DOL and OSHA, as well as other federal agencies, are working
diligently to encourage COVID-19 vaccinations. OSHA does not wish to
have any appearance of discouraging workers from receiving COVID-19
vaccination, and also does not wish to disincentivize employers'
vaccination efforts. As a result, OSHA will not enforce 29 CFR 1904's
recording requirements to require any employers to record worker side
effects from COVID-19 vaccination at least through May 2022. We will
reevaluate the agency’s position at that time to determine the best
course of action moving forward.
nakedcapitalism | One thing I learned from studying with Tom Ferguson: follow the money. That’s the Golden Rule for understanding American politics and other money-driven political systems.
Alas, political scientists and other students of politics often don’t
do this, for a variety of reasons, not least that they don’t want to
admit – let alone document – how our entire political system is awash
with money, let alone completely dominated by it.
I was therefore pleased when this report crossed my desk earlier this month, Police Foundations: A Corporate-Sponsored Threat to Democracy and Black Lives,
produced by Color Of Change and Public Accountability Initiative/
LittleSis. I’d intended to write this up last week, but will instead
substitute it today for a post I’d planned on vaccine mandate
litigation. That’ll have to wait until I can check in again with a
lawyer friend who’s in the thick of many of these lawsuits. Rest
assured, these aren’t going away and there will be ample opportunity
for me discuss them soon.
The police foundation report is chock-full with good data and
information and I encourage interested readers to look at it in full,
especially as some graphic design considerations prevented me from
reproducing data and information I’d otherwise wanted to include. In
addition, the report’s organization is somewhat repetitive. One can
grasp its gist by looking at the foreward and executive summary.
Any serious attempt at policy reform must come to grips with how it’s
at present undermined by police foundations, which are funded by
corporations who publicly proclaim support for reform and protest
movements and at the same time privately funnel money that ensures
nothing fundamental will change.
Corporate Funding of Police Foundations: The Problem
From the report:
On June 12, 2020, with the nation and world still reeling
from the police murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, Atlanta
police murdered Rayshard Brooks, a 27-year-old Black man. Days later,
after the city’s police chief resigned in shame and Brooks’ murderer was
charged, Atlanta police officers staged a “blue flu” protest and called
in sick.
But this isn’t the end of the story. On June 18, as Brooks’ family
made funeral arrangements for their loved one, the Atlanta Police
Foundation announced it would give each Atlanta police officer a $500
bonus. Again: One day after officers walked out on the job because
charges were filed against their colleagues for the murder of Rayshard
Brooks, the Atlanta Police Foundation rewarded police with a bonus
(report, p. 3).
So, where did the money come from? Again, per the report:
Police foundations are private organizations that funnel
corporate money into policing, protecting corporate interests and
enabling state-sanctioned violence against Black communities and
communities of color. You might be more familiar with the Atlanta Police
Foundation’s sponsors: Amazon, Bank of America, Chick-fil-A, Coca-Cola,
Delta Airlines, Home Depot, Waffle House, Wells Fargo, Uber and UPS, to
name a few. These are the donors we know about. As calls for
accountability increased in recent years, police foundations have taken
additional steps to scrub their websites and hide donor information.
There is a police foundation in nearly every major American city,
behind almost every police department, backed by wealthy donors and
giant multinational corporations. In 2020, many police foundations’ top
corporate sponsors made public statements in support of Black Lives
Matter, while providing a corporate slush fund for police (citations
omitted, report, p. 3).
thehill | The Chicago Police Department (CPD) has begun placing officers on
no-pay status for not reporting their coronavirus vaccination status,
Mayor Lori Lightfoot (D) said Monday.
In a news conference on Monday,
Lightfoot said that CPD has been reaching out to officers who are not
in compliance with the vaccine mandate to ensure that they are in
compliance.
Lightfoot said that a “very small number” of officers
have been put on no-pay status, even after having multiple opportunities
to comply with the mandate.
The Hill has reached out to CPD for further comment.
The update comes amid a back-and-forth between the city and the Chicago Fraternal Order of Police regarding the vaccine mandate.
The deadline for officers and all other city employees to come into compliance was Friday. The police department warned in a memo
that officers who choose to disobey the mandate would “become the
subject of a disciplinary investigation that could result in a penalty
up to and including separation from the Chicago Police Department.”
John
Catanzara, president of the Chicago Fraternal Order of Police, has
repeatedly encouraged members to violate the mandate, to the point where
the city sued Catanzara over
his encouragement. A judge ruled Friday that he could no longer
publicly discourage people from complying with the mandate.
Under the city’s vaccine mandate, employees must report whether they
are vaccinated, have an exemption, or will be undergoing weekly testing.
The testing option is only available through Dec. 31, after which all
employees will need to be vaccinated or have an exemption.
