cbc | Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has told his caucus he will
invoke the never-before-used Emergencies Act to give the federal
government extra powers to handle anti-vaccine mandate protests across
the country, sources say.
Those sources, who were not authorized
to speak publicly, said the prime minister informed the premiers of his
decision this morning.
The
Emergencies Act, which replaced the War Measures Act in the 1980s,
defines a national emergency as a temporary "urgent and critical
situation" that "seriously endangers the lives, health or safety of
Canadians and is of such proportions or nature as to exceed the capacity
or authority of a province to deal with it."
It gives special
powers to the prime minister to respond to emergency scenarios affecting
public welfare (natural disasters, disease outbreaks), public order
(civil unrest), international emergencies or war emergencies.
The
act grants cabinet the ability to "take special temporary measures that
may not be appropriate in normal times" to cope with an "urgent and
critical situation" and the resulting fallout. It is still subject to
the protections of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Once cabinet declares an emergency, it takes effect right away —
but the government still needs to go to Parliament within seven days to
get approval. If either the Commons or the Senate votes against the
motion, the emergency declaration is revoked.
NDP Leader Jagmeet
Singh said Monday that while he sees the prime minister's decision to
turn to the Emergencies Act as "proof of a failure of leadership,"
he will support the declaration — which should secure its passage
through a minority Parliament.
"The reason why we got to this
point is because the prime minister let the siege in Ottawa go on for
weeks and weeks without actually doing anything about it, allowed the
convoy to shut down borders without responding appropriately," he said.
ianwelsh | The left cannot do what the truckers do because if they did, they
would be shut down with extreme violence — if they were even allowed to
get going. Remember, the Ottawa police chief let the truckers set up,
knowing in advance what they were going to do.
Note also, that the right uses decentralized action a lot. Their
shooters are created by their ideology, but act individually. The
truckers may have organization, but they are individuals. Each truck has
to be seized individually. There is some central organization, and when
its visible it’s taken out (the shut down of the GoFundMe) but mostly
it’s buried in the financial and third-party weeds. Ezra Levant of Rebel
news, for example, hired a lawyer to fight parking tickets for the
truckers. He’s not directly involved so far as we know yet, but he is
indirectly involved.
Then there’s Ontario’s Prime Minister, Doug Ford. Doug could have
this stuff broken up easily, and if it truly does need the military,
he’s the person with the authority to call them in (the Feds arguably
can’t without passing a new law). Doug’s daughter is with the
protesters.
FDR alleged (but only allegedly) once said, “You’ve convinced me. I
agree with what you’ve said. Now go out and make me do it.” Doug almost
certainly agrees with the truckers, but he knows that polling is against
him.
“Make me do it.”
Killing people for the market is economic orthodoxy. Impoverishing
people so the rich can get richer is economic orthodoxy. Taking care of
people, in the US, Canada, and Britain is against the ruling ideology —
it is actually not legitimate. (It is in China and Japan, as people
there are viewed as productive assets, not as assets to be mined.)
For unions to do what the truckers do they would have to start by
decentralizing. No significant headquarters, few assets to be seized,
and leadership that doesn’t matter because anyone can lead. If the
“president” is locked up, it doesn’t matter because someone else steps
up, and regular members know what to do anyway.
Plus, there needs to an implicit threat. “If you take us out by
force, we will keep showing up, and you can’t lock us all up.” The
“truckers” (most truckers disagree with them, including the Teamsters)
belong to a movement that shows up at school board meetings, that
pickets hospitals & legislatures and threatens nurses, and that is
generally perceived as dangerous. Politicians don’t feel entirely safe
using force and law against them, though this is (or was) far more true
in the US than in Canada. The left has spent generations telling
themselves that violence is always bad and that even the threat of it
should never ever even be considered because Gandhi, Gandhi, Gandhi.
All people are equal, but some people are more equal than others. All
protests are equal, but some protests are more equal. Some ideologies
are far more equal than others.
bbc | If the Ottawa protest has caused maximum community disturbance, then the
Windsor protest caused maximum economic disruption by shutting down one
of the country's major trade arteries, the Ambassador Bridge linking
Windsor with Detroit, Michigan.
More
than $323m (£238m) in goods crosses that bridge every day, and for
nearly a week, not a dollar has made it to the US or back.
Almost
half of that is from the trade of car parts, says Flavio Volpe,
president of the Automotive Parts Manufacturers Association.
He does not mince words when it comes to the protest.
"In
Windsor we have at its core, several dozen people who are
macroeconomically illiterate and absolutely disrespectful of their own
community, that they would imperil the economy of the region to make a
point," he said.
"Never has a tantrum cost so many people so much."
After the clearance operation, police remained behind. The bridge will reopen on Sunday or Monday.
But
Volpe said the harm to the auto-parts industry will last much longer
than that, because it will take three to four days to get the supply
chain fully functional. The total cost of lost production and shipments
he estimates at about C$1b ($790m, £580m).
He
also said the damage to Canada's reputation with its US trading partner
is devastating, especially as American politicians push for
protectionist policies.
In
a statement, Windsor police say there will be "zero tolerance" for any
illegal activity. But how they will stop further blockades from
springing up, while still keeping the bridge open, remains to be seen.
Sergeant Betteridge said he hopes the occupants feel they were heard and realise that further disruption is not required.
"The protesters came wanting to get a message across, and I think they did get a message across," he said.
"If anyone is thinking of breaking the law, they've seen what has happened here."
The origin of the truckers protest was
economic – stemming from the mandatory 14-day quarantine for unvaccinated drivers after crossing the border. As owner
operators, this would have restricted their ability to make a
livelihood. The protest then morphed into something else.
canada | Today, the Minister of Health, the Honourable Jean-Yves Duclos, the
Minister of Transport, the Honourable Omar Alghabra, and the Minister of
Public Safety, the Honourable Marco Mendicino, issued the following
statement:
"On November 19, 2021, we announced
that as of January 15, 2022, certain categories of travellers who are
currently exempt from entry requirements, will only be allowed to enter
the country if they are fully vaccinated with one of the vaccines
approved for entry into Canada.
These groups include several essential service providers, including
truck drivers. Let us be clear: This has not changed. The information
shared yesterday was provided in error. Our teams have been in touch
with industry representatives to ensure they have the correct
information.
A Canadian truck driver who is not fully vaccinated can't be denied entry into Canada—Canadian citizens, persons registered as Indians under the Indian Act and permanent residents may enter Canada by right.
As announced in November and as we've communicated with the industry
recently, starting January 15, unvaccinated Canadian truck drivers
entering Canada will need to meet requirements for pre-entry, arrival
and Day 8 testing, as well as quarantine requirements.
The final decision regarding entry and quarantine is made by a
government representative at the port of entry, based on the information
presented to them at the time.
Any individual who is symptomatic upon arrival to Canada will be
directed to a Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC) official and will be
directed to isolate for 10 days from the time they enter Canada .
As of January 15, 2022, unvaccinated or partially vaccinated foreign
national truck drivers, coming to Canada from the US by land, will be
directed back to the United States.
