciplinary, and may
include (but not be limited to) research expertise in cognitive and
behavioral neuroscience; psychology and psychometrics; human physiology
and neurophysiology; structural and functional imaging; molecular
biology and genetics; human subjects research design, methodology, and
regulations; mathematical statistics and modeling; data visualization
and analytics
newyorker | What does this part of the brain do, again?” I asked, pointing to the electrode on my right temple.
“That’s the right inferior frontal cortex,” said Vince Clark, the
director of the University of New Mexico Psychology Clinical
Neuroscience Center, in Albuquerque. “It does a lot of things. It
evaluates rules. People get thrown in jail when it’s impaired. It might
help solve math problems. You can’t really isolate what it does. It has
emotional components.”
It was early December, and night was falling, though it was barely
five. The shadows were getting longer in the lab. My legs felt
unusually calm. Something somewhere was buzzing. Outside the window, a
tree stood black against the deepening sky.
“Verbal people tend to get really quiet,” Clark said softly. “That’s
one effect we noticed. And it can do funny things with your perception
of time.”
The device administering the current started to beep, and I saw that
twenty minutes had passed. As the current returned to zero, I felt a
slight burning under the electrodes—both the one on my right temple and
another, on my left arm. Clark pressed some buttons, trying to get the
beeping to stop. Finally, he popped out the battery, the nine-volt
rectangular kind.
This was my first experience of transcranial direct-current
stimulation, or tDCS—a portable, cheap, low-tech procedure that
involves sending a low electric current (up to two milliamps) to the
brain. Research into tDCS is in its early stages. A number of studies
suggest that it may improve learning, vigilance, intelligence, and
working memory, as well as relieve chronic pain and the symptoms of
depression, fibromyalgia, Parkinson’s, and schizophrenia. However, the
studies have been so small and heterogeneous that meta-analyses have
failed to prove any conclusive effects, and long-term risks have not
been established. The treatment has yet to receive F.D.A. approval,
although a few hospitals, including Beth Israel, in New York, and Beth
Israel Deaconess, in Boston, have used it to treat chronic pain and
depression.
“What’s the plan now?” Clark asked, unhooking the electrodes. I could
see he was ready to answer more questions. But, as warned, I felt
almost completely unable to speak. It wasn’t like grasping for words;
it was like no longer knowing what words were good for.
Clark offered to drive me back to my hotel. Everything was mesmerizing:
a dumpster in the rear-view camera, the wide roads, the Route 66 signs,
the Land of Enchantment license plates.
After some effort, I managed to ask about a paper I’d read regarding
the use of tDCS to treat tinnitus. My father has tinnitus; the ringing
in his ears is so loud it wakes him up at night. I had heard that some
people with tinnitus were helped by earplugs, but my father wasn’t, so
where in the head was tinnitus, and were there different kinds?
“There are different kinds,” Clark said. “Sometimes, there’s a real
noise. It’s rare, but it happens with dogs.” He told me a story about a
dog with this rare affliction. When a microphone was placed in its ear,
everyone could hear a ringing tone—the result, it turned out, of an
oversensitive tympanic membrane. “The poor dog,” he said.
royalsociety | In addition to causing distress and disability to the individual,
neuropsychiatric disorders are also extremely expensive to society and
governments. These disorders are both common and debilitating and impact
on cognition, functionality and wellbeing. Cognitive enhancing drugs,
such as cholinesterase inhibitors and methylphenidate, are used to treat
cognitive dysfunction in Alzheimer's disease and attention deficit
hyperactivity disorder, respectively. Other cognitive enhancers include
specific computerized cognitive training and devices. An example of a
novel form of cognitive enhancement using the technological advancement
of a game on an iPad that also acts to increase motivation is presented.
