medialens | In May, voters grasped Spanish political orthodoxy and shook it like a rag doll:
'The anti-austerity party Podemos claimed its biggest victory in
Barcelona, where activist Ada Colau seized control of the city hall.
Podemos and Ciudadanos... made advances across the country that will
give them a chance to shape policy for the first time.'
Podemos also backed the campaign of Manuela Carmena, a 71-year-old
labour-rights lawyer, who ended 24 years of rule by Spain's hard-right
Popular party in the capital, Madrid. These were major triumphs in the
face of fierce and united corporate media opposition. Jose Juan Toharia,
president of polling firm Metroscopia, said:
'Tomorrow's Spain doesn't feel identified with the establishment parties.'
'Together, the two traditional parties have seen their support shrink
from two-thirds of the poll in 2011, to just over half. Podemos and
Ciudadanos have filled the void. The two-party system that had dominated
Spain since the end of dictatorship in 1978 is crumbling.'
MP Jeremy Corbyn, reportedly
'far ahead of his rivals in the Labour leadership election', has
explicitly called for Labour to learn from Greece's Syriza, Spain's
Podemos and the Scottish National Party by campaigning against
'austerity'. Corbyn said:
'I have been in Greece, I have been in Spain. It's very interesting
that social democratic parties that accept the austerity agenda and end
up implementing it end up losing a lot of members and a lot of support. I
think we have a chance to do something different here.'
This echoes a comment
made by Podemos' leader Pablo Iglesias in an interview with Tariq Ali.
Iglesias suggested that Podemos and Syriza offered potent examples that
had already been followed in Scotland:
'We saw this in the UK. The Scottish National Party [SNP] really beat
the Labour Party by criticising austerity and criticising cuts, which
are related to the failure of the "third way" policies of Tony Blair and
Anthony Giddens.'
One might think that, in discussing the popularity of Corbyn's
leadership bid, a rational media would give serious attention to the
visions, strategies and success of Podemos, Syriza and the SNP. For
example, we can imagine in-depth interviews with Iglesias and Colau on
Corbyn's prospects. We can imagine discussions of how a weakening of the
two-party grip on Spanish politics might be repeated outside Scotland
in the UK, where similarly moribund political conditions apply. As
former ambassador, Craig Murray, has observed:
'[I]f the range of possible political programmes were placed on a
linear scale from 1 to 100, the Labour and Conservative parties offer
you the choice between 81 and 84.'
And yet, we have not seen a single substantive discussion of
these issues in any UK national newspaper. The Lexis media database
records 1,974 articles mentioning Corbyn over the last month.
Of these,
just 29 mentioned Podemos. Our search of articles mentioning both
'Corbyn' and 'Pablo Iglesias' yielded zero results, as did our searches
for 'Corbyn' and 'Ada Colau', and 'Corbyn' and 'Manuela Carmena'. Lexis
found 133 Guardian articles mentioning Corbyn over the last month, with
three of these containing mentions in passing of SNP leader Nicola
Sturgeon. The Independent had 47 hits for Corbyn, with one article
mentioning Sturgeon.
These would appear to be natural sources and comparisons,
particularly given Corbyn's explicit references to them. Instead, we
found complete indifference combined with a ruthless and relentless
campaign to trash Corbyn across the so-called media 'spectrum'.
nautil.us | The book sets its sights high from the very first words. “O, what a
world of unseen visions and heard silences, this insubstantial country
of the mind!” Jaynes begins. “A secret theater of speechless monologue
and prevenient counsel, an invisible mansion of all moods, musings, and
mysteries, an infinite resort of disappointments and discoveries.”
To
explore the origins of this inner country, Jaynes first presents a
masterful precis of what consciousness is not. It is not an innate
property of matter. It is not merely the process of learning. It is not,
strangely enough, required for a number of rather complex processes.
Conscious focus is required to learn to put together puzzles or execute a
tennis serve or even play the piano. But after a skill is mastered, it
recedes below the horizon into the fuzzy world of the unconscious.