As of
Monday, 13 out of the city’s 35 departments are at 100 percent
compliance, and another 29 departments are at 95 percent compliance,
Lightfoot said.
Overall, 79 percent of city employees have
reported their vaccination status, of which 84 percent are fully
vaccinated. When not accounting for police and fire department
employees, 96 percent of city employees are in compliance, of which 80
percent are fully vaccinated.
nbcchicago | While more than 8,000 Chicago police members have complied with the
city's COVID-19 vaccine mandate, thousands still haven't done so, city
officials revealed Monday, two days after the vaccination requirement
for city workers went into effect.
A showdown over the requirement has enveloped the city for days, with the head of Chicago's Fraternal Order Police asking his members to defy the city’s COVID vaccine policies.
A restraining order was issued against FOP President John Catanzara
Friday, barring him from making public comments urging members to not
comply.
City officials also released compliance data, revealing the Chicago
Police Department had the lowest response rate among the more than 30
city departments.
Approximately 64.42% or 8,226 of the department's 12,770 members,
complied with the mandate, submitting their vaccination status through
an online portal before the Friday deadline.
More than 35% of employees, approximately 4,500 people, haven't submitted their vaccination status.
It's unclear how many officers haven't complied as the numbers
provided include both sworn Chicago police officers and civilian
employees.
Of the more than 8,200 CPD employees who responded, 1,333 said they haven't been vaccinated against COVID-19.
Under the city's rules, employees who weren't vaccinated by Oct. 15
need to get tested twice a week on their own time and expense until the
end of the year, when they will be required to be vaccinated. Any
employee not complying with those requirements could face disciplinary
action, including and up to termination.
City officials have said there is no requirement to enter detailed
medical information — only vaccination status and proof of vaccination.
"There is information online saying that people are being requested
to upload private medical records, lots of medical history, DNA sample -
none of that is true," Chicago Department of Public Health Commissioner
Dr. Allison Arwady previously said.
The city has a similar COVID-19 vaccine requirement for employees of city schools, which the Chicago Teachers Union supported.
NYTimes | Then
there is the health system’s long-documented mistreatment of Black
people (and other minorities) in this country. Black people are less
likely to be given pain medication or even treatment for life-threatening emergencies, for instance. I thought of those statistics while reading the poignant story of a Black physician
who could not persuade her mother to get vaccinated because her
mother’s previous interactions with the medical system included passing
out after screaming in agony when a broken arm got manipulated and
X-rayed without sufficient care for her pain.
While the racial gap in vaccination has improved over the last year
— nonwhite people were more likely to express caution and a desire to
wait and see rather than to be committed anti-vaxxers — it’s still
there.
In New York, for example, only 42 percent of African Americans
of all ages (and 49 percent among adults) are fully vaccinated — the
lowest rate among all demographic groups tracked by the city.
This
is another area in which the dominant image of the white,
QAnon-spouting, Tucker Carlson-watching conspiracist anti-vaxxer dying
to own the libs is so damaging. It can lead us to ignore the problem of
racialized health inequities with deep historic roots but also ongoing
repercussions, and prevent us from understanding that there are
different kinds of vaccine hesitancy, which require different
approaches.
Just ask Nicki Minaj.
About a month ago, the rap artist made headlines after tweeting that
she was worried about vaccines because she had heard from her cousin
that a friend of his had swollen testicles after being vaccinated.
(Experts pointed out that, even if this had happened, it was most likely
caused by a sexually transmitted disease.) She was justifiably
denounced for spreading misinformation.
But
something else that Minaj said caught my eye. She wrote that she hadn’t
done “enough research” yet, but that people should keep safe “in the
meantime” by wearing “the mask with 2 strings that grips your head &
face. Not that loose one.”
“Wear a
good mask while researching vaccines” is not the sentiment of a denier.
She seemed genuinely concerned about Covid, even to the point that she
seemed to understand that N95s, the high-quality masks that medical
professionals wear, which have the “2 strings that grips your head &
face,” were much safer.
Lazer said
that the Covid States Project’s research showed that unvaccinated people
who nonetheless wore masks were, indeed, more likely to be Black women.
In contrast, those who were neither vaccinated nor masked were more
likely to be Republicans, and more likely to be rural, less educated and
white. (Among the vaccinated, Asian Americans were most likely to be
still wearing masks.)
americanthinker | There is a massive propaganda push against those choosing not to
vaccinate against COVID-19 with the experimental mRNA vaccines.
Mainstream media, the big tech corporations, and our government have
combined efforts to reward compliance and to shame and marginalize
non-compliance. Their mantra says that this is a pandemic of the
unvaccinated. Persons who choose not to vaccinate are characterized as
unintelligent, selfish, paranoid people who don’t read much and live in a
trailer park in Florida (or Alabama, or Texas, or name your state).