Cognitive enhancing drugs, such as methylphenidate and modafinil, which
were developed as treatments, are increasingly being used by healthy
people. Modafinil not only affects ‘cold’ cognition, but also improves
‘hot’ cognition, such as emotion recognition and task-related
motivation. The lifestyle use of ‘smart drugs' raises both safety
concerns as well as ethical issues, including coercion and increasing
disparity in society. As a society, we need to consider which forms of
cognitive enhancement (e.g. pharmacological, exercise, lifelong
learning) are acceptable and for which groups (e.g. military, doctors)
under what conditions (e.g. war, shift work) and by what methods we
would wish to improve and flourish.
reason | Good news, overachieving students, ADHD-havers, Limitless
fans, and pillheads everywhere: A meta-analysis of the data on "smart
drug" modafinil has found that yes, it's safe, and yes, it's effective
as a cognitve enhancer.
Published in the journal European Neuropsychopharmacology,
the review covers 24 placebo-controlled studies of modafinil—also known
by the brand name Provigil—that were conducted between 1990 and 2014 on
healthy, non-sleep deprived individuals. "Such an analysis overcomes
some of the limitations of each of the smaller studies, such as narrow
demographics or conflicting results, and draws an overarching
conclusion," notes Quartz writer Akshat Rathi.
Officially sanctioned in the U.S. to treat sleep disorders such as
narcolepsy, modafinil is sometimes prescribed off-label to treat
conditions like depression, chronic fatigue syndrome, and Parkinson's
disease. It's also become popular as a cognitive enhancer, or nootropic. A 2008 poll from science journal Naturefound that 44 percent
of its readers had tried modafinil. And while less popular than
Adderall, it's also a hit among college students as a study aid.
Without a prescription, modafinal is still pretty easy for Americans
to purchase online from foreign pharmacies (where it's sold under names
such as Modalert, Modvigil, and Alertec), albeit also pretty
illegal. Some countries, such as India and Mexico, neither classify
modafinil as a controlled substance nor require buyers to have a medical
prescription; in others, such as Canada, Australia, Germany, and the
U.K., it's not a controlled substance but a prescription is required. In
the U.S., however, it's both a Schedule IV controlled drug and
prescription-only.
Could that change? In the new review, researchers found that
"modafinil appears to consistently engender enhancement of attention,
executive functions, and learning," all without "any preponderances for
side effects or mood changes." Modafinil "appears safe for widespread
use," concluded researchers, calling it "one of the most promising and
highly-investigated neuroenhancers to date."
Bloomberg | On the seventh floor of a building overlooking the Federal Reserve Bank in lower Manhattan, two medical clinics share an office. One is run by a podiatrist who’s outfitted the waiting room with educational materials on foot problems such as hammer toes and bunions. The other clinic doesn’t have pamphlets on display and offers a much less conventional service: For the advertised price of $525, severely depressed and suicidal patients can get a 45-minute intravenous infusion of ketamine—better known as the illicit party drug Special K.
Glen Brooks, a 67-year-old anesthesiologist, opened NY Ketamine Infusions in 2012. “At least eight or nine of my patients have ended up making appointments with the podiatrist,” he says. “But I haven’t gotten any patients through him—I don’t know why.” Not that Brooks is lacking for business. He typically treats 65 patients a week. Most come in for an initial six infusions within a span of two weeks, then return every six to eight weeks for maintenance sessions. To keep up with demand, he often borrows rooms from the podiatrist on weekends so he can treat eight patients at once. His only help is a secretary at the front desk.
Patients don’t need a prescription, but not just anyone can get an appointment. “You have to have the right story,” Brooks says. “For ketamine to work, there needs to be some preexisting brain damage caused by post-traumatic stress. I’m looking for some indication of childhood trauma. If not overt pain, then fear, anxiety, loneliness, low self-esteem—or bullying, real or perceived.” Patients receive a low dose of the drug: about one-tenth of what recreational abusers of ketamine take or about one-fifth of what might be used as a general anesthetic.
