unz | The white underclass are the aborigines of the post-industrial age.
It’s absurd for Kevin Williamson to tell them to get a U-Haul and move
out of their dying communities. They’ll just be underclass whites
somewhere else, with lives just as empty. There is no solution for them,
any more than there is for Eskimos or aborigines, other than the one they’ve found in drink, drugs, and despair. The smart, capable, and energetic ones will escape and get lives, as always happens; the rest will sink into squalor.
Charles Murray, who wrote about the problems of the white underclass in his 2012 book Coming Apart, is more honest about this than is Kevin Williamson. Last July, I reviewed three social science books in a column for VDARE: one of them was Murray’s Coming Apart, another was Robert Putnam’s Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis. I linked to a televised debate between Murray and Putnam, where Murray says this (click here to go to 43:24):
Bob has already referred to my take-away from all this
with the ways in which we really need a civic Great Awakening. However,
I’ve got to say that the fact is, civic Great Awakenings have about as
much chance of transforming what’s going on as a full implementation of
Bob’s “purple” programs does.
The parsimonious way to extrapolate the trends that Bob describes so
beautifully in the book is to predict an America permanently segregated
into social classes that no longer share the common bonds that once made
this country so exceptional; and the destruction of the national civic
culture that Bob and I both cherish. I hope for a better outcome: I do
not expect it. The American dream in crisis? A discussion with Robert Putnam and Charles Murray,Streamed live on Jun 22, 2015
And if you think that’s the bad news, talk to an AI alarmist—one of those people, I mean, and the category includes some very smart people indeed, like Elon Musk and Steven Hawking—one
of those people who think that Artificial Intelligence will advance to a
point where all of us, our entire species, is the aborigines, our
culture superseded by one much more advanced, Homo sapiens shuffled off into reservations to drink ourselves to death.
Yesterday, the Eskimos and Apaches; today, the white underclass; tomorrow perhaps you and me. Who knows?
Like Charles Murray, I hope for a better outcome, but I do not expect it.
NYTimes | The praise this week for Andy Grove, who died on Monday
at age 79, has been wrapped up in praise for Silicon Valley, where he
was a towering figure in the semiconductor revolution and the longtime
leader of Intel, the world’s biggest supplier of microprocessors.
Lost in the lore is Mr. Grove’s critique of Silicon Valley in an essay he wrote in 2010
in Bloomberg Businessweek. According to Mr. Grove, Silicon Valley was
squandering its competitive edge in innovation by failing to propel
strong job growth in the United States.
Mr.
Grove acknowledged that it was cheaper and thus more profitable for
companies to hire workers and build factories in Asia than in the United
States. But in his view, those lower Asian costs masked the high price
of offshoring as measured by lost jobs and lost expertise. Silicon
Valley misjudged the severity of those losses, he wrote, because of a
“misplaced faith in the power of start-ups to create U.S. jobs.”
Mr.
Grove contrasted the start-up phase of a business, when uses for new
technologies are identified, with the scale-up phase, when technology
goes from prototype to mass production. Both are important. But only
scale-up is an engine for job growth — and scale-up, in general, no
longer occurs in the United States. “Without scaling,” he wrote, “we
don’t just lose jobs — we lose our hold on new technologies” and
“ultimately damage our capacity to innovate.”
And
yet, an all-out commitment to American-based manufacturing has not been
on the business agenda of Silicon Valley or the political agenda of the
United States. That omission, according to Mr. Grove, is a result of
another “unquestioned truism”: “that the free market is the best of all
economic systems — the freer the better.” To Mr. Grove, that belief was
flawed.
The
triumph of free-market principles over planned economies in the 20th
century, he said, did not make those principles infallible or immutable.
