nationalreview |"The attacks on anti-racist teachers are
increasing, coordinated by well-funded organizations such as the
Heritage Foundation. We need to be better prepared to respond to these
attacks so that our members can continue this important work,” the item
says, noting that the Heritage Foundation has pledged to reject CRT.
“Woke teachers unions have been put
on notice that Americans will not stand for their racist CRT ideology,”
Heritage Action Executive Director Jessica Anderson told The Federalist.
“Now those same unions are funding a coordinated misinformation
campaign to retaliate against Heritage Action and the Heritage
Foundation for our defense of American students, parents, and teachers.
But the American people will not be deterred, and their smear campaign
will ultimately fail.”
The measure is not the union’s first foray into “social justice” — it supports Black Lives Matter and encourages teachers to sign a “pledge to grow the movement for racial justice in education.”
“We are working tirelessly to
dismantle systems of oppression that prevent children from accessing a
great public education because of their race, gender, sexual
orientation, culture, or nationality,” the NEA’s website says.
The union also lauds its commitment to forming partnerships “to build equitable systems” and offers links to resources on topics such as “Confronting White Nationalism,” “anti-racist” video “primers,” and “implicit bias” training.
thehill |President Bidenpromised to unify a fractured country. At the same time, his administration pledged to usher in a new era of transparency. Following the release of a highly anticipated government report on UFOs, Biden has a rare opportunity to live up to both commitments.
The UFO report prompted a flurry of bipartisan calls for a robust, open-minded
investigation into these perplexing phenomena. If members of Congress
can set aside seemingly intractable differences to take this issue
seriously, the Biden administration – and the American public – should
take note.
Beyond acknowledging that intelligence analysts are thoroughly stumped by mysterious objects – some of which appear to exhibit remarkable
technology in restricted airspace – the report marks an extraordinary
shift in how the government perceives UFOs. After seven decades of deflection, ridicule and brushing aside such encounters, the Pentagon is following in Congress’s footsteps and taking such phenomena seriously. Very seriously.
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Moreover,
by demanding the report, Congress stumbled upon an issue that can unite
Americans of all political stripes. Indeed, if strong, bipartisan statements on these encounters are any indicator, the UFO mystery could ultimately transcend the deep polarization of the post-Trump era.
To
that end, the Biden administration should declassify some basic,
non-sensitive information, focusing on objects that seem to exhibit
remarkable technology.
Of 143 unexplained encounters, 18 involved
“unusual” “movement patterns or flight characteristics.” According to
the report, analysts are attempting to determine if these objects
demonstrated “breakthrough technologies.” This aligns with reporting by the New York Times that some of these craft accelerated, changed direction and submerged in seemingly extraordinary ways.
The report’s equivocation on these perplexing encounters stands in stark contrast to former director of national intelligence John Ratcliffe’s unambiguous comments that “there are technologies that we don’t have and frankly that we are not capable of defending against.
According
to Ratcliffe, intelligence analysts “ruled out” weather incidents,
visual disturbances, foreign adversaries or ultra-secret U.S. technology
as possible explanations for the most exotic phenomena.
If
Ratcliffe’s statements are accurate, this is an extraordinary
development. More to the point, the Biden administration has a rare
opportunity to live up to its pledges to restore transparency and
national unity. It can begin by releasing a numbered list of the
report’s 18 “unusual” encounters alongside the intelligence community’s
preliminary confidence levels (low, medium or high) that each object
exhibited some sort of “breakthrough technology.”
Anyone who dared publicize the leaks anywhere near the mainstream liberal echo chamber was bashed into submission by the herd,
and without any legitimate reason it was treated like a complete
non-story at best and a sinister Russian op at worst. And then, lo and
behold, in April of this year Hunter Biden acknowledged that the leaks could very well have come from his laptop after all, and not from some GRU psyop.
And
I think that whole ordeal gives us some answers into this disturbing
new dynamic of complete blackouts on major news stories. Last year The
Spectator‘s Stephen L Miller described how the consensus formed
among the mainstream press since Clinton’s 2016 loss that it is their
moral duty to be uncritical of Trump’s opponent and suppress any news
stories which might benefit them.
“For
almost four years now, journalists have shamed their colleagues and
themselves over what I will call the ‘but her emails’ dilemma,” Miller
writes. “Those who reported dutifully on the ill-timed federal
investigation into Hillary Clinton’s private server and spillage of
classified information have been cast out and shunted away from the
journalist cool kids’ table. Focusing so much on what was, at the time, a
considerable scandal, has been written off by many in the media as a
blunder. They believe their friends and colleagues helped put Trump in
the White House by focusing on a nothing-burger of a Clinton scandal
when they should have been highlighting Trump’s foibles. It’s an error
no journalist wants to repeat.”
medialens | As we have pointed out since Media Lens began in 2001, a fundamental feature of corporate media is propaganda by omission. Over the past week, a stunning example has highlighted this core property once again.