Never has there been such an effort to cajole, manipulate through fear,
and penalize people to take an experimental medical treatment.
However,
as time has passed with this pandemic and more data accumulates about
the virus and the vaccine, the unvaccinated are looking smarter and
smarter with each passing week. It has been shown now that the
vaccinated equallycatch and spread
the virus. Vaccine side effect data continues to accumulate that make
the risk of taking the vaccine prohibitive as the pandemic wanes. Oral
and IV medications (flccc.net) that work early in the treatment of
COVID-19 are much more attractive to take now as the vaccine risks are
becoming known, especially because the vaccinated will need endless
boosters every six months.
First, let’s address the intelligence
of the unvaccinated. Vaccine hesitancy is multi-factorial and has little
to do with level of education or intelligence. Carnegie Mellon University
did a study assessing vaccine hesitancy across educational levels.
According to the study, what’s the educational level with the most
vaccine hesitancy? Ph.D. level! Those can't all have been awarded to
liberal arts majors. Clearly, scientists who can read the data and
assess risk are among the least likely to take the mRNA vaccines.
The claim that there’s a pandemic of the unvaccinated is, therefore, patently untrue. As a retired nurse from California recently asked,
“Why do the protected need to be protected from the unprotected by
forcing the unprotected to use the protection that did not protect the
protected in the first place?” If the vaccine works to prevent
infection, then the vaccinated have nothing to worry about. If the
vaccine does not prevent infection,
then the vaccinated remain at some risk, and the unvaccinated would be
less likely to choose a vaccine that does not work well.
The mRNA vaccine efficacy is very narrow and focused on the original alpha strain of COVID-19. By targeting one antigen
group on the spike protein, it does help for the original alpha strain,
but it is clear now it does not protect against Delta strain and is
likely not protective against any future strains that might circulate.
It also appears that the efficacy wanes in 4-6 months, leading to
discussions about boosters.
Several
authors have pointed out that vaccinating with a “leaky” vaccine during
a pandemic is driving the virus to escape by creating variants. If the
booster is just another iteration of the same vaccine, it likely won’t
help against the new strain but will, instead, produce evolutionary
pressure on the virus to produce even more variants and expose us to
more side effects. Why, then, is this booster strategy for everyone
being pursued?
This vast Phase 3 clinical trial of mRNA vaccines
in which Americans are participating mostly out of fear is not going
well. It is abundantly clear for anyone advocating for public health
that the vaccination program should be stopped. Iceland
has just stopped giving the Moderna vaccine to anyone which is a good
step in the right direction. Sweden, Denmark, and Finland have banned the Moderna vaccine for anyone under the age of 30.
VAERS,
our vaccine adverse effect reporting system, showed at the beginning of
this week 16,000 deaths, 23,000 disabilities, 10,000 MI/myocarditis,
87,000 urgent care visits, 75,000 hospital stays, and 775,000 total
adverse events. The VAERS system is widely known to under-report events,
with an estimated 90 to 99% of events going unreported there.
BI | Dr. Anthony Fauci said he's become a polarizing figure during the
pandemic because he stands with "science, data, and hard facts" instead
of conspiracy theories.
"I have stood for always making science, data, and evidence, be what we guide ourselves by," Fauci said in an interview with "Fox News Sunday" host Chris Wallace.
"And I think people who feel differently, who have conspiracy theories,
who deny reality, that's looking them straight in the eye."
Wallace
told Fauci that at the start of the pandemic he was seen as an
"authority on infectious disease" but that he became a "polarizing
figure" over time, with critics accusing him of "sending mixed
messages."
Fauci said he stood by the truth and that that's "inconvenient" for people who believe in conspiracy theories.
"Those are people that don't particularly care for me, and that's
understandable because what I do, and I try very hard, is to be guided
by the truth," he said. "And sometimes the truth becomes inconvenient
for some people, so they react against me."
Fauci, the director of
the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, is
considered the nation's top infectious disease expert. He has been a
central part of the country's COVID-19 response, serving on former
President Donald Trump's task force and now as the Chief Medical Advisor
to President Joe Biden.
When asked by Wallace if anything he has
done has contributed to him becoming a polarizing figure, Fauci said he
couldn't answer because he couldn't think of anything.
You
may have heard about a situation centered on our Department of Earth,
Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences (EAPS) regarding an invited speaker,
Professor Dorian Abbot.
The
controversy around this situation has caused great distress for many
members of our community, in many quarters. It has also uncovered
significant differences within the Institute on several issues.
I would like to reflect on what happened and set us on a path forward. But let me address the human questions first.
To
the members of the EAPS community: I am deeply disturbed that as a
direct result of this situation, many of you – students, postdocs,
faculty and young alumni – have suffered a tide of online targeting and
hate mail from outside MIT. This conduct is reprehensible and utterly
unacceptable. For members of the MIT community, where we value treating
one another with decency and respect, this feels especially jarring.