During the infusions, which are gradual rather than all at once, patients often experience strange sensations, such as seeing colors and patterns when they close their eyes. “The first time, I had a sense that the chair was rocketing upwards, just on and on and on … a kind of weightlessness,” a patient from a different clinic explains. The 51-year-old environmental engineer and university lecturer, who asked to remain anonymous for professional reasons, credits ketamine with reviving him from a near-catatonic depression. “During the treatment, I got this profound feeling of optimism,” he says. “I told my family it’s like getting hit by the freight train of happiness—they tease me about that now.”
thearchdruidreport | The science fiction author Isaac Asimov used to say that
violence is the last refuge of the incompetent. That’s a half-truth at best,
for there are situations in which effective violence is the only tool that will
do what needs to be done—we’ll get to that in a moment. It so happens, though,
that a particular kind of incompetence does indeed tend to turn to violence
when every other option has fallen flat, and goes down in a final outburst of
pointless bloodshed. It’s unpleasantly likely at this point that the climate
change movement, or some parts of it, may end up taking that route into
history’s dumpster; here again, we’ll get to that a little further on in this
post.
It’s probably necessary to say at the outset that the
arguments I propose to make here have nothing to do with the ethics of
violence, and everything to do with its pragmatics as a means of bringing about
social change. Ethics in general are a complete quagmire in today’s society.Nietzsche’s sly description of moral
philosophy as the art of propping up inherited prejudices with bad logic has
lost none of its force since he wrote it, and since his time we’ve also
witnessed the rise of professional ethicists, whose jobs consist of coming up
with plausible excuses for whatever their corporate masters want to do this
week. The ethical issues surrounding violence are at least as confused as those
around any of the other messy realities of human life, and in some ways, more
so than most.
Myself, I consider violence enitrely appropriate in some
situations. Many of my readers may have heard, for example, of an event that
took place a little while back in Kentucky, where a sex worker was attacked by
a serial killer.While he was strangling
her, she managed to get hold of his handgun, and proceeded to shoot him dead.
To my mind, her action was morally justified. Once he attacked her, no matter
what she did, somebody was going to die, and killing him not only turned the
violence back on its originator, it also saved the lives of however many other
women the guy might have killed before the police got to him—if they ever did;
crimes against sex workers, and for that matter crimes against women, are
tacitly ignored by a fairly large number of US police departments these days.
Along the same lines, a case can be made that revolutionary
violence against a political and economic system is morally justified if the
harm being done by that system is extreme enough. That’s not a debate I’m
interested in exploring here, though.Again, it’s not ethics but pragmatics that I want to discuss, because
whether or not revolutionary violence is justified in some abstract moral sense
is far less important right now than whether it’s an effective response to the
situation we’re in. That’s not a question being asked, much less answered, by
the people who are encouraging environmental and climate change activists to
consider violence against the system. ....
.....The first and most essential step in the transformation of
any society is the delegitimization of the existing order. That doesn’t involve
violence, and in fact violence at this first stage of the process is
catastrophically counterproductive—a lesson, by the way, that the US military
has never been able to learn, which is why its attempts to delegitimize its
enemies (usually phrased in such language as “winning minds and hearts”) have
always been so embarrassingly inept and ineffective. The struggle to
delegitimize the existing order has to be fought on cultural, intellectual, and
ideological battlefields, not physical ones, and its targets are not people or
institutions but the aura of legitimacy and inevitability that surrounds any
established political and economic order.
Those of my readers who want to know how that’s done might
want to read up on the cultural and intellectual life of France in the decades
before the Revolution. It’s a useful example, not least because the people who
wanted to bring down the French monarchy came from almost exactly the same
social background as today’s green radicals: disaffected middle-class
intellectuals with few resources other than raw wit and erudition. That turned
out to be enough, as they subjected the monarchy—and even more critically, the
institutions and values that supported it—to sustained and precise attack from
constantly shifting positions, engaging in savage mockery one day and earnest
pleas for reform the next, exploiting every weakness and scandal for maximum
effect. By the time the crisis finally arrived in 1789, the monarchy had been
so completely defeated on the battlefield of public opinion that next to nobody
rallied to its defense until after the Revolution was a fait accompli.
firstlook | Hillary Clinton has a complicated history with incarceration. As
first lady, she championed efforts to get tough on crime. “We need more
police, we need more and tougher prison sentences for repeat offenders,”
Clinton said in 1994. “The ‘three strikes and you’re out’ for violent
offenders has to be part of the plan. We need more prisons to keep
violent offenders for as long as it takes to keep them off the streets,”
she added.