A major witness in the US case against Julian Assange has just
admitted fabricating key accusations in the indictment against the
Wikileaks founder. These dramatic revelations emerged in an extensive article
published on 26 June in Stundin, an Icelandic newspaper. The paper
interviewed the witness, Sigurdur Ingi Thordarson, a former WikiLeaks
volunteer, who admitted that he had made false allegations against
Assange after being recruited by US authorities. Thordarson, who has
several convictions for sexual abuse of minors and financial fraud,
began working with the US Department of Justice and the FBI after
receiving a promise of immunity from prosecution. He even admitted to
continuing his crime spree while working with the US authorities.
Last summer, US officials had presented an updated version of their
indictment against Assange to Magistrate Court Judge Vanessa Baraitser
at the Old Bailey in London. Key to this update was the assertion that
Assange had instructed Thordarson to commit computer intrusions or
hacking in Iceland.
‘The aim of this addition to the
indictment was apparently to shore up and support the conspiracy charge
against Assange in relation to his interactions with Chelsea Manning.
Those occurred around the same time he resided in Iceland and the
authors of the indictment felt they could strengthen their case by
alleging he was involved in illegal activity there as well. This
activity was said to include attempts to hack into the computers of
members of [the Icelandic] parliament and record their conversations.
‘In fact, Thordarson now admits to Stundin that Assange never asked him to hack or access phone recordings of MPs.’
Judge Baraitser’s ruling on 4 January, 2021 was against extradition
to the US. But she did so purely on humanitarian grounds concerning
Assange’s health, suicide risk and the extreme conditions he would face
in confinement in US prisons.
The Stundin article continued:
‘With regards to the actual
accusations made in the indictment Baraitser sided with the arguments of
the American legal team, including citing the specific samples from
Iceland which are now seriously called into question.
‘Other
misleading elements can be found in the indictment, and later reflected
in the Magistrate’s judgement, based on Thordarson’s now admitted lies.’
The Stundin article further details Thordarson’s lies and deceptions,
including mispresenting himself as an official representative of
WikiLeaks while a volunteer in 2010-2011, even impersonating Assange,
and embezzling more than $50,000 from the organisation.
By August 2011, Thordarson was being pursued by WikiLeaks staff
trying to locate the missing funds. In fact, Thordarson had arranged for
the money to be sent to his private bank account by forging an email in
Assange’s name. That month, Thordarson sought a way out by contacting
the US Embassy in Iceland, offering to be an informant in the case
against Assange.
charleshughsmith |Though no one dares confess this publicly, America is now a moral cesspool. As a result,
the moral legitimacy of the nation’s leadership has been lost. Every nook and cranny
of institutionalized America is dominated by self-interest, and much of the economy is
controlled by profiteering monopolies and cartels which wield far more political power
than the citizenry.
Civic virtue has been lost. What remains is elite self-interest masquerading as civic virtue.
In his Farewell Address, President Carter explained that "The national interest is not always
the sum of all our single or special interests. We are all Americans together, and we must
not forget that the common good is our common interest and our individual responsibility."
Social cohesion, civic virtue and moral legitimacy are the foundation of every society,
but they are especially important in composite states.
America is a composite state, composed of individuals holding a wide range of regional,
ethnic, religious and class-based identities. The national identity is only one ingredient
in a bubbling stew of local, state and regional identities, ethnic, cultural and religious
identities, educational/alumni, professional and tradecraft identities, and elusive but
consequential class-based identities.
Composite states are intrinsically trickier to rule, as there is no ethnic or cultural identity
that unifies the populace. Lacking a national identity that supersedes all other identities,
composite states must tread carefully to avoid fracturing into competing regional, ethnic
or cultural identities.
Composite states must establish a purpose-based identity that is understood to demand shared
sacrifice, especially in crisis. In the U.S., the national purpose has been redefined by the
needs of the era, but never straying too far from these core unifying goals: defending the
civil liberties of the citizenry from state interference, defending the nation from external
aggressors, and serving the common good by limiting the power of special interests and
privileged elites.
We've failed to limit the power of privileged elites, failed to demand greater sacrifices
of the wealthy in exchange for power, and so the moral legitimacy of the regime has been lost.
And with the ascendance of self-interest and the elite's abandonment of sacrifice,
social cohesion has been lost.
This loss is reflected in the bitter partisanship, the increasingly Orwellian attempts to
control the mainstream and social media narratives, the debauchery of "expertise" as
dueling "experts" vie for control, the fraying of social discourse, the substitution of
virtue-signaling for actual civic virtue, the institutionalization of white-collar crime
(collusion, fraud, embezzlement, etc.), the increasing reliance on Bread and Circuses (stimulus,
Universal Basic Income) as real opportunity dissipates, and the troubling rise in shootings,
crime, random violence and plummeting marriage and birth rates.
The unraveling of social cohesion has consequences. Once social cohesion unravels, the
nation unravels.
technologyreview | A major question is not whether there will be enough jobs but whether
there will be enough good jobs—jobs that provide middle-class earnings,
safe working conditions, legal protections, social protections, and
benefits (e.g., unemployment and disability benefits, health benefits,
family benefits, pensions). The slow growth of pretax incomes for the
bottom 50% of earners has been the main driver of increasing income
inequality over the past half-century. Access to good jobs—as well as to
education and health care, so people have the knowledge and good health
required to work—is key to lifting these incomes and making
technology-enabled growth inclusive.