Thinking about it makes it harder to do. As Jaynes saw it, a great deal
of what is happening to you right now does not seem to be part of your
consciousness until your attention is drawn to it. Could you feel the
chair pressing against your back a moment ago? Or do you only feel it
now, now that you have asked yourself that question?
Consciousness,
Jaynes tells readers, in a passage that can be seen as a challenge to
future students of philosophy and cognitive science, “is a much smaller
part of our mental life than we are conscious of, because we cannot be
conscious of what we are not conscious of.” His illustration of his
point is quite wonderful. “It is like asking a flashlight in a dark room
to search around for something that does not have any light shining
upon it. The flashlight, since there is light in whatever direction it
turns, would have to conclude that there is light everywhere. And so
consciousness can seem to pervade all mentality when actually it does
not.”
Perhaps most striking to Jaynes, though, is that knowledge
and even creative epiphanies appear to us without our control. You can
tell which water glass is the heavier of a pair without any conscious
thought—you just know, once you pick them up. And in the case of
problem-solving, creative or otherwise, we give our minds the
information we need to work through, but we are helpless to force an
answer. Instead it comes to us later, in the shower or on a walk. Jaynes
told a neighbor that his theory finally gelled while he was watching
ice moving on the St. John River. Something that we are not aware of
does the work.
The picture Jaynes paints is that consciousness is
only a very thin rime of ice atop a sea of habit, instinct, or some
other process that is capable of taking care of much more than we tend
to give it credit for. “If our reasonings have been correct,” he writes,
“it is perfectly possible that there could have existed a race of men
who spoke, judged, reasoned, solved problems, indeed did most of the
things that we do, but were not conscious at all.”
Jaynes
believes that language needed to exist before what he has defined as
consciousness was possible. So he decides to read early texts, including
The Iliad and The Odyssey, to look for signs of people
who aren’t capable of introspection—people who are all sea, no rime. And
he believes he sees that in The Iliad. He writes that the characters in The Iliad
do not look inward, and they take no independent initiative. They only
do what is suggested by the gods. When something needs to happen, a god
appears and speaks. Without these voices, the heroes would stand frozen
on the beaches of Troy, like puppets.
Speech was already known to
be localized in the left hemisphere, instead of spread out over both
hemispheres. Jaynes suggests that the right hemisphere’s lack of
language capacity is because it used to be used for something
else—specifically, it was the source of admonitory messages funneled to
the speech centers on the left side of the brain. These manifested
themselves as hallucinations that helped guide humans through situations
that required complex responses—decisions of statecraft, for instance,
or whether to go on a risky journey.
The combination of instinct
and voices—that is, the bicameral mind—would have allowed humans to
manage for quite some time, as long as their societies were rigidly
hierarchical, Jaynes writes. But about 3,000 years ago, stress from
overpopulation, natural disasters, and wars overwhelmed the voices’
rather limited capabilities. At that point, in the breakdown of the
bicameral mind, bits and pieces of the conscious mind would have come to
awareness, as the voices mostly died away. That led to a more flexible,
though more existentially daunting, way of coping with the decisions of
everyday life—one better suited to the chaos that ensued when the gods
went silent. By The Odyssey, the characters are capable of
something like interior thought, he says. The modern mind, with its
internal narrative and longing for direction from a higher power,
appear.
There is a deep commonality between the vilification of police and teachers. Interestingly, police and teachers have two things in common. First, they are largely from the same social class, the lower-middle or working class. Second,
in overwhelming majority, they are drawn from the population of working class whites.
Ever since the sixties, these heavily unionized and politically active working class whites have been tasked with keeping
the largely Black and Hispanic underclass under control. This is an
impossible task for them. They lack the personal, professional, cultural, and psychic resources to accomplish this task.
At the very least, they're drawing a paycheck for trying and failing, and to that extent, they have been spared the indignities of membership in the underclass themselves.
All kinds of "solutions" for the "problems" of the police
and teachers have been and are being proposed. None of these solutions will work.