To qualify as a fully vaccinated traveller and to enter Canada, foreign national truck drivers must:
have received at least two doses of a vaccine accepted for travel, a mix of two accepted vaccines
or at least one dose of the Janssen/Johnson & Johnson vaccine
have received their second dose at least 14 full days before they enter Canada
For example: if a driver received their second dose anytime on
Saturday, January 1, then Sunday, January 16 would be the first day that
they would meet the 14-day condition.
Have submitted all required COVID-19 information into ArriveCAN.
theguardian | “Freedom” protests similar in form and
simultaneously nebulous in broadly anti-vax/anti-mandate political goals
have materialised in Britain, France and New Zealand. A convoy claiming to originate from across Europe is making its way towards Brussels.
An ongoing gathering that locals alternately describe as “Spring Break
for QAnon” or “Camp Covid” is encamped outside Australian Parliament
House in Canberra.
Across
these countries, protestors appear as a wild herd of “sovcit”,
anti-vaxxer, QAnonner and more nefarious fellow travellers, alongside
some more ordinary people. Sometimes it’s hard to tell whether social
media content about these events has been gathered by extremism
monitors, or comedians.
Participants
unwilling to be injected with a free vaccine safely used on hundreds of
millions of people further advise each other that drinking one’s own
wee is curative and somehow “camel urine deals with cancer”. Monitors
observe attendees costumed as paramedics, pilots and deceased Libyan
leader Muammar Gaddafi. Someone really wears a tinfoil hat.
In New Zealand,
the monitors themselves hijacked the Telegram and Zello channels the
protestors use to organise. They’ve sown chaos and crammed the convoy’s
Spotify playlist with songs like Redneck Piece of White Trash, Why Don’t
You Get a Job and Dumb Fuck.
In Canada, protestors have used their vehicles to blockade entire Ottawa neighbourhoods, erecting jumping castles and even saunas.
Participants stiffly stage ceremonies to anoint one another faux powers
of police. Amid the carnival of crank it all reads like character-based
black comedy … but this investment in a parallel reality is not satire.
It’s not performance. It’s complete. It’s terrifying.
Wherever this “freedom movement” manifests, a
similar cast of characters emerges. Light-in-the-eyes zealots holler
conspiracy theories. Grifters solicit to camera like a roll of tabloid
clickbait. Burly, closed-mouth types appear to be handling secretive
logistics. Around them are impassioned, often inarticulate – and
poorly-costumed – clowns.
Don’t let the ridiculousness distract from the threat.
I spent a year undercover in the broadly QAnon movement researching a book;
I understand well why democratic citizens may struggle to take
seriously the crossed streams of alien lizard aficionados,
drink-your-own-wee health enthusiasts and those people who believe
democrats eat children’s faces. Even while besieged in his capital and
struggling to contain the protests, Canadian PM Justin Trudeau hasn’t
yet called in the army; he’s made the point that in more than 80%-vaxxed
Canada, those protesting vaccine mandates are indeed a “fringe” – the
truckers aren’t backed by their unions, more than 90% of their industry
is vaccinated. The tomfoolery in Canberra could not be considered a
representative movement of Australians either. Like New Zealanders and
the Europeans, we’re a country with a high vaccination rate too.
thestar | Canadian intelligence and policing has
not kept up with the “clear and present danger” represented by these
well-funded groups of angry young men.
The
most alarming revelation, though, is the large hole that has been blown
in our walls of protection against foreign influence in Canadian
political life. Conservative hysteria pre-pandemic about American
environmental foundations’ funding of green groups here turned out to
simply be that — hysteria.
In
Alberta, the Kenney government spent millions of public dollars trying
to find the secret bank accounts and found pennies. Conservatives’
reactions to the revelation that the militant truckers have access to
millions of American dollars — with the promise of millions more from
international neo-fascist allies — will be interesting. This flood of
cash is a genuine threat to the sovereignty of Canadian democracy.
A
chilling incident unfolded before my eyes this week, as I drove by the
truckers’ Ottawa compound. Suddenly, two large black SUVs swept past me
and turned into the protest command centre. They had New York state
plates. Interestingly, they had no insignia, no flags and no slogans
anywhere; they wanted to be invisible. It was an almost cinematic
moment, with the bad guys surfacing at the scene of the crime.
We
now need to reconsider how we prevent the flow of secret money from the
U.S. into the hands of Canadian militants — or worse, from there into
the war chests of the People’s Party of Canada, or even Conservative
candidates. Our current election finance laws were not written to deal
with this type of interference. Neither do we have the investigatory or
prosecution expertise to track it being washed through third parties.
The successful blockade of three of the
nation’s important north-south trucking corridors is ominous. How do we
harden our ability to prevent this? Unless this ends soon with fines and
even prison sentences, it sets a damaging precedent. That owners of
heavy equipment or RVs can blockade a bridge, highway or an entire city
is unacceptable in a democracy. Now that heavy tow truck owners have
caved to the truckers’ threats, there is literally no one to remove the
insurgents.
Former defence minister
David Pratte eloquently summed up the inevitable end to this impasse,
declaring that Ottawa has every right to use the military. He aptly
observed that “when there is no one else to turn to, the military are
there as a disciplined, well-trained and professional body to take
orders under strict rules of engagement and get a job done. The Ottawa
occupation should be treated as a national emergency. If allowed to
continue, it will breed disrespect for the law … It will encourage
others who abuse the constitutionally protected right to protest and who
weaponize the concept of freedom.”
Societies are subject to revolution when an elite faction wants it, the enforcer class is unwilling to defend the status quo, and there is a significant popular faction who want change. All three are generally necessary.
The Ottawa incident is conspicuously overshadowed by the Ambassador Bridge blockade, because the latter has serious economic consequences. We will soon know exactly how serious the Canadian Conservative Party is if the Detroit-Windsor choke point isn’t rapidly cleared. (It began clearing up Saturday morning - following an enhanced show of force)
The bridge blockades to date haven’t been happening to provinces like B.C or Quebec, but provinces with Conservative Premiers like Doug Ford (brother of Rob Ford) and Jason Kenney. It’s almost as though the protestors know that the authorities in those provinces won’t take steps to rein them in.
If I were among Canada’s current rulers, I’d be worried, not by the left, but by the right. The left doesn’t have an elite faction supporting it or the complicity of at least some police.
The vast majority of Canadian covid restrictions are provincial, not federal. The federal ones (international travel and air transport) are high-profile.
This makes it easy to sort the partisans partisans by the nature of their complaints – if the Feds/Trudeau are at fault for everything, they’re either hard-core conservatives or outright sympathizers. If [insert conservative premier(s)] are at fault for everything, they’re hardcore Liberal (possibly NDP). [Does not apply to Quebec, one half-hour later in Newfoundland.]
Ontario’s premier, Doug Ford, is keeping his head down and wants this all to fall to Trudeau – it’s not like he’s out there actively helping Ottawa, mobilizing police, or clarifying which rules are provincial. He has an election coming up in June this year. This approach is mostly being repeated in other provinces, with some differences (Quebec very different) – blame the feds, duck and cover.