Several types of policies
could make good new jobs more likely to be created in the United States.
These include taxes on labor and capital that affect business
investment decisions; R&D policies that can direct technological
change and influence both the pace and extent of new technologies’
adoption by business; training policies that enable workers to gain new
skills; direct labor market interventions that provide benefits to
temporary and contract workers; and measures that strengthen workers’
voice in business decisions.
Rethink tax policies
Tax
policies influence businesses’ decisions to invest in new production
technologies. In the United States and other advanced economies, labor
is taxed at a much higher rate than the physical capital and knowledge
capital required to produce goods, encouraging investments that use
capital and save labor. A reduction in payroll and other
employment-related taxes would moderate this bias. So would an increase
in taxes on capital, including corporate income. Recently, the US
corporate tax rate was cut dramatically. Proponents argued that the cut
would increase business investment and that this in turn would increase
employment and wages. As technology becomes more labor-saving, however,
business investment in physical and knowledge capital becomes less
likely to create good jobs, and the new US tax law does nothing to
offset that effect.
Another issue is that as capital has become
more mobile across national borders, many multinational companies have
been able to make their profits “stateless” for tax purposes by shifting
them to locations where they have little or no real economic activity
and pay little or no tax. Stateless corporate income erodes the tax base
and reduces the capacity of individual countries to raise revenues for
infrastructure and social protection programs. It also exacerbates the
tax disadvantage of labor, which is far less mobile than capital. In
their recent book The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make Them Pay,
Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman discuss the consequences of stateless
capital income for income inequality and suggest national remedies as
stopgap measures in the absence of an international agreement to tax
such income. In the long run, given the magnitude of cross-border
capital flows, such an agreement is essential
In the US, taxes on capital income should also be increased by
raising the rate on capital gains (which are now taxed at a lower rate
than personal income) and by eliminating the carried-interest loophole.
Both the preferential capital gains rate and the carried-interest
feature of current tax law have encouraged technology investments
favoring capital and profits over labor and wages. They have also fueled
the “financialization” of the US economy and increased income
inequality.
Reductions in payroll taxes and other direct taxes
on labor, even if offset in part by higher taxes on capital, would leave
less government revenue available to fund health care, education, and
benefits for workers—all key components of good jobs. A national carbon
tax should be used to offset this revenue loss. Lower taxes on labor to
promote employment, and higher taxes on carbon to discourage carbon use,
are a wise recipe for a future of good jobs and a sustainable
environment.
nakedcapitalism | A final example from everybody’s favorite obstructionist Democrat, Joe Lieberman Joe Manchin. From Ryan Grim:
On Monday, Joe Manchin met with a group of wealthy donors to
coordinate a strategy to defend the filibuster. The biggest threat to
it, he argued, was Republicans’ refusal to support a January 6th
commission, because it made anybody who claimed bipartisanship is still
possible look like a buffoon, with people saying to him, “How’s that
bipartisan working for you now, Joe?”
The obvious solution, then, he argued, is to find a handful of
Republicans who will switch their votes and support a commission. A key
target, he said, is Missouri Republican Sen. Roy Blunt. His suggestion
was extraordinary for how explicit it made the link between legislative
behavior and the pursuit of post-career riches.
“Roy Blunt is a great, just a good friend of mine, a great guy,” Manchin said in audio The Intercept obtained. “Roy
is retiring. If some of you all who might be working with Roy in his
next life could tell him, that’d be nice and it’d help our country. That
would be very good to get him to change his vote. And we’re going to have another vote on this thing. That’ll give me one more shot at it.”
Forget it, Jake. It’s K Street.
Looking back at Article I, Section 8, there’s a loophole you could drive a trump: It really ought to read “accept any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.”
(I thought it was simpler to generalize it, rather than attempt to
parse out all the kinds of private entities that might seek to curry
favor with the government.) I doubt that would stamp out gift-giving
entirely, but it would sure put a crimp in the culture. The same should
be written into the bylaws of professional associations (which I assume
would cover institutions like CalPERS, a fine example of the culture of
gift-giving; see NC here at “junket“).
If the Framers had access to a Time Machine, and could fast-forward
to the present day, they would see a culture, and a political culture,
that had become — at least with respect to corruption — everything they
sought to avoid, and tried to engineer the Constitution to prevent.
pluralistic | In a technologically complex world, there will always be official
advice whose technical arguments we can't understand. Our only
reassurance is the process by which that advice is arrived at.
We may not understand the arguments, but we can recognize an open,
independent process refereed by neutral regulators who show their work
and recuse themselves if they have a conflict of interest.
We don't always understand what goes on inside the box, but we can
tell whether the box itself is sound. We can tell judges are financially
interested in outcomes, whether they publish their deliberations,
whether they revisit their conclusions in light of new evidence.
That's all we've got, and it depends on a balance of powers that
arises from a pluralistic, diffused set of industrial interests.
When an industry says with one voice that West Virginians are so fat
that we can poison them without injury, it carries a lot of weight.