I am
calling attention to the socio-economic and racial demographic fact that the composition of the public school teacher and urban overseer cadres are the same, and that these represent a continuation of an American Original divide and conquer strategy of intentional race-baiting.
zerohedge | Who says America has a jobs problem? As the chart below shows, the
"New Economy" may pay abysmally, but at least it promises a little to
everyone (or to paraphrase a famous phrase "From each according to his
ability, to each according to his need"). Nowhere is that more obvious
than in the chart showing the monthly change in waiter and bartender
jobs.
Here is the bottom line: in the past 65 months, or nearly
five and a half years starting with March 2010, or when the jobs
"recovery" really kicked in, jobs for waiters and bartenders (aka food
service and drinking places) have declined just once.
This is a statistically abnormal hit rate of nearly 99%, and one
which we assume has everything to do with the BLS' charge of not so much
reporting reality as finding loopholes in the goalseeked model to
report that the US keeps adding over 200,000 jobs every month or bust.
Putting this number in context, the US has allegedly added 376K bartenders in the past year, and 3 million since March 2010.
zerohedge |Officially, the unemployment rate in the U.S. is 5.6%,
meaning 5.6% of the work force is temporarily out of a job and actively
seeking another one. This low number reflects nearly full
employment, as 3% to 4% of the work force is typically in the process of
quitting/being laid off and finding another job.
Typically, periods of nearly full employment are economically good times, as household income is bolstered and employers have to pay a bit more to hire workers when the labor market is tight.
But these do not feel like good times for most households, despite the low unemployment rate.
Earnings are stagnant for 90% of the work force, and employers are only
paying a competitive premium for workers in very select fields
(programmers adept at Python and mobile user interfaces, etc.)
This creates a cognitive dissonance between the low official
unemployment rate and the real economy, which is behaving like an
economy with much higher rates of unemployment, i.e. sluggish
hiring, stagnant wages, difficulty in finding jobs, and very little
pressure on employers to pay more for typical jobs.
Let's start by trying to calculate the work force--the number of people who could get a job if they wanted to.
This isn't quite as straightforward as we might imagine, because the
two primary agencies that compile these statistics use slightly
different categories.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) calculates the civilian noninstitutional population
as everyone 16 and older who is not in active-duty military service or
in prison. The BLS reckons this to be about 250 million people, out of a
total population of about 317 million residents: Household Data (BLS)
The BLS subtracts 93 million people who are not in the labor force, leaving about 157 million people in the civilian work force--roughly half the nation's population.
Of these, 148.8 million have a job of some sort and 8.6 million are unemployed.
The Census Bureau calculates the civilian noninstitutional population as everyone who is not in active-duty military service or in prison. (You can download various data on the U.S. population on this Census Bureau website: Age and Sex Composition in the United States: 2012. I am using Table 1 data.)
The Census Bureau places the civilian noninstitutional population at 308.8 million in 2012.
Since roughly 4 million people are born and 2.6 million die in the U.S.
each year, we can adjust this upward by roughly 3.5 million to bring it
up to date (mid-2015) to 312 million.
zerohedge |Statistics have become very misleading: in
particular we are being badly misled into believing that the US is
teetering on the edge of price deflation, because the US official rate
of inflation is barely positive, a level that US bonds and therefore all
other financial markets have priced in without accepting it is actually
significantly higher.
There are two possible approaches to assessing the true rate of price inflation.
You can either reverse all the tweaks government statisticians have
implemented over the decades to reduce the apparent rate, or you can
collect a statistically significant sample of price data independently
and turn that into an index. John Williams of Shadowstats.com is well
known for his work on the former approach, but until recently I was
unaware that anyone was attempting the latter. That is until Simon Hunt
of Simon Hunt Strategic Services drew my attention to the Chapwood Index, which deserves wider publicity.
This is from the website: "The Chapwood Index reflects the true
cost-of-living increase in America. Updated and released twice a year,
it reports the unadjusted actual cost and price fluctuation of the top
500 items on which Americans spend their after-tax dollars in the 50
largest cities in the nation."It is, therefore,
statistically significant, and it consistently shows price inflation to
be much higher than that indicated by the Consumer Price Index (CPI).
theatlantic | The 2012 documentary The House I Live In critically
examines the War on Drugs, deeming it a failure that has bloated
American prisons and led to an adoption of flawed policing policies.