In recent months, Clinton has tacked left in
some ways, and now calls for alternatives to incarceration and for
greater police accountability. And while Clinton has backed a path to
citizenship for undocumented people in America, she recently signaled a willingness to crack down on so-called “sanctuary cities,” a move that could lead to more immigrant detentions.
The future of both criminal justice reform and immigration are
critical for private prison firms. The Geo Group, in a disclosure
statement for its investors,
notes that its business could be “adversely affected by changes in
existing criminal or immigration laws, crime rates in jurisdictions in
which we operate, the relaxation of criminal or immigration enforcement
efforts, leniency in conviction, sentencing or deportation practices,
and the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently
proscribed by criminal laws or the loosening of immigration laws.”
footnote from the comments: The majority owners of CCA were Vanguard Group and BlackRock, and the majority owners of Geo were Vanguard Group and Fidelity.
Now, what are the top four major investment firms which together have
the controlling shares in the majority of major corporations in America
(and also Europe, I believe)?
BlackRock, Vanguard Group, State Street (owned by BlackRock, but still retains the name) and Fidelity or FMR LLC.
Interesting, huh?
The historical monies in BlackRock would lead one to believe it is
controlled by either the Rockefeller family, or else the Rockefeller and
Cabot families.
Vanguard controls the Wellington Fund (advisor to the Wellington Fund
is the Wellington Management Company, therefore financially interlocked
with Vanguard), and since Vanguard is owned by their investors, the
original majority investor in the firm which then changed its name to
the Wellington Fund was (is?) the British branch of the Rothschild
family. (While every random person always claims the Rothschilds own
everything, this isn’t the case, but in this instance, it appears a
probable.)
Fidelity is controlled by the Johnson family.
Three or four families, mainly Old Money, appear to be running the show?
dailymail | 'He’s no Rachel Dolezal': Shaun King's wife defends her husband over
claims he lied about his race as family member CONFIRMS both his
parents are white
Rai King, the wife of Shaun King, is defending her husband over claims that he is white
She said he husband is 'no Rachel Dolezal' and that the story behind his race is 'beautifully difficult'
Rai also said despite her pleas to get him to share his story, Shaun will not comment out of respect to his family
On Wednesday night, a family member said in an interview that both of King's parents are white
That family member also claimed that the vicious attack King
suffered in high school was not in fact a hate crime, which
eyewitnesses dispute
Rai and Shaun have five children, and have taken in other children in the past Fist tap Rohan
thedailycaller | A recent Newsweek piece asked “Is Donald Trump a Fascist?” Another column at The Week (where I’m a contributing editor) is titled: “How Nietzsche explains the rise of Donald Trump.”
These are just two examples of the many “think” pieces examining the
dangerous roots behind Trump’s style and ideology (to the degree he has
an ideology). To put it mildly, the criticism transcends concerns
about populism that might have been found in William Jennings Bryan, or
even Ross Perot.
But I’m less alarmed by Trump than I am by the fact that he has
tapped into something.Trump’s gonna Trump—that’s just how it is. But the
scary part is that a pretty good slice of the public is falling
for what could (if one finds the term “fascist” to be overwrought)
fairly be described as demagoguery.
Of course, the fascist label has been bandied about as a
catch-all slur against “people we don’t like.” But it actually means
something fairly specific. And Newsweek made the case for why it’s not
an inappropriate designation for Trumpism:
In the 19th century, this penchant for industrial
protectionism and mercantilism became guild socialism, which mutated
later into fascism and then into Nazism. You can read Mises to find out more on how this works.
This is how strongmen take over countries. They say some true
things, boldly, and conjure up visions of national greatness under their
leadership. They’ve got the flags, the music, the hype, the hysteria,
the resources, and they work to extract that thing in many people that
seeks heroes and momentous struggles in which they can prove their
greatness.