(so to speak)
It's a stupid argument. It's a wicked argument. It's a lethal
argument. It's the kind of argument that might get you laughed out of
the room if it is filled with hundreds of squabbling chemical companies
looking to dunk on one another.
That's the thing about conspiracies (and Dow was, in fact, engaged in
a conspiracy to poison West Virginians to enrich its shareholders) –
they require a lot of discipline, with all the conspirators remaining
loyal to the conspiracy and no one breaking ranks.
The bigger a group is, the more it struggles to keep a united front.
That's why there's so much billionaire class solidarity. Sure, it's hard
to maintain unity among a clutch of grandiose maniacs, but it's much harder to maintain unity among billions of their victims.
Monopolization is corruption's handmaiden – not just because it lets
Dow hire fancy lawyers and "experts" to dress up "fat people are immune
to poison" as sound policy, but because the industry can sing that
awfful song with one voice.
Dow spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to win a policy that will
save it millions – and cost the people of WV hundreds of millions or
even billions in health costs, lost productivity, and, of course, the
intergenerational trauma of ruined and lost human lives.
The reason millions in gains can trump billions in losses is that
that the millions are reaped by just a few firms, who can wield them
with precision to secure the continued right to impose costs on the rest
of us, while the losses are spread out across the whole state.
For Dow to corrupt West Virginia's legislature, it need only tithe a
small percentage of its winnings to political causes and dark money
orgs.
For West Virginians to fight corruption in the cash-money world of
political influence campaigns, they have to overcome their collective
action problem and outspend Dow – all while bearing the human and monetary costs of Dow's corruption.
America is a land of manifest, obvious dysfunctions, and close examination reveals their common root in corruption.
consentfactory | So, the War on Reality is going splendidly. Societies all across the
world have been split into opposing, irreconcilable realities.
Neighbors, friends, and even family members are bitterly divided into
two hostile camps, each regarding the other as paranoid psychotics,
delusional fanatics, dangerous idiots, and, in any event, as mortal
enemies.
In the UK, Germany, and many other countries, and in numerous states
throughout the US, a “state of emergency” remains in effect. An
apocalyptic virus is on the loose. Mutant variants are spreading like
wildfire. Most of society is still shut down or subject to emergency
health restrictions. People are still walking around in public with
plastic face shields and medical-looking masks. The police are showing up at people’s homes to arrest them for “illegally gathering outdoors.” Any deviation from official reality is being censored by the Internet corporations.
Constitutional rights are still suspended. Entire populations are being
coerced into being injected with experimental “vaccines.” Pseudo-medical segregation systems are being brought online. And so on … you’re familiar with the details.
Meanwhile, in Sweden, and a few other countries, and in various other
states throughout the US, there is no apocalyptic pandemic. People are
just going about their lives as normal. OK, sure, there is a nasty virus
going around, so people are taking common sense precautions, as people
typically do for any nasty virus, but there is no “state of emergency”
in effect, and no reason to radically transform society into a paranoid,
pathologized-totalitarian dystopia.
This state of affairs, in which two contradictory, mutually-exclusive
realities exist, is … well, it’s impossible, and so it cannot continue.
Either there exists a devastating global pandemic that justifies a
global “state of emergency,” the suspension of constitutional rights,
and the other totalitarian “emergency measures” we have been subjected
to since March of 2020 or there doesn’t. It really is as simple as that.
Except that it isn’t as simple as that. It is easy to forget, given
the last 16 months, that people have been bitterly divided, and
inhabiting mutually-exclusive realities, and regarding people who don’t
conform to their realities as enemies for the last five years. I’m not
talking about political disagreements, or even socio-cultural
differences. I’m talking about contradictory realities. Things that actually happened, or didn’t happen. Things that exist, or do not exist.
I’m not going rehash the whole War on Populism
— I covered it extensively at the time — but that’s when the current
global-capitalist War on Reality was officially launched. It wasn’t just
the usual lies and propaganda. It was a full-scale ideological assault.
By the end of it, people actually believed that (a) Donald Trump was a
Russian agent, (b) that he was literally Hitler, and so was going to
stage some sort of “coup,” declare himself American Führer, and launch
the “Trumpian-White-Supremacist Fourth Reich,” and (c) that he had
actually attempted this by sending a few hundred unarmed protesters — violent domestic extremist grandmothers, father-and-son kill squads, and bison hat loonies — to “storm the Capitol” and overthrow the government during the so-called “January 6 Insurrection.”
edwardsnowden | The greatest conspiracies are open and notorious — not theories, but
practices expressed through law and policy, technology, and finance.
Counterintuitively, these conspiracies are more often than not announced
in public and with a modicum of pride. They’re dutifully reported in
our newspapers; they’re bannered onto the covers of our magazines;
updates on their progress are scrolled across our screens — all with
such regularity as to render us unable to relate the banality of their
methods to the rapacity of their ambitions.
The party in power
wants to redraw district lines. The prime interest rate has changed. A
free service has been created to host our personal files. These
conspiracies order, and disorder, our lives; and yet they can’t compete
for attention with digital graffiti about pedophile Satanists in the
basement of a DC pizzeria.