I
also want to express my tremendous respect for Professor Rob van der
Hilst, department head in EAPS, who faced a difficult situation. I know
Rob as a person of the highest integrity and character. We are fortunate
to have his leadership in EAPS. In this case, when Rob concluded, after
consulting broadly, that EAPS could not host an effective public
outreach event centered around Professor Abbot, he chose to extend
instead an invitation for an on-campus lecture; Rob took this step
deliberately to preserve the opportunity for free dialogue and open
scientific exchange.
Professor
Abbot is a distinguished scientist who remains welcome to speak on the
MIT campus, and he has been working with EAPS to confirm the event
details.
Nevertheless,
there is no doubt that this matter has caused many people inside and
outside our community to question the Institute’s commitment to free
expression. Some report feeling that certain topics are now off limits
at MIT. I have heard these concerns directly from faculty colleagues,
alumni and others who care deeply about the Institute.
Let me say clearly what I have observed through more than 40 years at MIT:
Freedom of expression is a fundamental value of the Institute.
I
believe that, as an institution of higher learning, we must ensure that
different points of view – even views that some or all of us may reject
– are allowed to be heard and debated at MIT. Open dialogue is how we
make each other wiser and smarter.
This
commitment to free expression can carry a human cost. The speech of
those we strongly disagree with can anger us. It can disgust us. It can
even make members of our own community feel unwelcome and illegitimate
on our campus or in their field of study.
I
am convinced that, as an institution, we must be prepared to endure
such painful outcomes as the price of protecting free expression – the
principle is that important.
I
am equally certain, however, that when members of our community must
bear the cost of other people’s free expression, they deserve our
understanding and support. We need to ensure that they, too, have the
opportunity to express their own views.
thephilosopher | A fuller and fairer assessment
of what is going on with deference and standpoint epistemology would go
beyond technical argument, and contend with the emotional appeals of
this strategy of deference. Those in powerful rooms may be “elites”
relative to the larger group they represent, but this guarantees nothing
about how they are treated in the rooms they are in. After all, a
person privileged in an absolute sense (a person belonging to, say, the
half of the world that has secure access to “basic needs”) may
nevertheless feel themselves to be consistently on the low end of the
power dynamics they actually experience. Deference epistemology responds
to real, morally weighty experiences of being put down, ignored,
sidelined, or silenced. It thus has an important non-epistemic appeal to
members of stigmatized or marginalized groups: it intervenes directly
in morally consequential practices of giving attention and respect.
The social dynamics we
experience have an outsize role in developing and refining our political
subjectivity, and our sense of ourselves. But this very strength of
standpoint epistemology – its recognition of the importance of
perspective – becomes its weakness when combined with deferential
practical norms. Emphasis on the ways we are marginalized often matches
the world as we have experienced it.
But, from a structural perspective, the rooms we never needed to enter
(and the explanations of why we can avoid these rooms) might have more
to teach us about the world and our place in it. If so, the deferential
approach to standpoint epistemology actually prevents “centring” or even
hearing from the most marginalized; it focuses us on the interaction of
the rooms we occupy, rather than calling us to account for the
interactions we don’t experience. This fact about who is in the room,
combined with the fact that speaking for others generates its own set of
important problems (particularly when they are not there to advocate
for themselves), eliminates pressures that might otherwise trouble the
centrality of our own suffering – and of the suffering of the
marginalized people that do happen to make it into rooms with us.
The dangers with this feature
of deference politics are grave, as are the risks for those outside of
the most powerful rooms. For those who are deferred to, it can
supercharge group-undermining norms. In Conflict is Not Abuse,
Sarah Schulman makes a provocative observation about the psychological
effects of both trauma and felt superiority: while these often come
about for different reasons and have very different moral statuses, they
result in similar behavioural patterns. Chief among these are
misrepresenting the stakes of conflict (often by overstating harm) or
representing others’ independence as a hostile threat (such as failures
to “centre” the right topics or people). These behaviours, whatever
their causal history, have corrosive effects on individuals who perform
them as well as the groups around them, especially when a community’s
norms magnify or multiply these behaviours rather than constraining or
metabolizing them.
For those who defer, the habit
can supercharge moral cowardice. The norms provide social cover for the
abdication of responsibility: it displaces onto individual heroes, a
hero class, or a mythicized past the work that is ours to do now in the
present. Their perspective may be clearer on this or that specific
matter, but their overall point of view isn’t any less particular or
constrained by history than ours. More importantly, deference places the
accountability that is all of ours to bear onto select people – and,
more often than not, a hyper-sanitized and thoroughly fictional
caricature of them.