There was room for improvement, he argued, for what he called
“job-centric” economics and politics. In a job-centric system, job
creation would be the nation’s No. 1 objective, with the government
setting priorities and arraying the forces necessary to achieve the
goal, and with businesses operating not only in their immediate profit
interest but also in the interests of “employees, and employees yet to
be hired.”
theatlantic | In 2010, a team of scientists announced that they hadcreated a synthetic living cell. The team, led by Nobel laureate Ham Smith, microbiologist Clyde Hutchison III, and genomics pioneer Craig Venter, fashioned the full genome of a tiny bacterium calledMycoplasma mycoidesin their lab, and implanted the DNA into the empty cell of another related microbe.They nicknamed it Synthia. Some news sources claimed that the team had, for the first time, createdartificial life.Others notedthat they had merely photocopied life, putting an existing genome into a new chassis, like a “hermit crab taking up residence in an abandoned shell.”
But amid the hyperbole and skepticism, the team continued working. “The 2010 paper was basically the control experiment,” says Venter. Their true mission was to create a cell with a minimal genome.
All living things evolved from a common ancestor, so despite our grand variety, we all share genes that are essential for our survival. They’re at the core of our operating systems: the fundamental software without which we would die. Smith, Hutchinson, Venter, and their colleagues wanted to create an organism with just these essential genes—only those it needed to survive, and nothing more. A minimalist microbe.Kondococcus, perhaps.
Why bother? Because they ultimately want to intelligently design new life-forms from scratch—say, bacteria that can manufacture medical drugs, or algae that churn out biofuels. And creation requires understanding. “We had to start with a system where we knew and understood all the components, so that when we added specific ones to it, we could do so in a logical design way,” Venter says. They needed a minimal genome—a vanilla model that they could later kit out with deluxe accessories.
And they’ve done it. Six years after Synthia, they’ve finally unveiled their bare-bones bacterium. And in piecing together its components, they realized that they’re nowhere close to understanding them all. Of the 473 genes in their pared-down cell, 149 are completely unknown. They seem to be essential (and more on what that means later). Many of them have counterparts that are at work in your body right now, probably keeping you alive.
And they’re a total mystery.
“We’ve discovered that we don’t know a third of the basic knowledge of life,” says Venter. “We expected that maybe 5 percent of the genes would be of unknown function. We weren’t ready for 30 percent. I would have lost a very big bet.”
jacobinmag | As William Gibson famously remarked, “the future is already here; it’s just unevenly distributed.”
But what if resources and energy are simply too scarce to allow
everyone to enjoy the material standard of living of today’s rich? What
if we arrive in a future that no longer requires the mass proletariat’s
labor in production, but is unable to provide everyone with an
arbitrarily high standard of consumption? If we arrive in that world as
an egalitarian society, than the answer is the socialist regime of
shared conservation described in the previous section. But if, instead,
we remain a society polarized between a privileged elite and a
downtrodden mass, then the most plausible trajectory leads to something
much darker; I will call it by the term that E. P. Thompson used to
describe a different dystopia, during the peak of the cold war: exterminism.
The great danger posed by the automation of production, in the
context of a world of hierarchy and scarce resources, is that it makes
the great mass of people superfluous from the standpoint of the ruling
elite. This is in contrast to capitalism, where the antagonism between
capital and labor was characterized by both a clash of interests and a
relationship of mutual dependence: the workers depend on capitalists as
long as they don’t control the means of production themselves, while the
capitalists need workers to run their factories and shops. It is as the
lyrics of “Solidarity Forever” had it: “They have taken untold millions
that they never toiled to earn/But without our brain and muscle not a
single wheel can turn.” With the rise of the robots, the second line
ceases to hold.
The existence of an impoverished, economically superfluous rabble
poses a great danger to the ruling class, which will naturally fear
imminent expropriation; confronted with this threat, several courses of
action present themselves. The masses can be bought off with some degree
of redistribution of resources, as the rich share out their wealth in
the form of social welfare programs, at least if resource constraints
aren’t too binding. But in addition to potentially reintroducing
scarcity into the lives of the rich, this solution is liable to lead to
an ever-rising tide of demands on the part of the masses, thus raising
the specter of expropriation once again. This is essentially what
happened at the high tide of the welfare state, when bosses began to
fear that both profits and control over the workplace were slipping out
of their hands.