This, in sum, is our problem: the truest conspiracies meet with the least opposition.
Or to put it another way, conspiracy practices
— the methods by which true conspiracies such as gerrymandering, or the
debt industry, or mass surveillance are realized — are almost always
overshadowed by conspiracy theories: those malevolent falsehoods that in aggregate can erode civic confidence in the existence of anything certain or verifiable.
In
my life, I’ve had enough of both the practice and the theory. In my
work for the United States National Security Agency, I was involved with
establishing a Top-Secret system intended to access and track the
communications of every human being on the planet. And yet after I grew
aware of the damage this system was causing — and after I helped to
expose that true conspiracy to the press — I couldn’t help but notice
that the conspiracies that garnered almost as much attention were
those that were demonstrably false: I was, it was claimed, a hand-picked
CIA operative sent to infiltrate and embarrass the NSA; my actions were
part of an elaborate inter-agency feud. No, said others: my true
masters were the Russians, the Chinese, or worse — Facebook.
NYTimes | The Times’s Visual Investigations team
spent several months reviewing thousands of videos, many filmed by the
rioters themselves and since deleted from social media. We filed motions
to unseal police body-camera footage, scoured law enforcement radio communications, and synchronized and mapped the visual evidence.
What we have come up with is a 40-minute
panoramic take on Jan. 6, the most complete visual depiction of the
Capitol riot to date. In putting it together, we gained critical
insights into the character and motivation of rioters by experiencing
the events of the day often through their own words and video
recordings. We found evidence of members of extremist groups inciting
others to riot and assault police officers. And we learned how Donald J.
Trump’s own words resonated with the mob in real time as they staged
the attack.
Liu admits the book is a polemic against the PMC,
which is refreshing if for no other reason than most of the work posing
as professional scholarship on politics and culture today makes
polemical arguments under the guise of sober expertise. There is nothing
more PMC than laundering your particular personal agenda under the mask
of objective technical analysis.
However, Liu focuses on another
way the PMC mask their will to power: moral preening. She claims the
professional managerial class hoards virtue for itself as part of its
war against the working class. Which is to say, Liu recognizes that the
PMC and the working class are, in fact, class enemies.
Building on the work of Barbara Ehrenreich,
she accepts that the PMC at one time played a positive role in society
by challenging the barbarity of earlier iterations of capitalism;
specifically when members of the PMC were advocates for creating
professional standards in fields like medicine and social research, and
were advocating for welfare state economic reforms. But as the
post-World War 2 capitalist settlement soured and neoliberalism became
ascendant, Liu claims “the PMC preferred to fight culture wars against
the classes below while currying favor with the capitalists it once
despised.”
This was not a moral awakening, but an awokening.
A power play by the PMC to secure their class position within the
capitalist system using the lofty language of social justice to defend
basic material interest.
Liu analyzes some of the tactics the PMC
use to mystify class relations, and concludes that “whenever it
addresses economic crisis produced by capitalism itself, the PMC reworks
political struggles for policy change and redistribution into passion
plays, focusing on individual acts of ‘giving back’ or reified forms of
self-transformation.”
Think global, act local. And what is more local than yourself? I just ate some fully organic non-GMO trail mix. I’m saving the world one nutty crap at a time. You’re welcome.
But it goes beyond delusional upper class savior complexes and I’m a good person branding
exercises. There is an underlying logic to the mystification of class
relations by the PMC as Liu says that “As a class the PMC loves to talk
about bias rather than inequality, racism rather than capitalism,
visibility rather than exploitation.”
Is there
any doubt that this is so? For when it comes to economic exploitation,
the PMC has a PhD in changing the subject. They manage to always come up
with an explanation for economic problems that ensures the blame never
falls on capitalism itself. We could have higher wages if people stopped being racist!
Liu
breaks down her analysis of the PMC into their standpoint on:
professionalism, child-rearing, art, and sex. Mercifully, the book is a
short read (77 pages in my copy) because the PMC are some of the most
trite and boring people you will ever encounter and reading about their
lifestyle and cultural pretensions is less pleasant than listening to
one of those neurotic trust fund brats scream about a triggering Halloween costume.
The
main argument of the book, or so it seems to me, is that the
professional managerial class of present is actively working against
building socialism in the United States. That the PMC could really be
considered the prime obstacle to unifying the working class as they
continually divide working people along the rigid lines of identity to
serve their own class interests:
craigmurray | Thordarson has now told Icelandic magazine Stundin
that his allegations against Assange contained in the indictment are
untrue, and that Assange had not solicited the hacking of bank or police
details. This is hardly a shock, though Thordarson’s motives for coming
clean now are obscure; he is plainly a deeply troubled and often
malicious individual.
Thordarson was always the most unreliable of witnesses, and I find it
impossible to believe that the FBI cooperation with him was ever any
more than deliberate fabrication of evidence by the FBI.
Edward Snowden has tweeted that Thordarson recanting will end the
case against Julian Assange. Most certainly it should end it, but I fear
it will not.
Many things should have ended the case against Assange. The First
Amendment, the ban on political extradition in the US/UK Extradition
Treaty, the CIA spying on the preparations of Assange’s defence counsel,
all of these should have stopped the case dead in its tracks.