Now, Congress seems poised to seriously amend these tough federal
sentencing laws that caused a huge increase in the number of Americans
who are incarcerated—especially addressing the high incarceration rate
of minority drug offenders. In this clip from the documentary, The Wire's
creator, David Simon, describes how the strategies behind the War on
Drugs have actually destroyed law enforcement's power of deterrence and
increased cynicism among enforcement agents.
theatlantic | On-duty police officers appear to be eating edible pot products—OC Weeklytranscribes words they spoke while egging one another on. (“Those candy bars are pretty good,” one said. “I kinda feel light-headed though.”) Other
dialogue offers a number of insights into the subculture of this
narcotics unit. Take the woman with an amputated leg that police
encountered on entering the dispensary. “Did you punch that one-legged
old benita?” one police officer asks another. The other cop laughingly
replied, “I was about to kick her in her fucking nub.” These are people
Santa Ana taxpayers empower to use lethal force at their discretion.
Later, OC Weekly got access to a fuller version of the footage. They marvel at what it contains:
Hon. Jonathan Fish has been an Orange County Superior Court Judge
since 2008, but before that he was a prosecutor with the district
attorney’s office who specialized in narcotics cases.
In the footage, an unidentified Santa Ana Police officer is
talking to another cop as they wrap up their raid on the marijuana
dispensary.
“You ever work with John Fish, the DA?” the officer asks. “He was just in when I got there,” his partner responds.
“He's the judge that signed our warrant,” the first officer
continues, adding that he had just spoken with Judge Fish and had
enjoyed a good laugh with him about their old times together. “He's the
fucker that pulled into a gas station on our way to the Staples Center
and goes, ‘Let's buy some beers and drink 'em out of a red cup.’ I go,
‘That’s not going to be obvious.’ There we are at an am/pm getting
styrofoam cups and pouring our beers into them. That fucking blew me
away.”
That is all part of the backstory.
What’s
new is the way that the cops caught misbehaving on camera and the
police union that represents them have responded to an internal police
investigation—not with embarrassment, contrition, and public apologies,
as would befit trustworthy people of good character, but with shameless,
discrediting chutzpah: They’ve sued to keep now public video of their
indefensible behavior from their overseers!
thisamericanlife | Right now, all sorts of people are trying to rethink and reinvent education, to get poor minority kids performing as well as white kids. But there's one thing nobody tries anymore, despite a lot of evidence that it works- desegregation. This week, Nikole Hannah-Jones looks at a district in Missouri that, just a few years ago, accidentally launched a desegregation program. It's the first of a two-part series.
propublica | News reports in the days and weeks after Brown’s death often noted
his recent graduation and college ambitions, the clear implication that
the teen’s school achievements only deepened the sorrow over his loss.
But if Brown’s educational experience was a success story, it was a damning one.
Brown’s tragedy, then, is not limited to his individual potential cut
brutally short. His schooling also reveals a more subtle, ongoing
racial injustice: the vast disparity in resources and expectations for
black children in America’s stubbornly segregated educational system.
As ProPublica has documented in a series of stories on the resegregation
of America’s schools, hundreds of school districts across the nation
have been released from court-enforced integration over the past 15
years. Over that same time period, the number of so-called apartheid
schools — schools whose white population is 1 percent or less — has shot
up. The achievement gap, greatly narrowed during the height of school
desegregation, has widened.
“American schools are disturbingly racially segregated, period,” Catherine Lhamon,
head of the U.S. Education Department’s civil rights office, said in an
October speech. “We are reserving our expectations for our highest
rigor level of courses, the courses we know our kids need to be able to
be full and productive members of society, but we are reserving them for
a class of kids who are white and who are wealthier.”
newyorker | The Justice Department also released a broader
assessment of the police and the courts in Ferguson, and it was
scathing. The town, it concluded, was characterized by deep-seated
racism. Local authorities targeted black residents, arresting them
disproportionately and fining them excessively. Together, the two
reports frustrated attempts to arrive at a clean moral conclusion.