If buying off the angry mob isn’t a sustainable strategy, another
option is simply to run away and hide from them. This is the trajectory
of what the sociologist Bryan Turner calls “enclave society”,
an order in which “governments and other agencies seek to regulate
spaces and, where necessary, to immobilize flows of people, goods and
services” by means of “enclosure, bureaucratic barriers, legal
exclusions and registrations.” Gated communities, private islands,
ghettos, prisons, terrorism paranoia, biological quarantines; together,
these amount to an inverted global gulag, where the rich live in tiny
islands of wealth strewn around an ocean of misery. In Tropic of Chaos,
Christian Parenti makes the case that we are already constructing this
new order, as climate change brings about what he calls the
“catastrophic convergence” of ecological disruption, economic
inequality, and state failure. The legacy of colonialism and
neoliberalism is that the rich countries, along with the elites of the
poorer ones, have facilitated a disintegration into anarchic violence,
as various tribal and political factions fight over the diminishing
bounty of damaged ecosystems. Faced with this bleak reality, many of the
rich — which, in global terms, includes many workers in the rich
countries as well — have resigned themselves to barricading themselves
into their fortresses, to be protected by unmanned drones and private
military contractors. Guard labor, which we encountered in the rentist
society, reappears in an even more malevolent form, as a lucky few are
employed as enforcers and protectors for the rich.
But this too, is an unstable equilibrium, for the same basic reason
that buying off the masses is. So long as the immiserated hordes exist,
there is the danger that it may one day become impossible to hold them
at bay. Once mass labor has been rendered superfluous, a final solution
lurks: the genocidal war of the rich against the poor. Many have called
the recent Justin Timberlake vehicle, In Time, a Marxist film,
but it is more precisely a parable of the road to exterminism. In the
movie, a tiny ruling class literally lives forever in their gated
enclaves due to genetic technology, while everyone else is programmed to
die at 25 unless they can beg, borrow or steal more time. The only
thing saving the workers is that the rich still have some need for their
labor; when that need expires, so presumably will the working class
itself.
harvarddesignmagazine | GC The synthetic biology revolution is not just about going from reading to writing. Genomics already went from reading single genes to reading multiple
genes; now synthetic biology is going from writing single genes to
writing whole genomes. Both reading and writing are tangled up in the
design process. In many fields, there is a design-build-analyze loop:
you build something, and then you look for its failure modes. After
living in a building for a while, you notice that it leaks. Then you do
another round of design; you radicalize your structures and hold them to
stronger standards until they fail. Then you slowly eek your way back
to something that works, but works better than before. The same thing is
true in synthetic biology. We have design software, like BIOCAD,
cadnano, Millstone, and others.
But I see two fundamental
differences between synthetic biology and architecture. In architecture,
you might start with walls and windows as your standard parts. In
biology, our standard parts have been refined by three billion years of
evolution, on 1021 liters of soil and water. That’s a lot of
debugging. Also, in synthetic biology we have the ability to recreate
that refinement process ourselves, on a smaller scale and in a more
directed way. We can run our own evolutions. When you do the
design-build-analyze loop for buildings, you might make one small
prototype, build it, and, if it starts to go wrong, you debug it in real
time. Like the John Hancock Tower, in downtown Boston—you know its
history, right?
MA
Glass panels mysteriously falling off …
GC
It was being debugged as it was being used. With synthetic biology, we
can make a billion or a trillion designs, build them all, test them
all, take the winner from that testing, and then do it all again.
MA
What is the timescale for this type of experiment?
GC
It depends on your goal. If your goal is to make a chemical, say,
or to build a little factory that makes chemicals, you can design,
build, and test a billion things in one day. If your goal is to make a
pig, you’re talking more in the order of years. And if you are creating a
human pharmaceutical, you’re talking about 10 years just to get it
through all the regulatory phases. You might find a clever way of doing
billions of prototypes by working with human cells in the lab, but when
you want to introduce it into the marketplace, you’re going to be
testing one drug at a time, just like you test one building at a time.
MA
You’ve worked on some things that are pretty far removed from our
daily concerns—like how to bring the wooly mammoth back to life—but a
lot of your work stands to affect our everyday bodily experience. What
are you working on that you might want to use to change your own genome?