The same tactics of deference
that insulate us from criticism also insulate us from connection and
transformation. They prevent us from engaging empathetically and
authentically with the struggles of other people – prerequisites of
coalitional politics. As identities become more and more fine-grained
and disagreements sharper, we come to realize that “coalitional
politics” (understood as struggle across difference) is, simply,
politics. Thus, the deferential orientation, like that fragmentation of
political collectivity it enables, is ultimately anti-political.
Deference rather than
interdependence may soothe short-term psychological wounds. But it does
so at a steep cost: it can undermine the epistemic goals that motivate
the project, and it entrenches a politics unbefitting of anyone fighting
for freedom rather than for privilege, for collective liberation rather
than mere parochial advantage.
thesenecaeffect | The Monastic order of the Templars (Pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Salomonici),
was founded in 1119 as a military force to defend the Christian
holdings in the Holy Land. In time, the order evolved into a financial
structure: the Templars became bankers and they developed a
sophisticated money transfer system that helped pilgrims and warriors to
move to and from the Holy Land and to transfer money from Europe to
Palestine and back. They have been termed "the first multinational corporation" in history.
As you may imagine, the Templars were rich, despite the term "pauperes"
(poor fellows) in their name. They had land, castles, palaces, and, of
course, plenty of gold and silver. The problem was that, with the loss
of the last lands controlled by the Christian crusaders in the Holy
Land, at the end of the 13th century, they had become useless: no more crusades, no need of a banking system to finance them.
At
that point, the Templars attracted the attention of the king of France,
Phillip IV, in dire need of money, as kings normally are. In 1307, he
ordered the arrest of all Templars and the confiscation of their properties.
Most of the leaders were burned at the stake after that they had
confessed under torture all sorts of evil misbehaviors: spit on the
cross, deny Christ, engage in indecent kissing, worship the devil, and
other niceties.
As exterminations go, this one
didn't involve large numbers: we read of 54 executions in France in
1310. Probably there were more in other countries, but the total cannot
be higher than a few hundred. Nevertheless, it had a big impact: it is
said that the fame of Friday the 13th as an unlucky day originates from the date of the arrest of the Templars:Friday, October 13, 1307.
The
question is, of course, can it happen again? How about our class of
hyper-rich, the "100 billion dollar club," that includes well-known
names such as Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, Jeff Bezos, and a few more?
They are clearly going to become trillionaires in the near future. But a house full of gold is hard to defend, as we read in the Tao Te Ching. Could our Internet barons follow the destiny that long ago befell another class of financial tycoons, the Templars?
As usual, the key to the future is in the past.
Examining the destiny of the Templars, we may understand the factors
that may lead to the extermination of a powerful (but not enough)
financial guild.
First of all, why were the Templars exterminated? I argued in previous posts (one, two, and three) that certain
categories of people can be exterminated and their possessions
confiscated when they are 1) wealthy, 2) clearly identifiable, and 3)
militarily weak, The Templars clearly satisfied the first two rules
but not necessarily the third: after all, they were a military order.
Yet, when the King of France descended on them, they didn't even try a
military reaction. It may be that the prowess of the Templar Knights was
much overrated: they were more like a private police force for a
financial organization, not a real military force. But it may also be
that it was exactly the presence of this force that hastened their
downfall. Sometimes, a little military power may be worse than none at all,
since it invites a decapitation strike. This is probably what happened
to the Templars, exterminated just to make sure that they would not
become a threat.
The story of the Templars is
just an example of a power struggle that has very ancient origins. One
of the earliest written texts we have was written by the Sumerian
priestess Enheduanna who complained with the Goddess that her temple had
been desecrated by a local warlord. Enheduanna does not say if the
warlord was after the temple's money, but we know that, at that time, temples were also banks, a tradition that remained unchanged for millennia.
For instance, as late as during the first century AD, we have the
record of a local leader who raided the temple of Jerusalem and attacked
the resident bankers, most likely in order to finance an armed
insurrection against the Roman governor.
Temples
and warlords remained in an uneasy relationship with each other during
the Roman Empire, but a few centuries later, raiding Pagan temples
became the normal way to finance the Roman armies, a tradition started
by Emperor Constantine 1st ("The Great") during the early 4th century
AD. Less than a century later, Emperor Theodosius 1st ("The Great") was
the last emperor who still could find Pagan temples to raid for their
gold and silver. Then, no more temples, and no more Roman Empire.
NPR | Benioff's outspokenness is part of his brand. He frequently and
forcefully weighs in on controversial issues, including gun policy,
human rights, climate change, and politics more broadly.
He is
an evangelist for changing the way companies do business, a defender of
what's called "stakeholder capitalism," or the belief that corporations
should lookbeyond just the interests of its employees or shareholders and customers.
"We need a new capitalism that is more fair, more equitable, more sustainable," he told CNBC. "Capitalism that values not just all shareholders, but all stakeholders."