It is now five months since extradition was refused, no US government
appeal against that decision has yet been accepted by the High Court,
and yet Julian remains confined to the UK’s highest security prison. The
revelation that Thordarson’s allegations are fabricated – which
everyone knew already, Baraitser just pretended she didn’t – is just one
more illegality that the Establishment will shimmy over in its
continued persecution of Assange.
Assange democratised information and gave real power to the people
for a while, worldwide. He revealed US war crimes. For that his life is
destroyed. Neither law nor truth have anything to do with it.
theamericanconservative | Adam Serwer’s “The Cruelty Is the Point” is the most toxic piece of
journalism of the Trump era. After the shocking election of 2016, the
liberal establishment showed glimmers of willingness to ask hard
questions about how it had happened. If millions of Obama voters were
now switching their allegiance to a reality show billionaire, perhaps
the Democratic party had done something to ill-serve these people? Then
along came Serwer in the Atlantic to tell them that, no, Trump voters did not have any legitimate grievances. They were evil racists, simple as that.
The
phrase took on a life of its own. Politicians from presidential
candidate Julian Castro to “Squad” member Rep. Ayanna Pressley started
using it. “Do these five words define the Trump years?” asked Brian
Stelter on CNN. It became ubiquitous on cable news and Twitter.
Now
Serwer has published a book under the same title. You might think the
2020 election, which saw Trump gain among black and Hispanic voters,
would have caused him to reconsider his thesis that the source of
Trump’s appeal is racist hate. Not a bit. Each essay in this collection
comes with a short introductory essay describing how Serwer came to
write the piece and how he thinks it has held up in retrospect. He makes
very clear that, with the benefit of hindsight, he has no regrets.
Looking
at the title essay fresh, two and a half years after it was first
published, one is struck by how offensive it is, and with how little
justification. It opens with a lynch mob. “Grinning white men stand next
to the mutilated, half-naked bodies of two men lashed to a post in the
street,” writes Serwer, describing an old photograph. He leaps from this
haunting image to a Trump rally, where he detects the same “rejoicing
in the anguish of those they see as unlike them.”
His evidence for
this incendiary claim is a rather hasty list of talking points, very
few of which live up to his tendentious billing. He accuses Trump of
“seeking to ethnically cleanse 193,000 American children,” which refers
to his not renewing temporary protected status for certain Salvadoran
refugees. “Mocking Puerto Rican accents shortly after thousands were
killed and tens of thousands displaced by Hurricane Maria” refers to this clip, which you can watch for yourself to see how innocuous it is.
theatlantic | The Museum of African-American
History and Culture is in part a catalog of cruelty. Amid all the
stories of perseverance, tragedy, and unlikely triumph are the artifacts
of inhumanity and barbarism: the child-size slave shackles, the bright
red robes of the wizards of the Ku Klux Klan, the recordings of
civil-rights protesters being brutalized by police.
The
artifacts that persist in my memory, the way a bright flash does when
you close your eyes, are the photographs of lynchings. But it’s not the
burned, mutilated bodies that stick with me. It’s the faces of the white
men in the crowd. There’s the photo of the lynching of Thomas Shipp and
Abram Smith in Indiana in 1930, in which a white man can be seen
grinning at the camera as he tenderly holds the hand of his wife or
girlfriend. There’s the undated photo from Duluth, Minnesota, in which
grinning white men stand next to the mutilated, half-naked bodies of two
men lashed to a post in the street—one of the white men is straining to
get into the picture, his smile cutting from ear to ear. There’s the
photo of a crowd of white men huddled behind the smoldering corpse of a
man burned to death; one of them is wearing a smart suit, a fedora hat,
and a bright smile.
Their
names have mostly been lost to time. But these grinning men were
someone’s brother, son, husband, father. They were human beings, people
who took immense pleasure in the utter cruelty of torturing others to
death—and were so proud of doing so that they posed for photographs with
their handiwork, jostling to ensure they caught the eye of the lens, so
that the world would know they’d been there. Their cruelty made them
feel good, it made them feel proud, it made them feel happy. And it made
them feel closer to one another.
The
Trump era is such a whirlwind of cruelty that it can be hard to keep
track. This week alone, the news broke that the Trump administration was
seeking to ethnically cleanse
more than 193,000 American children of immigrants whose temporary
protected status had been revoked by the administration, that the
Department of Homeland Security had lied about creating a database of
children that would make it possible to unite them with the families the Trump administration had arbitrarily destroyed, that the White House was considering a blanket ban on visas for Chinese students, and that it would deny visas to the same-sex partners of foreign officials. At a rally in Mississippi, a crowd of Trump supporters cheered
as the president mocked Christine Blasey Ford, the psychology professor
who has said that Brett Kavanaugh, whom Trump has nominated to a
lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court, attempted to rape her when
she was a teenager. “Lock her up!” they shouted.
theblaze | Why won't your favorite white cable newsman or newswoman tell you
what I'm telling you? Rachel Maddow, Anderson Cooper, Chris Cuomo, Joe
Scarborough, aren't they our allies? No. They're not. They're political
lobbyists working on behalf of the corporations and politicians pushing
the reset.