GC
There is an APP (amyloid precursor protein) allele that I wouldn’t
mind having—it gives an extra 10 years of resistance to Alzheimer’s.
That’s something that’s preventative, and it’s something we more or less
know how to do. But there are some things we don’t know how to do yet,
such as having better memory or making more effective use of the brain.
Those would be great. Reversing aging would be nice, too.
MA
Aren’t our inadequacies part of what makes us human? How would it
affect the human experience if we could live much longer, for example?
GC
I think what makes us human is mainly our ability to plan and to care
for others. Chimpanzees form little cliques, and they certainly care for
their families, but I think our ability to imagine scenarios that have
never happened—to think of ways to avoid having an asteroid eliminate
all life on the planet—is uniquely human. We have an ability to be
thoughtful about ourselves and oth- ers over long periods of time. I
think that would remain true if we lived longer.
theatlantic | The year is 2016. Robots
have infiltrated the human world. We built them, one by one, and now
they are all around us. Soon there will be many more of them, working
alone and in swarms. One is no larger than a single grain of rice, while
another is larger than a prairie barn. These machines can be angular,
flat, tubby, spindly, bulbous, and gangly. Not all of them have faces.
Not all of them have bodies.
And yet they can do things
once thought impossible for machine. They vacuum carpets, zip up winter
coats, paint cars, organize warehouses, mix drinks, play beer pong,
waltz across a school gymnasium, limp like wounded animals, write and
publish stories, replicate abstract expressionist art, clean up nuclear
waste, even dream.
Except, wait. Are these all really robots? What is a robot, anyway?
This
has become an increasingly difficult question to answer. Yet it’s a
crucial one. Ubiquitous computing and automation are occurring in
tandem. Self-operating machines are permeating every dimension of
society, so that humans find themselves interacting more frequently with
robots than ever before—often without even realizing it. The
human-machine relationship is rapidly evolving as a result. Humanity,
and what it means to be a human, will be defined in part by the machines
people design.
“We
design these machines, and we have the ability to design them as our
masters, or our partners, or our slaves,” said John Markoff, the author
of Machines of Loving Grace, and a long-time technology reporter for The New York Times.
“As we design these machines, what does it do to the human if we have a
class of slaves which are not human but that we treat as human? We’re
creating this world in which most of our interactions are with
anthropomorphized proxies.”
In the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s 1807 opus, The Phenomenology of Spirit,
there is a passage known as the master-slave dialectic. In it, Hegel
argues, among other things, that holding a slave ultimately dehumanizes
the master. And though he could not have known it at the time, Hegel was
describing our world, too, and aspects of the human relationship with
robots.
But what kind of world is that? And as robots grow in numbers and sophistication, what is this world becoming?
Guardian | The ripple effects of Donald Trump’s presidential candidacy have led
to a civil war in the Republican party. But they have also had the
unexpected consequence of leading to a subterranean civil war within Anonymous, the mysterious hacking collective.
Most of the political operations targeted by Anonymous – including
the Church of Scientology, Isis and the KKK – have instigated some level
of internal dispute among people claiming to be part of Anonymous. But
when the group announced
their next target would be the Trump campaign, it set off the most
heated debate yet within the movement – which has no leader and no
specific set of aims.
Many disavowed the anti-Trump operation as being counter to
Anonymous’s tradition of not taking sides in political contests. (A previous operation
against Trump was similarly derailed, albeit on a smaller scale, when
another hacker calling himself Black Mafia wrested control of the
Twitter account.)
Others have even alleged the movement is being hijacked by either
campaign operatives or activists trying to co-opt Anonymous for their
own political ends. On 15 March, a video was released.
“We are feeling deeply concerned about an operation that was launched
in our name – the so-called Operation Trump,” says the video, which, in
classic Anonymous style, is narrated by a disembodied computerised
voice.