Over at The Week, Damon Linker sees a parallel to Nietzsche.
Nietzsche understood himself to be reviving what
he called the morality of the strong against the morality of the weak —
the outlook that has prevailed in the West ever since Jesus Christ
inspired a “slave revolt in morality.” Before then, the strong preyed on
the weak at will, and both parties took for granted that this was the
natural order of things. But Christ taught a different lesson, one
rooted in the resentment of history’s victims: the cruelty of the strong
is a sin, God loves the powerless most of all, the winners deserve to
lose, and the meek deserve to win. And they will.
Linker doesn’t go there, but it’s worth noting that fascists like Hitler and Mussolini, channeling Nietzsche, believed in a sort of “übermensch.”
This worldview is at odds with a Christian philosophy that involves
caring for “even the least among us” and believes in compassion and
human dignity for everyone — even immigrants, “losers,” the weak, and …
the unborn. Trump’s own words betray this sort of Nietzscheanweltanschauung.
HuffPo |
Take a moment and think about that. If we're not
the "most evil" country in the world -- i.e., the country with the
greatest number of evil people in it -- then we Americans are doing
something terribly wrong, because we have the greatest number of people
incarcerated in our prisons.
If these people deserve to be
locked up, then so be it. If they deserve it, then yes, one can make
the case that America is home to the most rotten people in the world.
While that label is not something to be proud of, we're stuck with it.
But if these people don't deserve to be imprisoned, then shame on us, because all we're doing is messing with them.
Are
we honestly afraid of all these people? Are we afraid of them or are
we just mad at them? Is it retribution or punishment? Or is it a whole
other deal, one having more to do with economics than "justice"? Are
we running these people through the system in order to provide jobs for
judges, police, bailiffs, counselors, court recorders, lawyers,
probation officers, prison guards and bail bondsmen?
Another
element is the rise of private ("for-profit") prisons, one of the more
hideous features of that now ubiquitous phenomenon known as
"outsourcing." Under this arrangement, when local, state or federal
authorities can't (or choose not to) handle the influx of prisoners,
they turn over all or part of the operation to private firms.
Even
if we give these for-profit prisons the benefit of the doubt and
willingly say they do a better job than government-run prisons (an
assertion that has been repeatedly challenged), there's a disturbing
component of self-interest involved here. In fact, it's not only
disturbing, it's downright frightening.
In order to survive,
these private facilities require a constant supply of prisoners. They
need prisoners the same way sausage-makers need pigs. Indeed, just as a
severe pig epidemic would ravage the sausage industry, a precipitous
and sustained drop in the crime rate would ravage the for-profit prison
industry.
Bizarre as it sounds, what we now have in the U.S. is a
thriving industry that goes home at night and prays for more crime.
It's true. Unlike the average citizen who clings to the belief that our
society is gradually improving itself, these for-profit prisons (and
the shareholders who invest in them) hope that our families and schools
and churches will produce more criminals.
Ironically, violent
crime (which the FBI classifies as murder, rape, and aggravated assault)
has decreased dramatically over the last 15-20 years. For whatever
reason (and there are numerous theories), we have become a demonstrably
less violent society. Annual homicides now number roughly 16,000. By
contrast, there are roughly 32,000 suicides per year.
With violent
crime dropping, and Americans generally becoming more law-abiding, our
for-profit prisons have been forced to look elsewhere. Accordingly,
what they now focus on is exploiting illegal immigrants and drug users,
which is why the private prison lobby opposes any meaningful attempt to
reform our immigration and drug laws.
Putting people in prison
for drug use has always been strange. Yes, drugs are illegal, and yes,
they can't be ignored; but insisting that some poor schmuck be locked
inside a cage because he wanted to get high seems harsh. And referring
to these sorry-assed stoners as "criminals" isn't fair. We should call
them what they are: "sausage."