Wilson had violated no protocol in his deadly interaction with Brown,
yet he was part of a corrupt and racist system.
The
federal government’s findings did little to soothe the raw emotions
stirred by Brown’s death. Many Americans believe that Wilson need not
have killed Brown in order to protect himself, and might not have
resorted to lethal force had Brown been white. Ta-Nehisi Coates, in his
new book, “Between the World and Me,” writing of the psychological
impact of incidents like the Brown shooting, says, “It does not matter
if the destruction is the result of an unfortunate overreaction. It does
not matter if it originates in a misunderstanding.” Coates also notes,
“There is nothing uniquely evil in these destroyers or even in this
moment. The destroyers are merely men enforcing the whims of our
country.”
Many police officers have defended
Wilson, pointing out that cops patrolling violent neighborhoods risk
their lives. Some right-wing publications have lionized him. In The American Thinker,
David Whitley wrote that Wilson “should be thanked and treated as a
hero!” Supporters raised nearly half a million dollars on behalf of the
Wilsons, allowing them to move, buy the new house, and pay their legal
expenses. But, as Wilson knows, such support has only deepened the
resentment of people who feel that he deserves punishment or, at the
very least, reprimand.
NYTimes | You might think the discovery of microbes on Mars or fish in the oceans of Jupiter’s moon Europa would have scientists dancing in the streets. And you would probably be right.
But not everyone agrees that it would be such good news. For at least one prominent thinker, it would be a “crushing blow.”
That would be Nick Bostrom, a philosopher at the University of Oxford and director of the Future of Humanity Institute there, one of the great pessimists of this or any other age.
In an article
published in Technology Review in 2008, Professor Bostrom declared that
it would be a really bad sign for the future of humanity if we found
even a microbe clinging to a rock on Mars. “Dead rocks and lifeless
sands would lift my spirit,” he wrote.
Why?
It
goes back to a lunch in 1950 in Los Alamos, N.M., the birthplace of the
atomic bomb. The subject was flying saucers and interstellar travel.
The physicist Enrico Fermi blurted out a question that has become famous among astronomers: “Where is everybody?”
The
fact that there was no evidence outside supermarket tabloids that
aliens had ever visited Earth convinced Fermi that interstellar travel
was impossible. It would simply take too long to get anywhere.
The
argument was expanded by scientists like Michael Hart and Frank Tipler,
who concluded that extraterrestrial technological civilizations simply
didn’t exist.
resourceinsights | Jeremy Rifkin announced the end of work in a book by that title in 1995. Today, we are once again being told that the end of work is nigh. The Atlantic Monthly tells us so in a piece entitled, "A World Without Work."
Automation and computer technology will bring unimaginable change and
prosperity--and result in the loss of millions of jobs that will not be
replaced.
I heard this before when I was young. In the 1960s there
was talk of a three-day workweek for similar reasons. Obviously, it
didn't work out.
My purpose here is not to provide a detailed
critique of such prognostications. Rather, I ask the same question I ask
when I see a science-fiction film depicting widespread space travel and
planetary colonization. Where are they getting all the energy to do
these things?
In the Atlantic piece--a clever and rather
more subtle discussion of the post-work world than I've seen
elsewhere--the word "energy" appears exactly zero times. It is assumed
that humans will somehow extract enough energy to run all the new
machines that will serve (or run?) us. It is assumed that climate change
will not be so disruptive as to make our current technical civilization
crumble or at least falter significantly. It is assumed that the
modeled effects of climate change on the world's major grain growing
areas--lots of drought--won't change our priorities drastically toward
growing more food in more places. In short, the future is just the past
with a lot more energy-guzzling gadgets and apparently a lot more
playtime.
Victorian culture repressed sex, not the act
itself--population rose briskly in 19th century Britain--but discussion
of sex, examination of it. Today, one can walk into any decent-sized
bookstore and get an illustrated manual on sexual positions. Today,
people get therapy to improve their sex lives, brag openly about their
sexual conquests, and have frank discussions with one another about each
other's sexual preferences. That repression is over--to the dismay of
some and to the delight of others.