“We – Anonymous – are warning you about the lies and deceits pushed under our banner,” the voice continues.
utotherescue | The San FranciscoChroniclehas coverage of an issue that has been circulating on faculty email networks at UC Berkeley for a few days. The piece, "Cal professors fear UC bosses will snoop on them," is behind a paywall. The first sentence reads, "UC Berkeley faculty members are buzzing over news that University of California President Janet Napolitano ordered the installation of computer hardware capable of monitoring all e-mails going in and out of the UC system." UC's Chief Operating Officer says "that UC policy “forbids the university from using such data for nonsecurity purposes.” UC Berkeley's Senate chair replies, "What has upset a lot of the faculty was that the surveillance was put in place without consulting the faculty. In fact, the people installing the system were under strict instructions not to reveal it was taking place." On the blog's Facebook page, we've had some debate about how new this capability is, with some faculty from various universities saying they've always assumed their university email could be monitored at any time, and others saying this is a new level of intrusion.
Here are two communications from UC Berkeley faculty, one about how faculty there came to know about the program, and the other a timeline of events.
LATimes |University of Californiaregents said Wednesday that anti-Semitism has “no place” on a college campus but declined to issue a broad condemnation of anti-Zionism as a form of discrimination.
Instead, they unanimously approved a report on intolerance that decried only “anti-Semitic forms” of the political ideology, which challenges Israel's right to exist in Palestine.
The move reflects the regents' struggle to balance their desire to combat intolerance with their commitment to protect free speech. The report provides no sanctions for anti-Semitic or anti-Zionist speech, but calls on educators to “challenge” bias.
Israel advocacy groups had pushed for a broad censure of opposition to Zionism, which they said was needed to protect Jewish students from hostile attacks. Last year, a Jewish fraternity house at UC Davis was defaced with a Nazi swastika and students atUCLAquestioned whether a Jewish sophomore should be disqualified from serving on a campus judicial panel because of her religion.
But free-speech advocates said the original, broader version of the statement would have illegally restricted the right to criticize Israel and its actions. If the regents had approved it, they would have become the first governing board of any major U.S. university system to condemn the rejection of Zionism.
theintercept | Adoption of this “anti-Semitism” definition clearly would function toprohibit the advocacy of, say, a one-state solution for the Israel-Palestine conflict, or even the questioning of a state’s right to exist as a non-secular entity. How can anyone think it’s appropriate to declare such ideas off limits in academic classrooms or outlaw them as part of campus activism?
To ban the expression of any political ideas in such a setting would not only be wildly anti-intellectual but also patently unconstitutional. As UC Irvine School of Law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky put it today inan LA Times op-ed:“There unquestionably is a 1st Amendment right to argue against (or for) the existence of Israel or to contend that it should meet (or not have to meet) higher standards of human rights than other nations.” Even the now-retired Executive Director of the Anti-Defamation League Abraham Foxman — while arguing that “the effort to support boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel, is sinister and malicious and is having a negative effect on Jewish students on some campuses and on the wider Jewish community” — acknowledged in Maythat such bans would be clearly unconstitutional:
Legislation that bars BDS activity by private groups, whether corporations or universities, strikes at the heart of First Amendment-protected free speech, will be challenged in the courts and is likely to be struck down. A decision by a private body to boycott Israel, as despicable as it may be, is protected by our Constitution. Perhaps in Europe, where hate speech laws exist and are acceptable within their own legal frameworks, such bills could be sustained. But not here in America.
But none of that seems to matter to Dianne Feinstein and her war-profiteering husband, Richard Blum. Not only is Blum demanding adoption of the State Department definition, despite the fact that (more accurately: because) it would encompass some forms of BDS activism and even criticisms of Israel.
But, worse, he’s also insisting that it be binding and that students who express the ideas that fall within the State Department definition besuspended from school or expelled. And he’s overtly threatening that if he does not get his way, then his wife 0- “Your Senior Senator” — will get very upset and start publicly attacking the university, a threat that public school administrators who rely on the government for their budgets take very seriously.
This behavior is as adolescent as it is despotic. Does anyone believe that college and post-graduate students should be able to express only those ideas about Israel that Dianne Feinstein and her war-profiteering husband deem acceptable?