OK. What about me? You might think I'm a political
partisan working on behalf of conservative Republicans. That is
certainly how I've been painted by left-leaning media outlets and social
media platforms. And I'm now partnered with Blaze Media, a platform
that leans right.
Judge my career. I have been at this for more
than 30 years. I have been equally despised by the left and the right. I
have publicly feuded with Bill O'Reilly and Keith Olbermann. I've been a
guest on their old Fox News and MSNBC shows. I've worked and/or written
for ESPN, Fox Sports, the Huffington Post, Playboy Magazine, the New
York Times, the Wall Street Journal. I spent years bashing Sarah Palin.
I
don't play for any political team. I've never voted. I go wherever I
believe I can speak, follow, and write the truth. The truth I believe
the most is that Jesus Christ is our Lord and Savior.
I believe
Jesus is under attack. That's why I'm at Blaze Media. You can't defend
Jesus at corporate media outlets. Advertisers won't allow it. You can
discuss the religion of racism every day at ESPN, CNN, MSNBC, and even
Fox Sports. But it's taboo to discuss the cure for racism — Jesus — on
those platforms.
I'm not saying any of this because there's a big
paycheck for black men espousing my views. The money for black
broadcasters and journalists is connected to preaching the race-bait
religion.
Let me be clear. I'm not broke by any stretch. I've
earned and saved a substantial sum of money. But I've bypassed far more
money than I've earned with the choice I've made to follow the truth
wherever it leads and my refusal to support the racial groupthink
dictated by global elites.
My faith won't allow me to jump on
board with the lunacy, racism, and sacrilege of Black Lives Matter, a
movement founded by three lesbian self-admitted trained Marxists. BLM is
an atheist movement in support of LGBTQ issues and the reshaping of
America into a communist country. BLM is part of the deception.
Black people tell me all the time: "I don't support the BLM organization, but I support the slogan and sentiment."
Let
me translate that. You despise the devil's tree but love the fruit it
produces. That's some Don Lemon-Lori Lightfoot-Van Jones-Colin
Kaepernick level of hypocrisy. You know, all the Malcolm X-wannabe,
anti-white radicals in relationships with white partners. They hate the
white tree but can't live without the white fruit.
We have to stop
letting everyone use us. We're being played. We're all being played,
black and white working-class people. It's all a giant setup. Look at
what they did to Trump supporters. They were manipulated into storming
the Capitol, and then the corporate media portrayed it as a bloody,
violent KKK rally intended to overthrow democracy. The so-called
"insurrection" is an excuse for the government to seize more power and
crush dissent.
We, black people, have been convinced the crushing of working-class white people is good for us.
It's
not. Working-class white people, Christian white people, are our true
allies, not the elites. We can't see that because of the made-for-TV
hyper-focus on racial conflict.
The defunding and demoralizing of
police are tactics deployed to increase violence in major cities. Local
media outlets are focusing on this rise in crime, national media
outlets have followed suit, and social media platforms are generating
viral videos exposing the crime wave.
Guess who are the stars of this content. Black perpetrators.
It's
all a massive setup. The stirring of racial animus between Obama
worshippers and Trump worshippers is orchestrated by billionaire elites,
executed by trained Marxists, promoted by millionaire influencers in
the media, sports, and entertainment worlds, and co-signed by religious
leaders pursuing popularity.
adosfoundation | At a time when our wealthiest colleges and universities ought to be reckoning with the distinct role that slavery played in creating and sustaining them, and working with Black communities outside of academia to secure racial justice, it is regrettable to see Harvard University using its institutional might to try and discredit and libel activists most committed to that cause.
The Harvard Kennedy School's Misinformation Review's recent publication, "Disinformation creep: ADOS and the strategic weaponization of breaking news", is a clear attempt to use the Ivy League institution's esteemed name to legitimize an ongoing smear campaign directed at the American Descendants of Slavery (ADOS) movement. The report ascribes a familiar set of demonstrably false motivations to our political advocacy, with the authors frequently substituting subjective claims, innuendo, and outright lies for the sort of empirically-backed assertions one would expect to find in a publication from such a prestigious university.
Indeed, Disinformation creep's own language highlights the authors' corrupt and biased approach: "The tweets in Figures 2-5," they write, "are examples of breaking news stories which led to a spike of activity within the ADOS network (which do not necessarily correspond to the overall spikes shown in Figure 1). We then chose the ones that best illustrated the point we wanted to make" (emphasis ours).
In other words, the authors acknowledge combing through the data and seeking to make their findings conform to a predetermined opinion of what the ADOS movement represents. Leaving aside the matter of how this method is the very antithesis of the kind of spirit that should animate and guide honest inquiry and investigation into a particular subject, the examples used by the report's authors do not actually bear out the "point [they] wanted to make". Instead, the authors' careless relationship to methodology and analysis frequently propels the material squarely into the terrain of libel.