It’s also very clear that Ford and others would far, far prefer the Feds have to mobilize federal resources instead of them – i.e. the military (because RCMP is provincial police force in many provinces). Trudeau does not want to be the second Trudeau to deploy the military domestically (that would drive the right berserk in a bad way).
Provincial announcements lifting restrictions (or setting timelines) have made it pretty clear the convoy protestors/their leadership (widely referred to here as #FluTrucksKlan) really do not care about the policy specifics – the only core, unmutable thing they want is Trudeau’s resignation. Draw your own conclusions.
It has not helped that the conservative party is going through its own throes of deciding between the somewhat-moderate leadership of O’Toole or throwing him under the bus and doubling down on social conservatives and anti_Trudeau everything.
O’Toole’s gone and everyone angling to replace him has been flirting with the protests – swerving back to hrumph-hrumph when they sense it’s getting really unpopular. Not that anyone expected courage from the federal conservatives, but unified party leadership might have kept the twitter-happy from getting too far over their skis and outright associating with the very nasty parts of the protest. (We shall see but I think this will hurt them long-term)
There are lots of ‘normal Canadians’ who symphathize with parts of the ‘movement’ complaints about covid restrictions. Some of those non-awful people are out protesting. Some will come out and hold signs supporting. Some just say ‘I don’t like this convoy stuff, but I am pissed off about …[insert own thing].” No-one I know thinks schools have been handled well – not a single person – but they mostly disagree about what should have been done. (Schools of course entirely provincial responsibility, some delegation to municipalities – but that doesn’t stop about a quarter of the pop from blaming Trudeau anyway).
But the leadership of the convoys is a different matter – they’ve just found a social wave they can surf and grift. Most of these have just been throwing lines out hoping for a hit for ages.
theline | I don't honestly know the backstory of the how and why the Ottawa
protest was allowed to settle into the downtown core the way it did. It
was obviously a massive intelligence and planning failure, but what kind
of failure? And whose? Did they not have enough information? Bad
information? Did they have good information that, for whatever reason,
they didn’t accept or trust? That's not the sort of thing you can
discover wandering the site. But I can tell you that some of the
protesters themselves are surprised by how easy it was for them to set
up shop.
I have the terrible feeling, and I've spoken with five
separate sources in government roles or in adjacent security positions
who all confirmed this, that Sloly is one of the damn few people in
Ottawa who understands the situation he's in, and he's trying to get
everyone else to notice, or at least to catch up to his understanding.
My sources, alas, seem to think that most others involved in
decision-making are only just now starting to realize the enormity of
the challenge in the capital. Sloly figured it out last week.
The
chief is very political. I say that with no disrespect. Becoming the
chief of a major police force isn't something that happens because you
catch the most bad guys. It happens because you're good at working your
way up through the power structures of a very particular institution.
Sloly talks like a politician. But if you listen closely, and if you
follow along across his briefings, you start to see a theme. From the
moment he first mentioned that there might not be a policing solution to
this protest, and hinted that we need the armed forces, he's been
signalling to the public that Ottawa, as a city, has lost control of
itself. That's a blunt description, but as I noted in a Twitter thread
after a pretty remarkably stark Ottawa Police Services Board meeting on
the weekend, Sloly was clear: the city needs to be rescued. It has lost
control, it is outnumbered, and it cannot fix this problem with the
resources on hand.
Rescued from what? The crowd around Parliament Hill is mostly — not
entirely, but mostly — peaceful. I grant that; I've seen it with my own
eyes. And a few minutes' walk from those sites, now that the horns have
been largely silenced by a court order, the city feels quite normal. The
idea that Ottawa needs rescuing may seem absurd, but it's not. The
longer this goes on, the harder it will become to convince the
protesters to leave, and the harder it will be to stop others from
joining in. The Ambassador Bridge, which links Windsor to Detroit, is
now blocked. Would that have happened if Ottawa had been cleared quickly
and decisively?
The inaction that has so infuriated Ottawans, and the very visible
displays of police ineffectiveness as protesters fuel trucks from
jerrycans despite the city’s stated plan to stop such activity, cannot
be easily explained, and no doubt has multiple contributing causes. Some
is probably simply political expediency, with all the various leaders
wanting someone else to take the blame in case it goes badly (which it
likely will). Some is probably just necessary delay while plans are made
and logistics arranged. And then there’s just the good, old-fashioned
problem of our expectations being a problem, as I’ve written about here.
Canadian officials are struggling to realize just how deep in the muck
they are, despite what seems like increasingly exasperated efforts by
Sloly (and I believe a few others) to get them caught up to the present.
I don't think most of our leaders are there yet.
Also, there’s this: there's another element of the protest that's nothing at all like a festival.
cbc | For nearly two weeks anti-vaccine mandate demonstrators and
their big rigs have entrenched themselves in Ottawa's parliamentary
district and its neighbourhoods.
Despite a strategic strike by
police to cut off supplies to truckers encamped in the city's downtown
core, protesters appear to still have the upper hand on police.
It's
a success that experts partly attribute to the deep knowledge of law
enforcement and military tactics that exist in the convoy's
organizational structure.
The group Police on Guard, formed
during the pandemic, has endorsed the truck convoy. On its website, it
publicly identifies more than 150 mostly retired police officers who are
against government-imposed public health measures, such as vaccine
mandates. More than 50 former Canadian Forces soldiers are also named on
its site.
The organization says it has "boots on the ground" in
Ottawa and has linked to YouTube videos of its members participating in
the protest.
Furthermore, the leadership team for the protesters calling themselves the Freedom Convoy includes:
Daniel
Bulford, a former RCMP officer who was on the prime minister's security
detail. He quit last year after refusing to get the vaccine and is the
convoy's head of security.
Tom Quiggin, a former
military intelligence officer who also worked with the RCMP and was
considered one of the country's top counter-terrorism experts.
Tom
Marazzo, an ex-military officer who, according to his LinkedIn profile,
served in the Canadian Forces for 25 years and now works as a freelance
software developer.
The leaders of the Freedom Convoy refuse to be interviewed by
journalists unless they consider them friendly to their cause, and CBC
News has been barred from their media conferences. In a video posted
from one of those news conferences posted on social media, Quiggin gives
his assessment of the political and police response in Ottawa, which he
calls "the opposition."
"I would say the opposition at this
point doesn't actually have a strategy. They have a sort of weak goal
and that they want the streets cleared, but they have no real idea how
they want to get there," he said.
In the video, Quiggin says
that during his tenure at the RCMP, he worked with the Integrated
National Security Enforcement Team (INSET). INSET was created to thwart
terror threats following 9/11 and includes top officials from CSIS,
Canada's spy agency, the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) and
municipal police forces.
It's unclear what Quiggin's role at INSET was at the time.
In
that same video, he referenced the blockades at the border crossing in
Coutts, Alta., and parallel protests in Toronto, Quebec City and Sarnia.
dailymail | Freedom Convoy truckers are STILL on US-Canada bridge after both a 7
pm court AND midnight deadline from Ontario police to forcibly remove
them came and went
Freedom
Convoy truckers are still on the US-Canada Ambassador Bridge - in
defiance of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's 7pm and then
midnight deadlines to clear the road on Friday
Protesters
blocking the busiest land border in North America - the bridge between
Detroit and Windsor - refused to leave, despite a Canadian judge on
Friday evening granting an injunction against their presence
Ottawa police were on the scene with threats to forcibly remove the truckers who have been blocking the busy bridge for days
But
the big showdown never came as police declined to move in on the
hundreds of protesters milling around on the comparatively mild 38
degrees Fahrenheit evening
Police patrol cars were parked with their lights flashing, but few officers were visible.