It’s no mystery what this is really about. The Israeli government and its most devoted advocates around the world are petrified at the growing strength of the movement to boycott Israeli goods in protest of the almost five-decade occupation. As Foxman conceded, the boycott idea “seems to be picking up steam, particularly on college campuses across the United States. While no universities have yet adopted or implemented BDS, there are a growing number of campuses — now up to 29 — where student organizations have held votes to determine whether they support BDS.” Just this week, the City Council of Reykjavik, the largest city in Iceland,voted to boycottall Israeli goods as long as the occupation persists (days later, the City quickly retractedthe vote, citing the unexpectedly intense “backlash” from Israel).
counterpunch | In the circus known as the American presidential campaign, Donald
Trump is being presented as a lunatic, a fascist. He is certainly
odious; but he is also a media hate figure. That alone should arouse
our scepticism.
Trump’s views on migration are grotesque, but no more grotesque than
those of David Cameron. It is not Trump who is the Great Deporter from
the United States, but the Nobel Peace Prize winner, Barack Obama.
According to one prodigious liberal commentator, Trump is “unleashing the dark forces of violence” in the United States. Unleashing them?
This is the country where toddlers shoot their mothers and the police
wage a murderous war against black Americans. This is the country that
has attacked and sought to overthrow more than 50 governments, many of
them democracies, and bombed from Asia to the Middle East, causing the
deaths and dispossession of millions of people.
No country can equal this systemic record of violence. Most of
America’s wars (almost all of them against defenceless countries) have
been launched not by Republican presidents but by liberal Democrats:
Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Carter, Clinton, Obama.
In 1947, a series of National Security Council directives described
the paramount aim of American foreign policy as “a world substantially
made over in [America’s] own image”. The ideology was messianic
Americanism. We were all Americans. Or else. Heretics would be
converted, subverted, bribed, smeared or crushed.
Donald Trump is a symptom of this, but he is also a maverick. He says
the invasion of Iraq was a crime; he doesn’t want to go to war with
Russia and China. The danger to the rest of us is not Trump, but Hillary
Clinton. She is no maverick. She embodies the resilience and violence
of a system whose vaunted “exceptionalism” is totalitarian with an occasional liberal face.
As presidential election day draws near, Clinton will be hailed as
the first female president, regardless of her crimes and lies – just as
Barack Obama was lauded as the first black president and liberals
swallowed his nonsense about “hope”. And the drool goes on.
Described by the Guardian columnist Owen Jones as “funny,
charming, with a coolness that eludes practically every other
politician”, Obama the other day sent drones to slaughter 150 people in
Somalia. He kills people usually on Tuesdays, according to the New York Times, when he is handed a list of candidates for death by drone. So cool.
In the 2008 presidential campaign, Hillary Clinton threatened to
“totally obliterate” Iran with nuclear weapons. As Secretary of State
under Obama, she participated in the overthrow of the democratic
government of Honduras. Her contribution to the destruction of Libya in
2011 was almost gleeful. When the Libyan leader, Colonel Gaddafi, was
publicly sodomised with a knife – a murder made possible by American
logistics – Clinton gloated over his death: “We came, we saw, he died.”
One of Clinton’s closest allies is Madeleine Albright, the former
secretary of State, who has attacked young women for not supporting
“Hillary”. This is the same Madeleine Albright who infamously
celebrated on TV the death of half a million Iraqi children as “worth
it”.
Among Clinton’s biggest backers are the Israel lobby and the arms
companies that fuel the violence in the Middle East. She and her
husband have received a fortune from Wall Street. And yet, she is about
to be ordained the women’s candidate, to see off the evil Trump, the
official demon. Her supporters include distinguished feminists: the
likes of Gloria Steinem in the US and Anne Summers in Australia.
A generation ago, a post-modern cult now known as “identity politics”
stopped many intelligent, liberal-minded people examining the causes
and individuals they supported — such as the fakery of Obama and
Clinton; such as bogus progressive movements like Syriza in Greece,
which betrayed the people of that country and allied with their enemies.