NYTimes | (Good
magazine pointed out: “Hillary Clinton lobbied lawmakers to back the
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. Bill Clinton signed the
act into law in 1994. The largest crime bill in history, it provided
$9.7 billion in prison funding. From 1992 to 2000, the amount of
prisoners in the U.S. increased almost 60 percent.”)
Clinton
pointed to her record on civil rights work, but she never apologized
for, or even acknowledged, her and her husband’s role in giving America
the dubious distinction of having the world’s highest incarceration
rate.
To me, the diversion was stunning, and telling.
Maggie
Haberman noted in The New York Times that the exchange “showed Mrs.
Clinton as even her admirers lament that she is seldom seen:
spontaneous, impassioned and seemingly unconcerned about potential
repercussions.”
Politically,
that may be true. She was agile and evasive, for sure. She bobbed and
weaved like Floyd Mayweather. But there was a moral issue, an
accountability issue, that still hung rotting in the ring: What in her
has changed, now that she has seen the devastation a policy she
advocated has wrought?
(Last
month, at the annual convention of the N.A.A.C.P., Bill Clinton did
apologize, saying, “I signed a bill that made the problem worse.” He
continued, “And I want to admit it.” His contrition makes Hillary’s
nonapology all the more vexing.)
This
is the part of the Black Lives Matter political protests that I love so
much: The idea that you must test the fealty of your supposed friends
in addition to battling the fury of your avowed foes.
The
truth of America is that both liberals and conservatives alike have
things for which they must answer, sins for which they must atone, when
it comes to how the criminal justice system has been aimed at and
unleashed upon black people in this country.
And
it’s not just the Clintons who have things they must answer for on
criminal justice and black people. As I have written about before,
toward the end of his tenure, President George W. Bush drastically
reduced funding for the Byrne Formula Grant Program, which had been
established by the Anti-Drug Abuse Act to supercharge the war on drugs —
a disastrous boondoggle that would come to be a war waged primarily against marijuana use by black men.
A
group of senators, mostly Democrats, wrote a letter demanding that the
funding be restored. Barack Obama ran on a promise to restore that
funding, and once elected, he did just that. As I wrote in 2010:
“The
2009 stimulus package presented these Democrats with the opportunity,
and they seized it. The legislation, designed by Democrats and signed by
President Obama, included $2 billion for Byrne Grants to be awarded by
the end of September 2010. That was nearly a 12-fold increase in
financing. Whatever the merits of these programs, they are outweighed by
the damage being done. Financing prevention is fine. Financing a
race-based arrest epidemic is not.”
And these sins exist not only at the federal level, but also at the local level.
Many
of the recent cases have been in some of our most liberal cities —
cities that, as Isabel Wilkerson brilliantly pointed out in January,
were the very ones to which black Americans flocked during the Great
Migration.
thenation | Marc Lasry is perhaps the kind of benefactor—someone who raised $500,000 for Obama’s last campaign—the president and the Democrats think they should keep happy. After all, Lasry was Obama’s choice for ambassador to France in
2013, but unfortunately “had to remove his name from consideration
after a close friend was named in a federal indictment for playing in a
poker ring with alleged ties to the Russian mafia.” Just last May, Lasry
threw a $2,700-a-head fundraiser for Hillary Clinton, while assuring MSN viewers that she is “moving a little bit to the left.”
Lasry’s ties to big Democratic politics go back many years. A March 2010 feature in TheWall Street Journal (titled
“Avenue Capital’s Investor in Chief—He’s Prescient. He’s
Well-Connected. Just Don’t Call Marc Lasry a ‘Vulture.’”) describes him
lunching with then–White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel, in part to
advise Emanuel on whether banks would resume lending again in the wake
of the 2008 crisis. A 2012 New York Times article said “About
50 people paid $40,000 each to crowd into an art-filled room” in Lasry’s
apartment to hear Obama and Bill Clinton speak. Last decade, Lasry’s
Avenue Capital even famously employed Chelsea Clinton, whose husband has
more recently flopped in making bad investments in Greece while heading his own hedge fund.
