WSJ | Democratic and Republican congressional leaders struck an optimistic tone that they would avert a government shutdown this weekend after a White House meeting in which lawmakers also stepped up pressure on House Speaker Mike Johnson (R., La.) to allow a long-stalled vote on Ukraine aid to go forward.
Johnson
is expected to put forward legislation in coming days that would keep
the government fully open, but the details remained uncertain. The
Congress has until Saturday at 12:01 a.m. to fund the departments of
Veterans Affairs, Transportation, Agriculture, Energy and several other
agencies that have been operating on temporary extensions since Sept.
30. The funding for the rest of the federal government expires after
March 8.
The
main holdup has been in the Republican-led House, where Johnson is
managing a rowdy GOP conference that has taken a hard line on spending
and is increasingly skeptical of foreign aid, even as the
Democratic-controlled Senate has been ready for months to move forward.
Emerging
from the meeting, Johnson said he was “very optimistic” about
government- funding talks. Leaders think “we can get to agreement on
these issues and prevent a government shutdown,” he said. He didn’t take
questions.
The
other congressional leaders at the sit-down—Senate Majority Leader
Chuck Schumer, (D., N.Y.), Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R., Ky.) and
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D., N.Y.)—also sounded upbeat
about avoiding a shutdown.
“We
are making good progress,” said Schumer, adding there was some “back
and forth on some issues that different people want.” But he said, “I
don’t think those are insurmountable.” He indicated that the most likely
path was a short-term spending patch to give negotiators more time to
complete the full fiscal-year bills.
McConnell
said everyone was on the same page regarding the need to keep the
government funded. “I think we can stop that drama right now before it
emerges,” he said.
The
leaders sat down in the Oval Office, with Biden and Vice President
Kamala Harris positioned in armchairs near a crackling fire.
Congressional leaders sat on sofas arranged around a coffee table.
Those gathered for the meeting, including McConnell, pressed Johnson to allow a House vote on a Ukraine aid package.
Central Intelligence Agency Director William J. Burns gave a
presentation laying out the difficult conditions for Ukrainian soldiers
on the battlefield, with troops running out of munitions.
The
Senate passed a $95.3 billion package this month that contained a fresh
round of aid for Ukraine and funds for Israel and Taiwan. Johnson has
declined to put it on the House floor. House Republicans are divided on
Ukraine aid, with a little more than half on the record opposing it in
the past, including Johnson before he became speaker. The Senate bill
would need significant Democratic support to pass.
Schumer
said the discussion on Ukraine was “the most intense I have ever
encountered in my many meetings in the Oval Office.” He said he told
Johnson he would “regret it for the rest of his life” if he blocked assistance for Kyiv.
Johnson “said he wanted to get Ukraine done, and he had to figure out the best way to do it,” Schumer recalled.
In
the meeting, McConnell, a strong advocate for Kyiv, told Johnson the
House’s best path forward on Ukraine is to pass the Senate bill, because
making any changes would further delay the aid. “We have a time problem
here,” he told reporters.
Johnson
said he continued to insist on steps to secure the southern U.S. border
before passing any foreign-aid package. The House “is actively pursuing
and investigating all the various options” on the Ukraine package, he
said, but “the first priority of the country is our border.” Earlier
this year, Republicans blocked a bipartisan Senate deal linking aid to
Ukraine with changes at the border, saying it wasn’t tough enough.
The
White House meeting started shortly before noon and lasted about an
hour. Johnson briefly spoke one-on-one with the president after the
meeting ended. White House officials declined to say what the two men
discussed, other than explaining that the conversation wasn’t scheduled
in advance.
Afterward,
Biden told reporters a “bipartisan solution” was needed to fund the
government. Regarding Ukraine, he said “the need is urgent” for
additional funds. “I think the consequences of inaction in Ukraine are
dire,” Biden said.
Such
White House summits are high-profile opportunities for both sides to
show they are fighting for their parties’ priorities, rather than
nitty-gritty policy negotiations. But the moment was particularly
challenging for Johnson, a formerly little-known conservative who
leapfrogged from the lower ranks of House Republican leadership to
assume the speakership in October, after a group of GOP dissidents ousted his predecessor, former Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R., Calif.).
Unlike other senior leaders on Capitol Hill, Johnson has almost no pre-existing relationship with Biden.
For
months, the Republican House and Democratic Senate have deferred on
Congress’s responsibility to set new spending levels and priorities for
the federal government for fiscal year 2024, instead passing a series of
stopgap measures by repeatedly extending spending levels set back in
December 2022.
Johnson has a number of options.
none of which will satisfy all House Republicans. He could seal a deal
with congressional Democrats and try to pass fresh full-year spending
legislation at a two-thirds threshold, bypassing Republican holdouts.
Johnson could put it off a few days or weeks with a short-term
patch—again with Democrats’ help. Or he could try to rely on his narrow
Republican majority to pass another stopgap bill through September,
triggering automatic across-the-board spending cuts; such a move would
be almost certain to lead to a shutdown because any such measure would
be dead on arrival in the Senate.
Beneath the surface of the spending fight,
a tug of war is playing out inside the House Republican conference
between military hawks and conservatives opposed to further spending,
with Johnson caught in the middle. The military hawks want to avoid the
defense cuts that would be triggered if Congress fails to enact new
full-year spending measures by April 30. The critics of more spending
benefit from congressional inaction, because it brings them closer to
the date when across-the-board cuts would be activated under a provision
in last year’s Fiscal Responsibility Act.
Some
GOP lawmakers have said in recent days they wouldn’t mind a shutdown,
while other figures including McConnell have warned that shutdowns are
bad policy—and bad politics.
People
familiar with the negotiations between Johnson and Democrats said that a
key sticking point is how much money to appropriate for the Special
Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children.
Democrats are asking for $7.03 billion, more than the $6.3 billion
previously sought by the Senate and requested in Biden’s budget. But the
GOP-led House passed a measure including $6 billion for the program,
which provides food and health assistance.
Another
obstacle, these people said, is a provision to block the VA from
reporting the names of veterans who need help managing their benefits to
a national background-check system used to screen gun purchases.
Democrats want the language to be stripped out.
Even
if those issues get resolved, Johnson must sell the deal to his
factious conference after House lawmakers return Wednesday to
Washington. A House Republican meeting is scheduled for Thursday.
A
Friday conference call for GOP lawmakers did little to assuage raw
feelings as Johnson sought for an hour to manage the expectations of his
conference, fielding more than a dozen questions. The speaker told
lawmakers not to expect a home run or grand slams in the spending bills,
but instead singles or doubles, according to people on the call.
Johnson said such expectations reflected the reality of divided
government, and that some Republicans’ willingness to block routine
procedural votes—essentially paralyzing the floor—had hurt Republicans’
leverage in talks with Democrats.
Some
Republicans complained that he had offered little information about the
substance of any of the spending bills, raising fears that Johnson was
setting the stage for another episode in which he would rely on
Democratic votes to clear must-pass legislation through the House.
So
far, Johnson has passed five major bills at a two-thirds threshold with
the help of Democrats: two previous stopgap spending bills; the annual defense-policy bill; a temporary reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration; and a bipartisan tax bill.
McCarthy’s
willingness to pass a stopgap bill with Democratic votes in September
triggered the rebellion that led to his removal. The same fate could
await Johnson if at least three House Republicans were willing to vote
with all Democrats to fire him from the speakership, given the narrow
majority in the House.
0 comments:
Post a Comment