Today, a new psychological
repression hides in plain sight. It is the servant of a modern ideology,
a religion really, that says the material world is soulless and merely
fodder for economic growth. This repression prevents most from seeing
our ecological predicament and therefore from understanding it or acting
in response to it. This repression is of the very physical world about
us and the vast and complex interconnections which govern our lives and
the life of the planet.
Our psyche is now programmed to register
the physical world as a substrate for our fantasies of dominion and
mastery, but rarely as a master to us. The fantasy is that humans are in
one category and nature in another, a nature that is very much
subservient to our wishes.
A subset of this repression is the
difficulty in talking about the vulnerability of an energy system that
relies for more than 80 percent of its energy on finite fossil fuels. A
friend of mine related a conversation with an engineer who disputed that
oil is a finite resource. My friend being clever and patient got the
engineer to agree that the Earth is a sphere and that it has a
calculable volume. He then got the engineer to agree that that volume is
finite, and that oil, being a subset of the Earth's volume, must also
be finite.
mintpressnews | A study released earlier this year revealed the shocking death toll
of the United States’s “War on Terror” since the 9/11 terrorist attacks,
but the true body count could be even higher.
Published in March by Physicians for Social Responsibility,
the study, conducted by a team that included some Nobel Prize winners,
determined that at least 1.3 million people have died as a result of war
since Sept.11, 2001, but the real figure might be as high as two
million. The study was an attempt to “close the gaps” in existing
research, including studies like the Iraq Body Count,”
which puts the number of violent deaths in that country at about
219,000 since 2003, based on media reports of the time period.
Investigative journalist Nafeez Ahmed,
writing in April for Middle East Eye, explained some of the ways the
previous figures fell short, according to the physicians’ research:
“For instance, although 40,000 corpses had been buried in
Najaf since the launch of the war, IBC [Iraq Body Count] recorded only
1,354 deaths in Najaf for the same period. That example shows how wide
the gap is between IBC’s Najaf figure and the actual death toll – in
this case, by a factor of over 30.
Such gaps are replete throughout IBC’s database. In
another instance, IBC recorded just three airstrikes in a period in
2005, when the number of air attacks had in fact increased from 25 to
120 that year. Again, the gap here is by a factor of 40.”
NYTimes | Iraqis
have been complaining about electricity at least since the United
States toppled Saddam Hussein in 2003. In the resulting security vacuum,
widespread looting, which American troops had no orders to prevent,
dismantled much of what had been left of the electricity grid, already
eroded by years of sanctions and war.
“Maku
kahraba! Maku amn!” were the complaints leveled by pretty much all
Iraqis to any American they came across back in those first days of the
American occupation. “There is no electricity. There is no security.” In
that order.
Iraqis
in Baghdad had been used to a fairly reliable supply of electricity.
Mr. Hussein had kept the capital disproportionately supplied, with few
power failures. It was different in the southern provinces, where
residents are predominantly from the oppressed Shiite majority, which
had risen up against Mr. Hussein in 1991 and was brutally suppressed. Many areas there got only a few hours of power a day.
American
occupation officials evened out the supply all over the country —
making it more equitable but also shocking residents of Baghdad who were
suddenly subjected to the long powerless days that other Iraqis had
been used to. The cuts were also new and enraging to people in the Sunni
heartland in the north and west, the fulcrum of Mr. Hussein’s residual
support and of the brewing insurgency against the occupation.
Among the failures of the American administration of Iraq was the inability to meet repeated promises
to get the electricity back up to the levels under Mr. Hussein.
Occupation officials put out charts trumpeting modest improvements.
But
a combination of insurgent attacks, incompetence and corruption kept
the system struggling, both then and after political power was nominally
handed to an Iraqi government in 2004. The problems have continued
since American troops left in 2011.
More than once, Iraqis sleeping on their rooftops to keep cool have been killed by stray gunfire.
Many
Iraqis have air-conditioners in their homes, but during power cuts only
some can afford to pay for generators. Those who can must often scale
back to fans and simple air coolers because there is not enough power
for air-conditioners while on generator power, and sometimes even when
on the regular grid.