Conservative Ontario Premier Doug Ford on Friday declared a state of emergency, threatening fines and jail
US group 'Convoy to Save America' is launching convoys from Nashville and New York City this weekend
zerohedge | Harvard professor, CNN analyst and former Obama admin undersecretary of Homeland Security Juliette Kayyem has called for violence and vandalism against Freedom Convoy protesters who have amassed on the bridge that connects Detroit, Michigan to Windsor, Ontario.
The convoy protest, applauded by right wing media as a "freedom protest," is an economic and security issue now. The Ambassador Bridge link constitutes 28% of annual trade movement between US and Canada. Slash the tires, empty gas tanks, arrest the drivers, and move the trucks ✔️ https://t.co/nvRQTfPWir
"The Ambassador Bridge link constitutes 28% of annual trade movement between US and Canada," tweeted Kayyem. "Slash the tires, empty gas tanks, arrest the drivers, and move the trucks."
In addition to a monumentally stupid idea considering the logistics of
moving trucks with no fuel and slashed tires, one has to wonder if
Kayyem is saying the quiet part out loud when it comes to how Democrats
respond to non-BLM protests.
The blockade, now in its fourth day, has drawn the attention of
Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who called on Canadian authorities to
reopen the bridge, according to the Epoch Times.
"The
blockade is having a significant impact on Michigan’s working families
who are just trying to do their jobs. Our communities and automotive,
manufacturing, and agriculture businesses are feeling the effects. It’s
hitting paychecks and production lines. That is unacceptable," the
Democratic governor said in a Thursday statement.
"It is
imperative that Canadian local, provincial, and national governments
de-escalate this economic blockade," she added, without suggesting how.
"They must take all necessary and appropriate steps to immediately and
safely reopen traffic so we can continue growing our economy, supporting
good-paying jobs, and lowering costs for families."
According to Kayyem, slashing tires, stealing gas, arresting the protesters, and somehow moving all the trucks is the way to go.
NYTimes | The
Central Intelligence Agency secretly financed striking labor unions and
trade groups in Chile for more than 18 months before President Salvador
Allende Gossens was overthrown, intelligence sources revealed today.
They
said that the majority of more than $8‐million authorized for
clandestine C.I.A. activities in Chile was used in 1972 and 1973 to
provide strike benefits and other means of support for anti‐Allende
strikers and workers.
William E, Colby, Director of Central Intelligence, had no comment when told of The Times's information.
In
testimony today before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Secretary of State Kissinger asserted that the intelligence agency's
involvement in Chile had beeen authorized solely to keep alive political
parties and news media threatened by Mr. Allende's minority Government.
The clandestine activities, Mr. Kissinger said, were not aimed at
subverting that Government.
Among
those heavily subsidized, the sources said, were the organizers of a
nationwide truck strike that lasted 26 days in the fall of 1972,
seriously disrupting Chile's economy and provoking the first of a series
of labor crises for President Allende.
Direct
subsidies, the sources said, also were provided for a strike of
middle‐class shopkeepers and a taxi strike among others, that disrupted
the capital city of Santiago in the summer of 1973, shortly before Mr.
Allende was over thrown by a military coup.
At
its peak, the 1973 strikes involved more than 250,000 truck drivers,
shopkeepers and professionals who banded to gether in a middle‐class
move ment that, many analysts have concluded, made a violent overthrow
inevitable.
The Times's sources, while
readily, acknowledging the intelligence agency's secret support for the
middle classes, insisted that the Nixon Administration's goal had not
been to force an end to the Presidency of Mr. Allende.
The
sources noted that a request from the truckers union for more C.I.A.
financial aid in August, 1973, one month before the coup, was rejected
by the 40 Committee, the intelligence review board headed by Secretary
of State Kissinger.
NYTimes | The 23‐day truckers’ strike has had “catastrophic” repercussions on Chile's already ailing economy, the Government said today.
The
first detailed report on the ‘economic consequences of the walkout said
that agriculture was seriously threatened, industry had slowed and
supplies of commodities had reached “a crucial point.”
“This
is a political strike aimed at overthrowing the Government, with the
help of imperialism,” said Gonzalo Martner, Minister of National
Planning and one of the chief policy makers for President Salvador
Allende Gossens's socialist Government.
Left‐wing
newspapers have accused the United States of financing the truckers’
strike and the anti‐Government campaign in the opposition news media in
an attempt to carry out an “economic coup d'etat.”
Meanwhile,
the Government continued behind‐the‐scenes efforts to reach an
agreement with the National Confederation of Truck Owners and bus and
taxi associations, who demand guarantees that the transport industry
will not be taken over by the state.
There
is no official estimate of the losses caused by the walkout but
reliable sources put them at about $100‐million —half of the
$200‐million that last October's month ‐long strikes were officially
said to have cost.
People have
suffered more from the current strike because the country had not built
up its supplies after the October stoppage. However, the damage is not
so great because the movement is not general by any means. Business and
professional associations have threatened to join the truckers, as they
did last year, but have not yet done so.
Production in general is expected to decline by about 10 per cent this year—if the strike is settled soon.
The
official report on the walkout, published by the National Office of
Planning, said that half of the country's more than 40,000 trucks were
off the road. The striking truckers maintain the industry is totally
paralyzed.
globeandmail | The Ontario government
says it has successfully petitioned a court to freeze access to millions
of dollars donated through online fundraising platform GiveSendGo to
the convoy protesting COVID-19 restrictions in Ottawa and at several border crossings.
The
province obtained an order from the Superior Court of Justice that
prohibits anyone from distributing donations made through the website’s
“Freedom Convoy 2022″ and “Adopt-a-Trucker” campaign pages, said a
spokeswoman for Premier Doug Ford.
Ivana
Yelich said the order binding “any and all parties with possession or
control over these donations” was issued Thursday afternoon. She cited a
section of the Criminal Code that allows the attorney general to apply
for a restraint order against any “offence-related property.”
Donors
initially raised more than $10-million through GoFundMe, which
announced last Friday it was pulling the plug on the campaign and that
the money would be refunded. The site said it initially believed the
demonstration was going to be peaceful, but withdrew its support after
police and local leaders raised concerns it had become an “occupation.”
Convoy
organizers quickly set up new campaigns on Christian fundraising site
GiveSendGo. As of Thursday, “Freedom Convoy 2022″ had raised
$US8.4-million and “Adopt-a-Trucker” had amassed more than $686,000.
GiveSendGo posted a statement on Twitter Thursday night about its “Freedom Convoy” campaign.
“Know this! Canada has absolutely ZERO jurisdiction over how we manage our funds here at GiveSendGo,” it said.