Benioff defines "stakeholder" more broadly than most of his contemporaries.
In
a recent interview with NPR, Benioff said the planet is a Salesforce
stakeholder, and so is the homeless community in San Francisco, where
his company has its headquarters, and where his family has lived for
four generations.
It's a kind of advocacy few other CEOs have engaged in, according to Benioff.
"When
I first started, I don't think there were a lot of CEOs who were
willing to speak out and really take positions outside of, maybe, their
product," he told NPR.
But that's starting to change — slowly.
In 2015, when Indiana passed a law that would have made it easier for business owners to deny services to same-sexcouples
because of religious beliefs, Benioff was joined by other CEOs,
including Apple's Tim Cook and organizations like NCAA in denouncing the
law.
That forced then-Governor Mike Pence to amend the law.
Last year, in a moment that seemed to represent a turning point for corporate America, executives widely condemned the killing of George Floyd, and many pledged to address racial inequality both within their companies and in society at large.
However, many company executives continue to stay away from hot-buttonissues.
slate | Dave Chappelle is getting plenty of heat for his latest Netflix special, The Closer.
Chappelle’s 72-minute bit is squarely aimed at setting the record
straight after being widely criticized for his previous specials in
which he belittles trans people, gay people, and survivors of sexual
violence. He says this is his intention right at the start. We should
take him at his word. His routine—controversial as it is—accomplished
exactly what he set out to do.
What that accomplishment reveals is not that he isn’t funny (he is). It’s not just that he is punching down
(he is) or that his jokes haven’t aged well (they haven’t). His latest
special confirms once and for all Chappelle was never the progressive
darling many thought him to be. In 2019, when Chappelle won the Mark
Twain Prize for American Humor, Jon Stewart called him the “Black Bourdain,” a nod to the widely loved chef and documentarian whose work explored the intricacies of the human condition.
That characterization is somewhat understandable. The beauty, and ultimate demise, of Chappelle’s Show
was that he deftly and publicly explored the trials and tribulations of
Black life. At the time, his comedy was provocative, novel, even
revelatory. It makes sense we expected the same nuance with respect to
other oppressed groups. But ultimately we were just projecting onto him
something that wasn’t actually reflected in his work. We expected an
intersectional analysis where none existed.
The
line that runs through all of Chappelle’s comedy is that anti-Blackness
is the Final Boss of all oppressions. Everyone else’s pain and
suffering isn’t as bad by comparison,and therefore doesn’t
deserve the level of outrage and attention it currently gets in
progressive circles. Consider one of his opening jokes in The Closer.
“I’d like to start by addressing the LGBTQ community directly,” he says
with a smirk. “I want every member in that community to know that I
come in peace, and I hope to negotiate the release of DaBaby.” Chappelle
acknowledges that DaBaby made “a very egregious mistake” when he made disparaging comments about people living with HIV/AIDS while onstage at a concert in Miami in July. But then the joke takes a turn.
zora | Dave
Chapelle addressed the primarily white attempts to cancel Black
celebrities for offending the LGBTQ community, even as White pockets in
those communities "punch down" at Black people. That being said, Dave
Chapelle made some pretty shocking statements about sex and gender
politics. For example, "Sex is assigned at birth" and "Gender
refers to how someone self-identifies." So, in that respect, I think
it's wrong for the trans community to insist that he is inherently
transphobic in identifying these distinctions (which we use in the
medical community). It’s not our differences that are problematic — it’s
the way people treat us for them that is problematic. These accusations
only close the door to a conversation we need to have.
All I ask of your community, with all humility: Will you please stop punching down on my people? (Dave Chapelle)
White
people often refer to Black people as racist for talking about race,
and it seems that now White people are calling Dave Chapelle transphobic
for discussing the trans community. Yet, he never made a statement
diminishing their lives, their worth in the community, or their plight.
People need to wake up and realize we can't live in a race-neutral
society just because folks don't want to talk about race, and we can't
live in a gender-neutral society because folks feel uneasy about the
conversation. Instead, we need to embrace our differences and fight
against the ignorant messaging out there.
I
can’t help but see the irony here because as a Millenial, I’m old
enough to remember when White people made a movie called “Team America”
in which the characters sang the song “Everybody Has Aids.”
At the time, no one accused them of being homophobic which is why I
raised an eye-brow when DaBaby’s statements about HIV/AIDS were
automatically assumed homophobic.
Society
is shifting and I believe it’s doing so for the better. But, I’m seeing
a lot of ignorance being labeled as cruelty and that actually serves to
diminish the point that marginalized folks are making. In other words,
“don’t cry wolf because when the real hateful person comes along,
everyone will tune out.” They will be effectively desensitized to the
violence that we experience for being Black, gay, disabled, or just
different.