So
the lucky ones drive around in their cars with the air-conditioning on,
visit shopping malls, or wait for the air coolers to switch on and
huddle around them in a single room. Those without that wherewithal find
cool where they can, sometimes swimming in dirty, sewage-tainted pools
and canals.
Help
is on the way, though, from Iran, which gained significant influence in
Iraq after the fall of Mr. Hussein and the end of the troubled American
involvement.
According to Iran’s state-run Press TV,
in the country’s biggest engineering services deal ever, an Iranian
company recently signed a deal to add 3,000 megawatts to the grid by
building a $2.5 billion power plant in Basra. It will be supplied by a
pipeline carrying Iranian natural gas.
Climate Central | Monitor wildfires with our interactive wildfires map (above). The flame icons represent wildfires currently active in the lower 48 states and Alaska. Hover over a given fire to see its name, and if you zoom in you’ll be able to see the outline of the area that’s burning — the so-called fire perimeter. If you click within the perimeter, a window pops up showing the fire’s size in acres, the amount by which the perimeter has grown or shrunk over the past 24 hours, the fraction of the fire that has been contained and other data. There’s also a link to an even more detailed report. [follow the link to see the up-to-date map]
guardian |The United Nations has published its latest projections
for world population. It predicts that the current 7.3bn people on the
planet will reach 8.5bn in 2030, and could be 11.2bn at the end of the
century. India is expected to overtake China as the most populous
country.
The annually updated forecasts are fuel for a strengthening argument
that growing population is a critical environmental issue. The logic is
simple: increasing numbers of people multiplied by higher average
consumption from wood fuel to mobile phones and intensively farmed meat
is a double whammy for the environment. The results are depleted raw
materials and polluted soil, water and air. Greenhouse gas emissions
causing climate change, specifically carbon dioxide, are the common
measurement of this relationship. So persuasive is the strand of thought
that it has attracted backing from respected public figures such as Sir
David Attenborough, Jonathon Porritt and Chris Packham. But it is
flawed.
If expanding population is a problem, campaigners on the subject
advocate action to slow and stop the rise, if not reverse it. (The UK
group Population Matters,
for example, says it is “responsible” to have one or two children –
below the replacement rate at which population would be stable.) This
presents challenges. The first is that much of the rise in population is
due to people living longer. Nobody is credibly suggesting that society
should cease trying to find cures for disease or stop stepping
into disaster zones to save lives.
Any reduction in population rates, therefore, falls on women having
fewer children. This has happened – average fertility has been falling
for years, even in Africa, which continues to have the highest number of
children per woman. But the second challenge for population
campaigners is that biodiversity loss and pollution continue apace.
The fact is that it is in the very poorest countries where women have
the most children, on average. And where population growth slows,
generally economic growth speeds up, and carbon emissions rise faster.
This happens on a global scale and even within countries – certainly
within the poorer ones where there is most scope for population control,
and where, also, the potential for industrialisation is greatest. It is
unclear which is cause and which is effect: it is likely that they play
off each other. And in some cases, perhaps, population policies go hand
in hand with economic reforms. Only in the wealthiest countries,
though, which already have lower fertility rates, are these links
weakened or even broken.
geneticliteracyproject | Scientifically, it’s calledectogenesis, a termcoined by J.B.S. Haldanein 1924. A hugely influential science popularizer, Haldane did for his generation what Carl Sagan did later in the century. He got people thinking and talking about the implications of science and technology on our civilization, and did not shy away from inventing new words in order to do so. Describing ectogenesis as pregnancy occurring in an artificial environment, from fertilization to birth, Haldane predicted that by 2074 this would account for more than 70 percent of human births.
His prediction may yet be on target.
In discussing the idea in his workDaedalus–a reference to the inventor in Greek mythology who, through his inventions, strived to bring humans to the level of the gods–Haldane was diving into issues of his time, namely eugenics and the first widespread debates over contraception and population control.
Whether Haldane’s view will prove correct about the specific timing of when ectogenesis might become popular, or the numbers of children born that way, it’s certain that he was correct that tAt the same time, he was right that the societal implications are sure to be significant as the age of motherless birth approaches. They will not be the same societal implications that were highlighted inDaedalus, however.