“All
funds for EVERY campaign on GiveSendGo flow directly to the recipients
of those campaigns, not least of which is The Freedom Convoy campaign.”
Organizers
have also touted the cryptocurrency Bitcoin as another way to generate
funds for protesters and avoid other potential fundraising shutdowns,
including during a news conference that was livestreamed to supporters
on Wednesday.
Ontario’s
move to freeze access to the donations comes the same day as an
all-party House of Commons committee of MPs heard testimony from deputy
directors of Canada’s financial intelligence hub about how it doesn’t
cover crowdfunding sites like GoFundMe.
AP | A blockade of the
bridge between Canada and Detroit by protesters demanding an end to
Canada’s COVID-19 restrictions forced the shutdown Wednesday of a Ford
plant and began to have broader implications for the North American auto
industry.
Prime
Minister Justin Trudeau, meanwhile, stood firm against an easing of
Canada’s COVID-19 restrictions in the face of mounting pressure during
recent weeks by protests against the restrictions and against Trudeau
himself.
The
protest by people mostly in pickup trucks entered its third day at the
Ambassador Bridge between Detroit and Windsor, Ontario. Traffic was
prevented from entering Canada, while U.S.-bound traffic was still
moving.
The
bridge carries 25% of all trade between the two countries, and Canadian
authorities expressed increasing worry about the economic effects.
Ford
said late Wednesday that parts shortages forced it to shut down its
engine plant in Windsor and to run an assembly plant in Oakville,
Ontario, on a reduced schedule.
“This interruption on the Detroit-Windsor bridge hurts customers, auto
workers, suppliers, communities and companies on both sides of the
border,” Ford said in a statement. “We hope this situation is resolved
quickly because it could have widespread impact on all automakers in the
U.S. and Canada.”
Shortages due to the
blockade also forced General Motors to cancel the second shift of the
day at its midsize-SUV factory near Lansing, Michigan. Spokesman Dan
Flores said it was expected to restart Thursday and no additional impact
was expected for the time being.
Later
Wednesday, Toyota spokesman Scott Vazin said the company will not be
able to manufacture anything at three Canadian plants for the rest of
this week due to parts shortages. A statement attributed the problem to
supply chain, weather and pandemic-related challenges, but the shutdowns
came just days after the blockade began Monday.
“Our
teams are working diligently to minimize the impact on production,” the
company said, adding that it doesn’t expect any layoffs at this time.
Stellantis,
formerly Fiat Chrysler, reported normal operations, though the company
had to cut shifts short the previous day at its Windsor minivan plant.
“We are watching this very closely,″ White House spokesperson Jen Psaki said earlier of the bridge blockade.
foxnews | Multiple Capitol Hill sources tell Fox News they are unaware of any
plan for truckers to duplicate anything in Washington. Still, Fox is
told there have been conversations about what would happen if
18-wheelers and other rigs paralyzed the Capitol.
Don’t call C.W. McCall and Rubber Duck just yet.
For starters, the U.S. Capitol Police
have prohibited large trucks from creeping anywhere near the Capitol
complex since just after 9/11. There has been increased surveillance
around the Capitol for potential "truck bombs" and other threats after
the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Police routinely divert or pull over
trucks that roll onto prohibited streets.
Of course, you can’t
really pull over every truck if a convoy of trucks rolled toward Capitol
Hill. That was the problem on Jan. 6. The Capitol Police didn’t have
the wherewithal to quell thousands of protesters.
That said, there is historic precedent for an over-the-road, over-the-top, motorized demonstration in Washington.
Farmers
routinely began jamming up traffic in Washington, D.C., to protest farm
prices in the late 1970s. In the winter of 1978, thousands of farmers
rode their tractors to Washington, snarling traffic on I-66 in Virginia.
Tractors putted along at 15 mph.
A confrontation between seven
farmers and police prompted seven arrests. A group of farmers set off on
foot, marching along Pennsylvania Avenue. Choruses of "Let’s go get ‘em
out" of jail echoed through the D.C. streets.
The farmers then unloaded goats to graze on the Capitol grounds.
Officials declared that the farmers created a "monstrous rush-hour
traffic jam." The tactics of the farmers were so aggressive that the
stunt turned off lawmakers to their plight.
The Washington Post
characterized the farmers as "growing more militant" in their approach.
Farmers stormed out of a meeting with House Agriculture Committee
Chairman and future House Speaker Tom Foley, D-Wash. Foley told them he
favored legislation to help boost prices for agricultural commodities -
couldn’t guarantee a bill would turn higher profits for farmers.
Undaunted, the caravans of tractors returned to Washington in January 1979.
Thousands
of farmers lumbered down I-270 and the Beltway toward the heart of the
city, driving tractors, combines and hauling everything from planters to
balers. Capitol Police brought in extra officers to deal with the
farmers and barred their agricultural implements from the Capitol
grounds.
TIME | It’s hard to imagine another profession where people don’t get paid
for hours they spend at work—unless it’s gig economy jobs where Uber
drivers don’t get paid for the time they spend waiting for a passenger
to order a car. Some of the problems in trucking arose because the job
essentially went from a steady, well-paid job to gig work after the
deregulation of the trucking industry in the 1980s, says Steve Viscelli,
a sociologist at the University of Pennsylvania and the author of the
book The Big Rig: Trucking and the Decline of the American Dream.
Deregulation
essentially changed trucking from a system where a few companies had
licenses to take freight on certain routes for certain rates into a
system where just about anyone with a motor-carrier authority could move
anything anywhere, for whatever the market would pay. As more carriers
got into trucking post-deregulation, union rates fell, as did wages.
Total employee compensation fell 44% in over-the-road trucking between
1977 and 1987, he says. Today, drivers get paid about 40% less than they
did in the late 1970s, Viscelli says, but are twice as productive as
they were then.
Now that truck drivers are gig workers, the inefficiencies of the
supply chain are making the jobs worse and worse, as Grewal has
discovered. “So much of this is about the inefficient use of time. Is
there a shortage of truck drivers? Probably not. But they are certainly
being used less and less efficiently,” Viscelli says. “That’s the long
term consequence of not pricing their time.”
Ironically,
the louder the narrative becomes about the “shortage” of truck drivers,
the more resources pop up to funnel people into driving. In 1990, the
trucking industry figured it needed about 450,000 new drivers and warned of a shortage; in 2018, before the pandemic, the industry said it was short 60,800 drivers.
history | At 10:00 p.m. on December 3, 1973, a 37-year old trucker from
Overland Park, Kansas named J.W. Edwards stopped his rig suddenly in the
middle of Interstate I-80 near Blakeslee, Pennsylvania and picked up
his CB radio microphone. The insurrection he was about to start, using
his now-famous handle “River Rat,” would give America’s independent
truckers their first national voice and, along the way, elevate them to
folk-hero status.
Edwards was beyond frustrated and scared for his
livelihood. His job hauling meat from the Midwest to New York had
become an agonizing slog because an oil embargo—levied by the Middle
Eastern petroleum-producing cartel OPEC against the United States for
its support of Israel—had dramatically jacked up diesel fuel prices.