Self absorption, a kind of “me-ism”, became the new zeitgeist in
privileged western societies and signaled the demise of great collective
movements against war, social injustice, inequality, racism and
sexism.
chasfreeman | American policies in the Middle East have produced a mess in which we
are estranged from all the key actors – Arab, Iranian, Israeli, and
Turkish – and on a different page than the Russians. The state of our
relations with the region is symbolized by the sight of U.S. diplomats
cowering behind barriers surrounding fortress embassies that resemble
nothing so much as modern-day Crusader castles. Diplomacy is all but
impossible when we must ask host governments to protect our diplomats
from their people by placing our embassies under perpetual siege by
police. The fact that other countries don’t have to do this is
suggestive of something. After so many years, it should be obvious that
bombing, drone warfare, and commandos just make things worse. It is
time for Americans to end our wars and support for the wars of others in
the Middle East and to try something else.
What might that be? Well, we might start by recognizing a few
unpalatable realities. In the Levant, the world brought into being by
Messrs. Sykes and Picot has ended. All of our bombers and all of our
men can’t put Humpty Dumpty together again. We and our friends in the
region are going to have to accept the rise of new states within changed
borders. Where we cannot fix things, we must at least do no harm.
The Arabs have made it clear that they recognize the reality of
Israel’s presence in their midst and do not expect it to disappear.
It’s clear that, if Israel did indeed disappear, this would be because
it did itself in, not because it was militarily overwhelmed. Israel has
had a free ride on the United States for forty years. It is in denial
about the ultimate consequences for it of moral self-destruction,
political self-compression, and rising personal insecurity. Israelis
will not address these perils without shock treatment. They need to
make short-term political sacrifices to secure domestic tranquility and
well-being over the long term.
If Americans could muster the political will, we could easily
administer the requisite tough love to Israel through selective
suspensions of the unconditional UN vetoes, aid, and tax subsidies that
make counterproductive behavior by the Jewish state cost-free. If we
are politically unable to cease the enablement and creation of moral
hazard for Israel, we should consider how best to minimize the damage to
ourselves as Israel self-destructs. We should not support or appear to
support Israeli policies we consider misguided.
Similarly, America should restructure its relationship with Saudi
Arabia and the Gulf Arabs to be more two-sidedly collaborative. Like
Israel, these countries have effectively declared their independence
from us. Their continued dependence on us does not oblige us to support
their policies. When these policies do not serve American purposes we
should withhold our backing for them.
Americans neither understand nor have any interest in involving
ourselves in theological rivalries between Sunnis and Shiites. When it
is in our interest to do so, we should feel free to cooperate with Iran,
as we do with Israel, rather than automatically deferring to Gulf Arab
(or Israeli) objections. Our policies in Syria are the palsied
offspring of an unholy marriage of convenience between liberal
interventionists and Gulf Arab rulers obsessed with deposing Bashar
al-Assad, establishing Sunni dominance in Syria, and breaking Syria’s
alliance with Iran.
But, with the exception of the Iranian angle, would these outcomes
necessarily serve U.S. interests? Is the unconditional support of the
Gulf Arabs for military dictatorship in Egypt likely to end well? Is
the perpetuation of the fighting in Yemen something we favor? It is
time to restructure U.S. relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council
countries and Iran to reflect the challenges of the post-Sykes-Picot and
Cold War eras, the need for mutual accommodation between Arabs and
Persians, and the rise of Daesh.
Greater flexibility in the U.S. relationship with the Gulf Arabs as
well as with Iran is essential to end our cold war with Iran and our hot
wars elsewhere in the region. It is necessary to restore a basis for a
balance of power in the Persian Gulf that can relieve us of the burden
of permanently garrisoning it. We should be looking to internationalize
the burden of assuring security of access to energy supplies and
freedom of navigation in the region. We should be using the United
Nations to forge a coalition of great powers and Muslim states to
contain and crush Daesh, criminalize terrorism, and build effective
international structures to deal with it.
It is time to cut a knot or two in the Middle East. Enough is now enough.