Lasry, who was once a humble UPS driver whose parents convinced
him to go to law school, seems to be at heart a gambler capable of
rolling the dice with anyone in the global Wall Street hedge-fund casino
dice game—as well as actual casino owners, like Republican candidate and anti-Mexican bigot/misogynist Donald Trump.
This partnership, which stretches back to Trump’s Atlantic City casino
bankruptcy in 2009, eventually resulted in Lasry buying him out and
becoming the chairman of Trump Entertainment Resorts in 2011, a post Lasry eventually resigned.
The stories about Lasry in the business press describe him as the
“don’t call him that” vulture-fund investor; the optimistic gambler who
“bets” on economies like those of Spain or Greece to “recover,” and
then profits from that. This 2012 Bloomberg story
describes a regular poker game he has with other hedge-fund managers;
one colleague assesses him as “good at figuring out what the odds are.
He’s willing to take moderate risk.”
Yet it’s pretty hard to believe that someone who is worth $1.87 billion, according to Forbes—presumably
an indication of good business sense—would believe that economies that
are in a “death spiral” would miraculously recover. It’s more likely
that rather than believing in a Puerto Rican economy that had shown no
signs of growth for so long, and whose economy was largely driven by
government employment, Lasry bet that its inability to declare
bankruptcy would yield a higher return once it defaulted. Avenue Capital
was one of many vultures that began hovering over Puerto Rico in late
2013, when its junk-leaning bonds caused credit analyst Richard Larkin
to say of the vultures, “They can smell the blood and the fear.”
counterpunch | Last night’s FOX News GOP Presidential Debate Extravaganza featured
the most riveting two minute political exchange ever heard on national
television. During a brief colloquy between Republican frontrunner
Donald Trump and Fox moderator Brett Baier, the pugnacious casino
magnate revealed the appalling truth about the American political
system, that the big money guys like Trump own the whole crooked
contraption lock, stock, and barrel, and that, the nation’s fake
political leaders do whatever they’re told to do. Without question, it
was most illuminating commentary to ever cross the airwaves. Here’s the
entire exchange direct from the transcript:
FOX News Brett Baier (talking to Trump): Now, 15 years
ago, you called yourself a liberal on health care. You were for a
single-payer system, a Canadian-style system. Why were you for that then
and why aren’t you for it now?
TRUMP: As far as single payer, it works in Canada. It works
incredibly well in Scotland. It could have worked in a different age,
which is the age you’re talking about here.
What I’d like to see is a private system without the artificial lines
around every state. I have a big company with thousands and thousands
of employees. And if I’m negotiating in New York or in New Jersey or in
California, I have like one bidder. Nobody can bid.
You know why?
Because the insurance companies are making a fortune because they
have control of the politicians, of course, with the exception of the
politicians on this stage. (uneasy laughter) But they have total control
of the politicians. They’re making a fortune.
Get rid of the artificial lines and you will have…yourself great plans…
BAIER: Mr. Trump, it’s not just your past support for single-payer
health care. You’ve also supported a host of other liberal
policies….You’ve also donated to several Democratic candidates, Hillary
Clinton included, and Nancy Pelosi. You explained away those donations
saying you did that to get business-related favors. And you said
recently, quote, “When you give, they do whatever the hell you want them
to do.”
TRUMP: You’d better believe it.
BAIER: — they do?
TRUMP: If I ask them, if I need them, you know, most of the people on
this stage I’ve given to, just so you understand, a lot of money.
TRUMP: I will tell you that our system is broken. I gave to many
people, before this, before two months ago, I was a businessman. I give
to everybody. When they call, I give. And do you know what? When I need
something from them two years later, three years later, I call them,
they are there for me. And that’s a broken system.
WaPo | Trump has committed to a plan that is detailed and ambitious, with
none of that trust-me ambiguity. For now it is the only formal plank in
his campaign platform; on his Web site, it is the only position listed
under the category “Positions.”