We intend to enumerate the report's chief claims and supply evidence to the contrary that will lay bare the defamatory nature of the report. In so doing we will prove how, in an attempt to police the acceptable bounds of black political agency in America, it maliciously conveys false information to its audience.
We demand a formal apology from Harvard and that the publisher issue a full and timely retraction of this document. The retraction must appear in Misinformation Review's next issue so its readers can gain a full understanding of the report's unsound scholarship and how the authors have baselessly vilified our movement and directly violated the journal's own stated mission of combating misinformation.
harvard | ADOS leverages legitimate moral and legal arguments for reparations and grievances about the failure of the Democratic party to adequately support one of its most loyal and critical voting blocs but brings in immigration. Including immigration as a distinguishing factor is justified by legitimate statistics around how Black immigrants have much higher levels of wealth and educational achievement, as well as better health outcomes (Brown etal., 2017) versus native-born Black Americans, differences that can indeed be directly attributed to racial stress and intergenerational trauma that started in slavery and persists today (Doamekpor & Dinwiddle, 2015), despite evidence that this divergenceis the fault of treatment by the dominant white culture (Iheduru, 2013), and not of the immigrants. Animating ADOS grievances are the negative attitudes that Black immigrants can hold about native-born Black Americans (Nsangou & Dundes, 2018; Telusma, 2019), as well as perceptions of dominant cultural narratives favoring those who are apart from the direct legacy of the trauma of slavery and the indictment that legacy presents for the moral foundations of the United States.
ADOS also resents what it sees as justice claims of other groups being prioritized over those of native-born Black Americans. However, it sees the solution as narrowly advocating for the interests of native-born Black Americans alone, and rejecting any solidarity or larger coalitions (N’COBRA, 2020), including trans-national movements for reparations or coalitions that address how systematic racism also lethally affects Black immigrants and other groups. Significantly, Carnell previously sat on the board of Progressives for Immigration Reform (PFIR), a subsidiary of the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), which has been identified as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center (Boehlert, 2019) because of its violent opposition to foreign nationals living in the United States.
The ultimate impact that ADOS may have had on the 2020 election will be hard to ascertain; however, it did have a notable media moment when rapper Ice Cube talked with the Trump campaign about his “Contract WithBlack America” in October, which was heavily based on ADOS ideas (Watts, 2020). The Trump campaign used this moment to claim approval from Ice Cube, an example of disinformation creep in trying to distract from Trump’s often outright racism and deep hostility and opposition to the far broader Movement for Black Lives coalition.
We scraped a set of 534 thousand tweets using “#ADOS” or two related terms (“#LineageMatters,” “AmericanDOS,” which we found were not widely used) and posted between November 1, 2019,and September 30, 2020, running analyses on weekly subsets to first understand the content of the ADOS network and to select tweets on which to carry out descriptive content analysis. The status_ids of the tweets, and scripts for both collection and analysis, are available from the Harvard Dataverse (Nkondeet al., 2021). For having accurate counts of daily frequencies to compare to real-world events, we supplemented this scraped set with access, via a third-party service, to a set of 1.36 million tweets pulled from the Twitter firehose. This includesa total of 1.1 million tweets using the #ADOS hashtag that were publicly visible on Twitter as of the end of 2020.
commondreams |After President Joe Biden and U.S. lawmakers on Thursday announced
a bipartisan deal on infrastructure that Democrats say they will only
support alongside a reconciliation bill, progressives doubled down on concerns about the compromise proposal's financing plans.
Rather than pushing for taxes targeting rich individuals and corporations, a White House fact sheet on the bipartisan package outlines
various other potential financing sources, from unused unemployment
insurance relief funds to reinstating Superfund fees for chemicals.
The
proposal that has progressives alarmed is relying on "public-private
partnerships, private activity bonds, direct pay bonds, and asset
recycling for infrastructure investment."
Asset recycling involves
the sale or lease of public assets to the private sector so the
government can put that money toward new investments. The policy was
previously encouraged by former U.S. President Donald Trump, despite lessons from Australia about its pitfalls.
As negotiations over the infrastructure deal dragged on last week, Rianna Eckel, an organizer with Food & Water Watch, cautioned
that it could "facilitate a Wall Street takeover of public services
like water." Mary Grant, the advocacy group's Public Water for All
director, echoed that warning Thursday.
"This
White House-approved infrastructure deal is a disaster in the making,"
Grant said in a statement. "It promotes privatization and so-called
'public-private partnerships' instead of making public investments in
publicly owned infrastructure."
Grant noted that "communities across the country have been ripped off
by public-private schemes that enrich corporations and Wall Street
investors and leave the rest of us to pick up the tab."
One infamous example, as Common Dreams recently reported, is the privatization of Chicago's parking meters. Illinois drivers filed a class-action lawsuit on Thursday alleging
that Chicago granted a private company "monopoly control over the
city's parking meter system for an astonishing 75-year-long period,
without regard for the changes in technology and innovations in
transportation taking place now and for the rest of the century."
Grant
charged that "privatization is nothing more than an outrageously
expensive way to borrow funds, with the ultimate bill paid back by
households and local businesses in the form of higher rates." She called
the White House's decision to support the proposal "disappointing and
outrageous."
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