America
is an odd show to watch. Somehow, White people can joke about things
Black people can't. When we do it, we're homophobic, and when they do
it, everyone laughs. I think that there is a double standard here, and that's what Dave Chapelle was trying to bring to the forefront. Too bad the loudest voices on this issue want us to believe that Dave Chapelle hates gay people.
Chapelle
can joke about Whiteness, Blackness, conservativism, progressivism,
poverty, crime, but not the gay community. That makes no sense to me.
So, while many people are jumping on the bandwagon to cancel or punish
Dave Chapelle, I'm not on board because he never said anything hateful
about the community. He only exposed his bias towards heteronormativity,
which could provide an opportunity for his continued education and
growth. Sadly, White folks are just out to cancel him.
NYTimes | Mr. Chappelle spends much of “The Closer,”
his latest comedy special for Netflix, cleverly deflecting criticism.
The set is a 72-minute display of the comedian’s own brittleness. The
self-proclaimed “GOAT” (greatest of all time) of stand-up delivers five
or six lucid moments of brilliance, surrounded by a joyless tirade of
incoherent and seething rage, misogyny, homophobia and transphobia.
If
there is brilliance in “The Closer,” it’s that Mr. Chappelle makes
obvious but elegant rhetorical moves that frame any objections to his
work as unreasonable. He’s just being “brutally honest.” He’s just
saying the quiet part out loud. He’s just stating “facts.” He’s just
making us think. But when an entire comedy set is designed as a series
of strategic moves to say whatever you want and insulate yourself from
valid criticism, I’m not sure you’re really making comedy.
Throughout
the special, Mr. Chappelle is singularly fixated on the L.G.B.T.Q.
community, as he has been in recent years. He reaches for every
low-hanging piece of fruit and munches on it gratuitously. Many of Mr.
Chappelle’s rants are extraordinarily dated, the kind of comedy you
might expect from a conservative boomer, agog at the idea of
homosexuality. At times, his voice lowers to a hoarse whisper, preparing
us for a grand stroke of wisdom — but it never comes. Every once in a
while, he remarks that, oh, boy, he’s in trouble now, like a mischievous
little boy who just can’t help himself.
Somewhere,
buried in the nonsense, is an interesting and accurate observation
about the white gay community conveniently being able to claim whiteness
at will. There’s a compelling observation about the relatively
significant progress the L.G.B.T.Q. community has made, while progress
toward racial equity has been much slower. But in these formulations,
there are no gay Black people. Mr. Chappelle pits people from different
marginalized groups against one another, callously suggesting that trans
people are performing the gender equivalent of blackface.
In
the next breath, Mr. Chappelle says something about how a Black gay
person would never exhibit the behaviors to which he objects, an
assertion many would dispute. The poet Saeed Jones, for example, wrote in GQ
that watching “The Closer” felt like a betrayal: “I felt like I’d just
been stabbed by someone I once admired and now he was demanding that I
stop bleeding.”
Later in the show, Mr.
Chappelle offers rambling thoughts on feminism using a Webster’s
Dictionary definition, further exemplifying how limited his reading is.
He makes a tired, tired joke about how he thought “feminist” meant
“frumpy dyke” — and hey, I get it. If I were on his radar, he would
consider me a frumpy dyke, or worse. (Some may consider that estimation
accurate. Fortunately my wife doesn’t.) Then in another of those rare
moments of lucidity, Mr. Chappelle talks about mainstream feminism’s
historical racism. Just when you’re thinking he is going to right the
ship, he starts ranting incoherently about #MeToo. I couldn’t tell you
what his point was there.
This
is a faded simulacrum of the once-great comedian, who now uses his
significant platform to air grievances against the great many people he
holds in contempt, while deftly avoiding any accountability. If we don’t
like his routine, the message is, we are the problem, not him.
GQ | In the show’s opening minutes, under the auspices of updating the
audience on his pandemic experience — he got the Johnson & Johnson
vaccine: “Give me the third best option! I’ll have what the homeless
people are having!” — Chappelle makes it clear that, in addition to
being entertaining, he’s out to test our limits because, it becomes
increasingly clear, he believes we need to have our limits tested. A few
breaths after likening his immune system fighting coronavirus to Black
people violently beating up Asian-Americans, Chappelle surveys the
gasping audience and says “It’s gonna get worse than that. Hang in
there; it’s gonna get way worse.”
And
then it does. Discussing DaBaby, for example, Chappelle opines “In our
country, you can shoot and kill a n-gga but you better not hurt a gay
person’s feelings." Never mind that DaBaby’s onstage comments about AIDS at the Rolling Loud festival were truly out of pocket, or that the apology that followed was late and lackluster, or that DaBaby eventually took the apology back.