With rationing imposed, he was stopping at every virtually filling
station along his route. Worse still, the federal government was
considering a national maximum speed limit of 55 m.p.h. For long-haul
drivers, time lost meant money lost, and oil geopolitics had made
Edwards’s $12,000-a-year job even more precarious. Near Blakeslee, his
tank reached empty. Out of fuel, but full of frustration that truckers
were the forgotten little guys in the global fossil-fuel wars, Edwards
decided, on the spot, to take to his CB and make some noise.
In the 1970s, truck drivers commonly used Citizens Band (CB) radio
to alert their fellow big-rig drivers to traffic conditions, choice
fueling spots and lurking police traps. Without proper FCC radio
licenses and reluctant to announce their real names over the airwaves,
truckers assumed fanciful “handles” and developed colorful slang. They
called diesel fuel motion lotion. They dubbed toll booths cash registers. Police became bears: Smokey bears for state troopers who wore campaign hats like Smokey the Bear, bears in the air for police helicopters. Feeding the bears meant
paying for a ticket—something more truckers were doing due to new speed
restrictions. The OPEC embargo accelerated the CB’s popularity, mostly
because it allowed drivers to share places to find motion lotion.
The protest goes national
As
other truckers stopped to help Edwards, he broadcast via CB that he was
blocking the interstate to protest high gas prices, limited fuel supply
and the proposed speed limit. Instantly, he found sympathy. One trucker
stated, “If a man is going to be broke, he might as well go broke
sitting still.” Others, with handles like Flying Dutchman and Captain
Zag, soon joined in. Within an hour, hundreds of rigs came to a halt on
I-80. The action paralyzed more than 1,000 vehicles in a jam that
extended 12 miles in both directions.
News of River Rat’s protest spread, and within hours, trucker
demonstrations peppered the nation’s highways, with thousands slowing or
stopping their vehicles, snarling travel for miles. By December 4, more
than 10 states saw demonstrations by angry drivers who demanded to be
heard by the federal government—and weren’t afraid to hold up their
deliveries to do so. One quipped that he didn’t think Congress would act
“until those people run out of toilet paper.”
The vast majority
of dissenting truckers were independents who owned and operated their
vehicles, unlike unionized Teamsters who typically hauled for large
shipping companies. Independents hauled about 70% of the country’s
freight, according to Interstate Commerce Commission estimates. Most had
their entire lives mortgaged into their expensive rigs and had the most
to lose from the embargo. Ironically, River Rat Edwards was not an
owner-operator himself.
alexberenson | The White House has begun an extraordinary assault on free speech in
America. It is no longer content merely to force social media companies
to suppress dissenting views. It appears to be setting the stage to use
federal police powers.
How else to read the “National Terrorism
Advisory System Bulletin” the Department of Homeland Security issued on
Monday? Its first sentence:
SUMMARY OF THE TERRORISM THREAT TO
THE UNITED STATES: The United States remains in a heightened threat
environment fueled by several factors, including an online environment
filled with false or misleading narratives and conspiracy theories... [emphasis added]
You read those words right.
The government now says “misleading narratives” are the most dangerous contributor to terrorism against the United States.
The bulletin’s next sentence:
These threat actors seek to exacerbate societal friction to sow discord and undermine public trust in government institutions to encourage unrest, which could potentially inspire acts of violence. [emphasis added]
You read those words right too.
A
federal agency says that to “undermine public trust in government
institutions” is now considered terrorism. Speech doesn’t even have to
encourage rebellion or violence generally, much less against anyone
specific. It just has to “potentially inspire” violence.
Potentially.
Later, the bulletin explains exactly what speech the government now considers a terrorist danger:
Widespread
online proliferation of false or misleading narratives regarding
unsubstantiated widespread election fraud and COVID-19.
There’s that word misleading again.
Who’s defining “misleading”? Misleading to whom? Misleading how?
I have no doubt whatsoever that I fit as a terrorist threat under these guidelines.
So
does Joe Rogan. And Tucker Carlson. After all, we’ve “undermine[d]
public trust in government institutions” about Covid and the mRNA shots
(I try not to call them vaccines anymore).
This bulletin marks an extraordinary escalation of the war on speech and the First Amendment.
politico | Organizers
have dubbed their movement "the People's Convoy" and say they are
working with two groups — Freedom Fighter Nation and Restore Liberty —
whose founders are closely tied to right wing politics, based on
POLITICO's review of social media and online records.
That
includes Leigh Dundas, a California lawyer and founder of the Freedom
Fighter Nation, who gave a speech on the eve of the Jan. 6 Capitol Hill
riots calling for Trump supporters to kill those whom she claimed had
aided foreign governments in undermining the 2020 presidential election,
based on a video posted on Twitter.
"A
lot of this has worrying parallels to the build-up to the Jan. 6
riots," said Ciaran O'Connor, an analyst for the Institute for Strategic
Dialogue, a think tank that tracks online extremism and which has been
following the global protests. "It's concerning how this may play out if
they get to D.C."
The
goal of the U.S. convoy is to push back at vaccine and mask mandates —
messages that have been repeated widely by right wing politicians and
supporters since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic in early
2020.
In
communication channels on Telegram, an encrypted messaging service,
anonymous social media users have railed to tens of thousands of channel
members against the alleged Covid-19 oversteps of President Joe Biden's
administration and shared videos and other posts from the Canadian
truckers' convoy to boost support for similar action in the U.S.
It
is unclear if, or when, the U.S. convoy will reach Washington, though
within these encrypted messaging channels, supporters routinely offer
food, supplies and other logistical support, based on POLITICO's review
of the online discussions.
After GoFundMe, the crowdfunding
site, removed the fundraising page for the Canadian convoy, far-right
influencers like Jack Posobiec shared links via their large social media
followings to alternative funding sites. A similar page on GiveSendGo —
a rival crowdfunding site frequented by the far right — has so far
raised $7.2 million out of a goal of $16 million.
The California-to-Washington protest
is not the only anti-mandate convoy that has sprung up to mirror the
ongoing mobilization in Canada.
On Feb. 14, similar protests from
across the European Union are expected to descend on Brussels — home to
the bloc's main political institutions — to rally against mask and
vaccine mandates as the region continues to struggle to cope with the
Covid-19 pandemic.
SCMP | People
don’t vote for realities, they vote for dreams, said Canadian
psychologist Jordan Peterson. That’s why democratic politicians usually
overpromise but under-deliver. In these populist times, people also vote
out of anger.
In
the United States, Donald Trump is staging a credible presidential
return, and the Republican Party is rallying behind him. In Canada,
Justin Trudeau, a classic Canadian liberal moderate, has been blindsided
by a bunch of truck drivers. Right-wing politicians understand and know
how to exploit voter anger; liberals in North America and social
democrats in Europe have no idea why they have become the focus of that
same anger.
The
never-ending Covid-19 pandemic has one terrible, if not fatal,
political consequence for the Western political establishment; that is,
its on-again, off-again lockdowns and restrictions have upset everyone
from small business owners to homemakers. Such voters tend to be right
of centre or conservative.