On 27 February 2012, WikiLeaks began to publish what it called "The Global Intelligence Files", more than 5,000,000 e-mails fromStratfordating from July 2004 to late December 2011. It was said to show how aprivate intelligenceagency operates and how it targets individuals for their corporate and government clients.[144]A few days before, on 22 February, WikiLeaks had released its second insurance file via BitTorrent. The file is named "wikileaks-insurance-20120222.tar.bz2.aes" and about 65 GB in size.[145][146]
On 5 July 2012, WikiLeaks began publishing the Syria Files, more than two million emails from Syrian political figures, ministries and associated companies, dating from August 2006 to March 2012.[147]
WikiLeaks published a secret draft of the Financial Services Annex of theTrade in Services Agreementin June 2014. On its website, the organization provided an analysis of the leaked document. TISA, an international trade deal aimed at market liberalization, covers 50 countries and 68% of the global services industry. The agreement's negotiations have been criticized for a lack of transparency.[152]
On 29 July 2014, WikiLeaks released a secretgagging orderissued by theSupreme Court of Victoriathat forbid the Australian press from coverage of a multimillion-dollar bribery investigation involving the nation's central bank and several international leaders.[153]Indonesian, Vietnamese, Malaysian and Australian government officials were named in the order, which was suppressed to "prevent damage to Australia's international relations that may be caused by the publication of material that may damage the reputations of specified individuals who are not the subject of charges in these proceedings."[154]
Public criticism of the suppression order followed the leak. Human Rights Watch General Counsel Dinah PoKempner, said “Secret law is often unaccountable and inadequately justified. The government has some explaining to do as to why it sought such an extraordinary order, and the court should reconsider the need for it now that its action has come to light.”[155]At a media conference, Indonesian presidentSusilo Bambang Yudhoyonocondemned the gagging order, calling for an open and transparent investigation.[156]
On 25 March 2015 WikiLeaks released the "Investment Chapter" from the secret negotiations of the TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) agreement.
"The TPP has developed in secret an unaccountable supranational court for multinationals to sue states. This system is a challenge to parliamentary and judicial sovereignty. Similar tribunals have already been shown to chill the adoption of sane environmental protection, public health and public transport policies." --Julian Assange
This article only covers a small subset of the leaked documents—those that have attracted significant attention in the mainstream press.Wikileakshas the complete list, organisedby countryorby year.
WashingtonExaminer | This sounds like a pretty huge deal, so you’d think the American
media would be all over it. Not quite. In fact, the only story I’ve seen
emanating from the U.S. press was published by the Washington Examiner.
Google
in 2012 sought to help insurgents overthrow Syrian President Bashar
Assad, according to State Department emails receiving fresh scrutiny
this week.
Messages between former secretary of state Hillary
Clinton’s team and one of the company’s executives detailed the plan for
Google to get involved in the region.
“Please keep close hold, but my team is planning to launch a tool
… that will publicly track and map the defections in Syria and which
parts of the government they are coming from,” Jared Cohen, the head of
what was then the company’s “Google Ideas” division, wrotein a July 2012 email to several top Clinton officials.
“Our logic behind this is that while many people are tracking the
atrocities, nobody is visually representing and mapping the defections,
which we believe are important in encouraging more to defect and giving confidence to the opposition,” Cohen said, adding that the plan was for Google to surreptitiously give the tool to Middle Eastern media.
Is this a technology company or the C.I.A.?
“Given
how hard it is to get information into Syria right now, we are
partnering with Al-Jazeera who will take primary ownership over the tool
we have built, track the data, verify it, and broadcast it back into
Syria,” he said.
“Please keep this very close hold and let me know if
there is anything [else] you think we need to account for or think about
before we launch. We believe this can have an important impact,” Cohen
concluded.
The message was addressed to deputy secretary of state Bill
Burns; Alec Ross, a senior Clinton advisor; and Clinton’s deputy chief
of staff, Jake Sullivan. Sullivan subsequently forwarded Cohen’s proposal to Clinton, describing it as “a pretty cool idea.”
Cohen worked as a low-level staffer at the State Department until
2010, when he was hired to lead Google Ideas, but was tied to the use
of social media to incite social uprisings even before he left the
department. He once reportedly asked Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey to hold off
of conducting system maintenance that officials believed could have
impeded a brief 2009 uprising in Iran. Julian Assange, who
founded the secret-leaking website WikiLeaks, has for years referred to
Cohen as Google’s “director of regime change.”
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