By the time Chappelle declares that “gender is a fact” and that he’s
“Team TERF” in solidarity with J.K. Rowling, I turned my television off
because I wasn’t having fun anymore. And part of freedom as I experience
it is that I don’t owe Dave Chappelle any of my time.
Maybe you
watch comedy specials to endure them, but I watch them to have a good
time, and I stop watching them when that’s no longer the case. Chappelle
argues this makes me "too sensitive, too brittle"; I just think I have
better things to do than watch a standup set that could just as well
have been a Fox News special. As a gay Black man, even when I’m watching
a comedy special, my identity is inconveniently present. It’s so
annoying; I asked my queerness to chill in the other room so I could
watch "The Closer" in peace, but no such luck.
WaPo | For generations we’ve had vaccine mandates, particularly for childhood diseases,
in every state plus D.C. Few thought to call this tyranny because
communities have a duty to maintain public health, and individuals have a
duty to reasonably accommodate the common good — even if this means
allowing your child to be injected with a substance carrying a minuscule
risk of harm.
So there can be no objection rooted in principle to vaccine mandates, unless you want to question them all the way down to measles, mumps and rubella. The problem must be covid-19 in particular.
If
the coronavirus vaccines are risky, experimental concoctions with
frequent side effects, then government and business mandates are social
coercion run amok. We might as well mandate vaping.
But
if these vaccines are carefully tested and encourage greater immunity
to a deadly disease, with minimal risk of side effects, then the
“heroism” of vaccine resisters takes on a different connotation: It
means resisters are less courageous and more selfish than your average
6-year-old getting a second MMR dose. Perhaps vaccine mandates should be
modified to include lollipops for whingeing malcontents.
So
which view is correct? If only there were empirical means, some
scientific method, to test the matter. If only there had been three
phases of clinical trials, involving tens of thousands of volunteers,
demonstrating the drugs to be safe and effective. If only the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration
were constantly monitoring safety concerns about the vaccines. If only
we could estimate the number of covid deaths that might have been
prevented if vaccine uptake were higher.
To break the suspense — we do live in such a world. “From June through September 2021,” concluded a recent Peterson-KFF report,
“approximately 90,000 covid-19 deaths among adults likely would have
been prevented with vaccination.” So the matter is simple: Who is making
vaccination more likely to take place, and who is not?
In
this light, it’s hard to blame the small group of workers who have been
misled into believing that liberty is the right to infect your
neighbors with a deadly pathogen. The main fault lies with the media
outlets that spotlight and elevate such people, and with political
figures who seek their political dreams by encouraging lethal ignorance.
WaPo | Kyrie Irving is a thrillingly talented basketball player, a former Rookie of the Year, a seven-time All-Star and a gold medalist for Team USA. But I look forward to not watching him work his magic this season — as long as he refuses to do the right thing and get vaccinated against the coronavirus.
This
isn’t the first time Irving has courted controversy. But the skepticism
he and other holdouts have propagated and the wishy-washy stances even
some of their vaccinated colleagues have taken, are worth addressing
seriously — and not just for what they say about the fight against the
ongoing coronavirus pandemic.
The best way to show respect for athletes as political actors and
philanthropists is to push back when they’re wrong — especially when the
stakes are this high.
Irving plays for the Brooklyn Nets, and the city of New York mandates that Nets players be vaccinated before they can play in their home arenas. Irving is the only stubbornly unvaccinated Net.
Since he would have to sit out roughly half the team’s schedule, Nets
management has wisely decided it’s best he not play at all.
A performative iconoclast, Irving posted an I’m-the-victim justification on Instagram Live.
“It’s bigger than the game,” he said. “I came into the season thinking I
was just going to be able to play ball. . . . Why are you putting it on
me?”
Cue the violins.
I
don’t respect his “choice” at all. As for why we’re “putting it on”
him, we are battling together to defeat a highly infectious virus that
has killed more than 720,000 Americans. We have a trio of safe and
effective vaccines that slow the spread of the virus and confer
miraculous protection against serious illness and death. Irving’s choice
threatens not just his own health but also, should he be infected, that
of his fellow players, his coaches and trainers, the referees who call
the games, and the fans who come to see the Nets play.
Irving
clearly understands the privileges that come with his stardom,
including the ability to get millions of people to listen to whatever he
has to say. A few years ago, he drew worldwide attention by claiming,
with a straight face, that he believed the world is flat. “I do research
on both sides,” he said in 2017.
“I’m not against anyone that thinks the Earth is round. I’m not against
anyone that thinks it’s flat. I just love hearing the debate.”
He later apologized. “At the time, I was, like, huge into conspiracies,” he said. “And everybody’s been there.”
That’s
precisely the problem. Far too many Americans are “huge into
conspiracies,” and it is deeply irresponsible for famous athletes to
encourage them to go down the anti-vaccine rabbit hole.
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