The
virus is not lethal enough to scare or kill off a big chunk of voters,
yet is serious enough to disrupt and undermine their livelihoods, and
living standards and routines. It doesn’t take a genius to realise that
people are angry. And they need to blame someone for their plight. Why
is my business failing? Why can’t my kids go to school? They may curse
the virus and China, but they blame their politicians.
For
more than a week, a long line of big trucks, cargo carriers, pickup
vans, recreational vehicles and any number of cars have jammed central
Ottawa, the nation’s capital. Ostensibly, the protest is against the
federal government’s vaccine mandate for truck drivers entering Canada,
first imposed in the middle of last month.
Compared
with America, Canada’s angry populism is, to an extent, moderated by a
more generous social welfare system and universal health care. But
Canadian Medicare, the equivalent of the British National Health
Service, is decentralised with each province and territory operating its
own system. Outside of rich Ontario, public health care has been
overwhelmed by Covid-19. With each passing decade, welfare is more
restricted, queues for medical services grow longer and the list of
totally free drugs gets shorter. The widespread use of generic drugs,
while keeping costs down, has raised serious questions about quality
control. Interestingly, it has been a source of national pride to
compare them to the high, often unaffordable, costs of brand-name drugs
in the US.
Polarised
politics now threatens to degenerate into violent civil strife in the
US. In Canada, at the very least, consensus politics is becoming a thing
of the past. But its politicians are blind to the new emerging reality
while its liberal mainstream press remains arrogant and complacent.
thefederalist | News media in both Canada and the United States have worked hard to
portray the protesters as far-right conspiracy theorists and white
supremacists, despite little evidence that the protests are motivated by
anything other than sincere opposition to Covid vaccine mandates. Prime
Minister Justin Trudeau, taking his cues from the press, last week
condemned the protests as an “insult to memory and truth,” and implied
they were motivated not by objections to vaccine mandates but by racial
animus. Canada’s conservative politicians seem divided and rudderless,
unable to provide the protesters a voice or meaningful support, let
alone a legitimate democratic outlet for their grievances.
The situation, in short, is a powder keg. There are no clear
off-ramps for the protesters, and no one in a position of authority
seems to know how to deescalate the situation. Having accepted the
Canadian media’s near-uniform portrayal of the protesters as racists and
bigots, it’s unlikely Trudeau’s government will be willing to
compromise. What happens next is anybody’s guess, but it will likely
involve violent clashes between police and protesters.
How did this happen? The idea that the Canadian capital would become
the site of such a standoff in 2022 seems frankly unbelievable. But the
chaos now unfolding in Ottawa can be traced directly to the harsh
treatment of unvaccinated Canadians by their government over the past
six months or so.
It’s true that Canadians have largely embraced the Covid vaccines,
with a vaccination rate of about 85 percent nationwide, and large
majorities also support vaccine passports and say they don’t trust the unvaccinated. But this has given Canadian political and media elites cover to threaten the unvaccinated in what often seems a gleeful tone.
As my friend David Agren has reported,
Canada’s federal jobs minister in October stated bluntly — and without a
hint of sympathy — that Canadians fired for not getting the vaccine
would also lose their unemployment insurance. Indeed, threatening the
livelihoods of the unvaccinated, or threatening to tax them, has become
commonplace for Canadian government officials at the federal and
provincial levels.
However, a significant minority of Canadians are staunchly opposed to
getting the vaccine, and likely won’t get it no matter what the
government threatens to do to them. The unwillingness or inability on
the part of Trudeau to compromise with these holdouts has arguably
precipitated the current stand-off in Ottawa. Some, like Canadian
pollster John Wright, have been warning of this outcome for some time
now. Over the weekend, Wright noted that even if only one out of 10
Canadians refuse to get the vaccine, that’s still a major problem.
bignewsnetwork | Owned and operated primarily by Black formerly incarcerated women,
ChiFresh prepared healthy, culturally relevant meals with food that is
grown or raised at nearby farms. They are 100 percent employee-owned and
operated, and all employees are eligible for ownership stake after 18
months on the job, after which they can start paying toward a $2,000
membership share.
Of their first day of operation in May 2020,
they made jerk chicken strips and red beans and rice, with onions and
peppers, as a practice run for friends and family, and as founding
member-owner Edrinna Bryant told NextCity.org that week:
"'We
were so excited about the fact we were going to cook our first meal
together and people can taste it,' Bryant says. 'That's so exciting to
me as a young Black mom who was incarcerated. For my child to know that
his mom was in a situation that felt like the end of the world and look
at her now Ain't no food going to go wasted here. Each day each of us
will pick somewhere on the South Side or West Side and bring some food
to people who need it.'"
In addition to providing
an alternative food contracting option to local facilities by
introducing a locally sourced and prepared food option, they are also
providing jobs, agency and ownership stakes to one of the most commonly
marginalized groups in the country.
ChiFresh Kitchen is part of a
growing BIPOC-led movement, via urban farms, food operators, worker
centers, policy advocates and other community organizations in Chicago
focused on food sovereignty, racial justice and equitable food access.
While
the business planning for ChiFresh began in 2018, the business became
operational just prior to the pandemic. They'd initially planned to
launch in the summer of 2020, but launched earlier than planned in March
2020 via a contract with the Urban Growers Collective,
which had received funding to address pandemic-related food insecurity
in their communities. Less than a year into operations they were
prepping 500 meals per day.
The
demand for what ChiFresh offers has only grown since, and in December
of 2020, they bought a 6,000 square-foot building (their current space
is about 600 square feet), which they are working to renovate, funded
through a series of grants. They plan to move into the new space in the
spring of 2022, and expand their capacity so that they are able to
prepare 5,000 or more meals per day.
ChiFresh Kitchen founder
Camille Kerr-a workplace democracy/worker ownership/solidarity economy
consultant-says the project began when a small group of people, herself
included, were looking into the ability of worker cooperatives to create
a "liberatory, dignified workplace for formerly incarcerated people,
and specifically Black women."
April M. Short of the Independent
Media Institute spoke with Kerr about ChiFresh Kitchen and future
potentials of local, worker-owned food sovereignty projects like this
one to bring the food industry up to date with the real, current food
needs of communities across the U.S. and beyond.
dissentmagazine | At this point we need to ask whether the growing militancy
of the Republican right can be adequately explained by the triumph of
small over big business, as Tea Partiers and Trump himself would have us
believe. Even the most sophisticated commentators have taken the Tea
Party at its word on this matter. But as Trump’s example reminds us,
what is at stake here is less an alliance of the small against the big
than it is an insurrection of one form of capitalism against another:
the private, unincorporated, and family-based versus the corporate,
publicly traded, and shareholder-owned. If most family enterprise was
confined to the small business sector in the 1980s—when public
corporations accounted for the bulk of big business—this shorthand does
not apply today, as more large companies go private and dynastic wealth
surges to the forefront of the American economy. The historian Steve
Fraser has noted that the “resurgence of what might be called dynastic
or family capitalism, as opposed to the more impersonal managerial
capitalism many of us grew up with, is changing the nation’s political
chemistry.” The family-based capitalism that stormed the White House
along with Trump stretches from the smallest of family businesses to the
most rambling of dynasties, and crucially depends on the alliance
between the two. Without its network of subcontracted family businesses,
the dynastic enterprise would collapse as a political and economic
force. Meanwhile the many small business owners that gravitate toward
Trump are convinced that their own fortunes rise and fall along with
his.