“What you have to give to Trump
is, whatever way he’s done it, he has pushed this front and center,”
said Roy Beck of NumbersUSA, which wants to lower overall U.S.
immigration, legal and illegal. The elites of the Republican Party, Beck
said, “absolutely did not want this discussed in this debate. And
instead it’s front and center. It’s strange, but it is the triumph of
the working class of the Republican Party.”
Still, on Monday,
even some who supported the ideals of Trump’s plan said they weren’t
sure it would actually work. It would require a massive extension of
federal authority into maternity wards and Western Union offices,
tracing the parentage of children and money to deny illegal immigrants a
comfortable spot in U.S. society.
“If we
could get 12 million people to leave, why don’t we just do that now?
This idea that we’re going to get ’em all to leave, and we’re going to
get the good ones back, it’s a fairy tale,” said Mark Krikorian of the
Center for Immigration Studies, which seeks to reduce illegal
immigration. “It’s just not the way that government could function. It’s
dopey. It’s a gimmick.”
LATimes | Grain silos sport quaint silhouettes on country roads, but these
stores of corn, soybeans and wheat have played an essential role in the
history of drought, flood and frost, and they suggest a solution to the
specter of inflation. No one questions why the United States maintains a
Strategic Petroleum Reserve. The very threat of bringing reserves to
the market can moderate the spiking price of crude oil. But when it
comes to food prices, our country cannot even threaten to bolster the
national supply because the United States does not possess a national
grain reserve.
Such was not always the case.
The modern
concept of a strategic grain reserve was first proposed in the 1930s by
Wall Street legend Benjamin Graham. Graham's idea hinged on the clever
management of buffer stocks of grain to tame our daily bread's
tendencies toward boom and bust. When grain prices rose above a
threshold, supplies could be increased by bringing reserves to the
market — which, in turn, would dampen prices. And when the price of
grain went into free-fall and farmers edged toward bankruptcy, the need
to fill the depleted reserve would increase the demand for corn and
wheat, which would prop up the price of grain.
Following Graham's theory, President Franklin D. Roosevelt created a
grain reserve that helped rally the price of wheat and saved American
farms during the Depression. In the inflationary 1970s, the USDA
revamped FDR's program into the Farmer-Owned Grain Reserve, which
encouraged farmers to store grain in government facilities by offering
low-cost and even no-interest loans and reimbursement to cover the
storage costs. But over the next quarter of a century the dogma of
deregulated global markets came to dominate American politics, and the
1996 Freedom to Farm Act abolished our national system of holding grain
in reserve.
As for all that wheat held in storage, it became part
of the Bill Emerson Humanitarian Trust, a food bank and global charity
under the authority of the secretary of Agriculture. The stores were
gradually depleted until 2008, when the USDA decided to convert all of
what was left into its dollar equivalent. And so the grain that once
stabilized prices for farmers, bakers and American consumers ended up as
a number on a spreadsheet in the Department of Agriculture.
Now,
as the United States must confront climate change, commodity markets
riddled by speculation, increased import costs, hosts of regional
conflicts and the return of international grain tariffs and export bans,
we have put our faith entirely in transnational agribusiness and the
global grain market.
9/29 again
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"On this sacred day of Michaelmas, former President Donald Trump invoked
the heavenly power of St. Michael the Archangel, sharing a powerful prayer
for pro...
Quickie
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Hi folks,
At this stage my blogger entries feel like I'm talking on a barbwire
network over a party line, like on Green Acres. I haven't put out a signal
...
Pocahontas, Magawisca, and Religion
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Disney’s Pocahontas (1995) and Catharine Maria Sedgwick’s Hope Leslie
(1827) both present stories based on Pocahontas mythology, the former
directly with i...
Return of the Magi
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Lately, the Holy Spirit is in the air. Emotional energy is swirling out of
the earth.I can feel it bubbling up, effervescing and evaporating around
us, s...
New Travels
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Haven’t published on the Blog in quite a while. I at least part have been
immersed in the area of writing books. My focus is on Science Fiction an
Historic...
Covid-19 Preys Upon The Elderly And The Obese
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sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
arrived at the emergency room at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
He ...