It is no accident that Trump’s most significant donors
hail from the same world of privately held, unincorporated, and
family-based capitalism as he does. In 2020, Forbes named Koch
Industries as the largest privately held company in the United States.
The Mercers, who did so much to underwrite Trump’s rise to power, owe
their wealth to Renaissance Technologies, a privately held hedge fund
that was subject to the so-called “small business” tax on pass-through
income. Trump’s education secretary, Betsy DeVos, was born into a
business dynasty that made its fortune through the privately held Prince
Corporation. When she married Dick DeVos in 1979, she sealed an
alliance between the Prince family and Amway, still one of the largest
private companies in the country. Most of Betsy DeVos’s personal income
derives from pass-through entities like LLCs and limited partnerships,
which means that the Trump tax cuts would have saved her tens of
millions of dollars. Amway itself is structured as an
S-corporation, a type of pass-through that also would have qualified for
Trump’s 40 percent marginal tax cut to small business.
As the scions of private dynastic capital invest the halls
of power, they have also inflated the fortunes of their own trade and
political associations. Organizations such as the Koch-funded American
Legislative Exchange Council and the theocratic Council for National
Policy (the latter with its close connections to the DeVos and Prince
dynasties) once existed on the far fringes of the American right. Today
their progeny—from Americans for Prosperity to FreedomWorks and the
Family Research Council—dictate the form of Republican Party politics,
while the once all-powerful Business Roundtable and other corporate
trade associations watch from the sidelines. The newly ascendant
organizations would like to convince us that theirs is the voice of
small family business ranged against the vested power of the corporate
and bureaucratic elite. More plausibly, however, they represent a shift
in the center of gravity of American capitalism, which has elevated the
once marginal figure of the family-owned business to a central place in
economic life at every scale. If the large publicly listed corporation
was still the uncontested reference point for American business at the
turn of the millennium, it is now being increasingly challenged by a
style of family-based capitalism whose reach extends from the smallest
to the most grandiose household production units. The infrastructural
basis of today’s far-right resurgence is neither populist nor elitist in
any straightforward sense: it is both. The collapse of the public
corporation into a thicket of privately contracted commercial relations
has weakened the old union-mediated bonds among workers and created real
economic intimacies, however fraught, between the small family-owned
business and the dynastic enterprise. To prevent the emergence of some
more dangerous version of Trump, we would need to build an alternative
set of economic and affective solidarities potent enough to dismantle
this clientelist symbiosis of households.
patrick-wyman | Commercial agriculture is a lucrative industry, at least for those
who own the orchards, cold storage units, processing facilities, and the
large businesses that cater to them. They have a trusted and reasonably
well-paid cadre of managers and specialists in law, finance, and the
like - members of the educated professional-managerial class that my
close classmates and I have joined - but the vast majority of their
employees are lower-wage laborers. The owners are mostly white; the
laborers are mostly Latino, a significant portion of them undocumented
immigrants. Ownership of the real, core assets is where the region’s
wealth comes from, and it doesn’t extend down the social hierarchy. Yet
this bounty is enough to produce hilltop mansions, a few high-end
restaurants, and a staggering array of expensive vacation homes in
Hawaii, Palm Springs, and the San Juan Islands.
This class of
people exists all over the United States, not just in Yakima. So do
mid-sized metropolitan areas, the places where huge numbers of Americans
live but which don’t figure prominently in the country’s popular
imagination or its political narratives: San Luis Obispo, California;
Odessa, Texas; Bloomington, Illinois; Medford, Oregon; Hilo, Hawaii;
Dothan, Alabama; Green Bay, Wisconsin. (As an aside, part of the reason I
loved Parks and Recreation was because it accurately portrayed
life in a place like this: a city that wasn’t small, which served as
the hub for a dispersed rural area, but which wasn’t tightly connected
to a major metropolitan area.)
This kind of elite’s wealth
derives not from their salary - this is what separates them from even
extremely prosperous members of the professional-managerial class, like
doctors and lawyers - but from their ownership of assets. Those assets
vary depending on where in the country we’re talking about; they could
be a bunch of McDonald’s franchises in Jackson, Mississippi, a
beef-processing plant in Lubbock, Texas, a construction company in
Billings, Montana, commercial properties in Portland, Maine, or a car
dealership in western North Carolina. Even the less prosperous parts of
the United States generate enough surplus to produce a class of wealthy
people. Depending on the political culture and institutions of a
locality or region, this elite class might wield more or less political
power. In some places, they have an effective stranglehold over what
gets done; in others, they’re important but not all-powerful.
Wherever
they live, their wealth and connections make them influential forces
within local society. In the aggregate, through their political
donations and positions within their localities and regions, they wield a
great deal of political influence. They’re the local gentry of the
United States.
We’re not talking about international oligarchs;
these folks’ wealth extends into the millions and tens of millions
rather than the billions. There are, however, a lot more of them than
the global elite that tends to get all of the attention. They’re not the
face of instantly recognizable global brands or the subjects of
award-winning New York Times profiles; they own warehouses and
Applebee’s franchises, concrete companies and chains of movie theaters,
hop fields and apartment complexes.
Because their wealth is rooted
in the ownership of physical assets, they tend to be more rooted in
their places of origin than the cosmopolitan professionals and
entrepreneurs of the major metro areas. Mobility between major metros,
the characteristic jumping from Seattle to Los Angeles to New York to
Austin that’s possible for younger lawyers and creatives and tech folks,
is foreign to them. They might really like heading to a vacation home
in Bermuda or Maui. They might plan a relatively early retirement to a
wealthy enclave in Palm Springs, Scottsdale, or central Florida.
Ultimately, however, their money and importance comes from the
businesses they own, and those belong in their localities.
Gentry
classes are a common feature of a great many social-economic-political
regimes throughout history. Pretty much anywhere you have a hierarchical
form of social organization and property ownership, a gentry class of
some kind emerges: the local civic elites of the Roman Empire, the
landlords of later Han China, the numerous lower nobility of late
medieval France, the thegns of Anglo-Saxon England, the
Prussian Junkers, or the planter class of the antebellum South. The
gentry are generally distinct from the highest levels of a regime’s
political and economic elite: They’re usually not resident in the
political center, they don’t hold major positions in the central
administration of the state (whatever that might consist of) and aren’t
counted among the wealthiest people in their polity. New national or
imperial elites might emerge over time from a gentry class, even rulers -
the boundaries between these groups can be more or less porous - but
that’s not usually the case.
Gentry are, by definition, local elites.
The extent to which they wield power in their localities, and how they
do so, is dependent on the structure of their regime. In the early Roman
Empire, for example, local civic elites were essential to the
functioning of the state. They collected taxes in their home cities,
administered justice, and competed with each other for local political
offices and seats on the city councils. Their competition was a driving
force behind the provision of benefits to the common folk in the form of
festivals, games, public buildings, and more basic support, a practice
called civic euergetism.
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