Technology developing in increments
Where are we on the road to ectogenesis right now? To begin, progress has definitely been rapid over the last 20-30 years. In the mid 1990s, Japanese investigators succeeded in maintaining goat fetuses for weeks in a machine containingartificial amniotic fluid. At the same time, the recent decades have seen rapid advancement in neonatal intensive care that is pushing back the minimum gestational age from which human fetuses can be kept alive. Today, it is possible for a preterm fetus to survive when removed from the mother at a gestational age ofslightly less than 22 weeks. That’s only a little more than halfway through the pregnancy (normally 40 weeks). And while rescuing an infant delivered at such an early point requires sophisticated, expensive equipment and care, the capability continues to increase.
A comprehensivereview published by the New York Academy of Sciencesthree years ago highlights a series of achievements by various research groups usingex vivo(out of the body) uterus environments to support mammalian fetuses early in pregnancy. Essentially, two areas of biotechnology are developing rapidly that potentially can enable ectogenesis in humans, and, along the way, what the authors of the Academy review callpartial ectogenesis.
SA | The official policy
of the American Society of Reproductive Medicine is as follows:
“Whereas preimplantation sex selection is appropriate to avoid the birth
of children with genetic disorders, it is not acceptable when used
solely for nonmedical reasons.” Yet in a 2006 survey
of 186 U.S. fertility clinics, 58 allowed parents to choose sex as a
matter of preference. And that was seven years ago. More recent
statistics are scarce, but fertility experts confirm that sex selection
is more prevalent now than ever.
“A lot of U.S. clinics offer
non-medical sex selection,” says Jeffrey Steinberg, director of The
Fertility Institutes, which has branches in Los Angeles, New York and
Guadalajara, Mexico. “We do it every single day. We did three this
morning.”
In 2009 Steinberg announced that he would soon give
parents the option to choose their child’s skin color, hair color and
eye color in addition to sex. He based this claim on studies in which
scientists at deCode Genetics in Iceland suggested they could identify
the skin, hair and eye color of a Scandinavian by looking at his or her
DNA. "It's time for everyone to pull their heads out of the sand,”
Steinberg proclaimed to the BBC at the time. Many fertility specialists were outraged. Mark Hughes, a pioneer of pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, told the San Diego Union-Tribune that the whole idea was absurd and the Wall Street Journalquoted him
as saying that “no legitimate lab would get into it and, if they did,
they'd be ostracized." Likewise, Kari Stefansson, chief executive of
deCode, did not mince words with the WSJ: “I vehemently oppose the use
of these discoveries for tailor-making children,” he said. Fertility
Institutes even received a call from the Vatican urging its staff to
think more carefully. Seifert withdrew his proposal.
But that does
not mean he and other likeminded clinicians and entrepreneurs have
forgotten about the possibility of parents molding their children before
birth. “I’m still very much in favor of using genetics for all it can
offer us,” Steinberg says, “but I learned a lesson: you really have to
take things very, very slowly, because science is scary to a lot of
people.” Most recently, a minor furor erupted over a patent awarded to
the personal genomics company 23andMe. The patent in question,
issued on September 24th, describes a method of “gamete donor selection
based on genetic calculations." 23andMe would first sequence the DNA of
a man or woman who wants a baby as well as the DNA of several potential
sperm or egg donors. Then, the company would calculate which pairing of
hopeful parent and donor would most likely result in a child with
various traits.
Illustrations in the patent depict drop down menus
with choices like: “I prefer a child with Low Risk of Colorectal
Cancer; “High Probability of Green Eyes;” "100% Likely Sprinter;" and
“Longest Expected Life Span” or “Least Expected Life Cost of Health
Care." All the choices are presented as probabilities because, in most
cases, the technique 23andMe describes could not guarantee that a child
will or will not have a certain trait. Their calculations would be based
on an analysis of two adults’ genomes using DNA derived from blood or
saliva, which does reflect the genes inside those adults’ sperm and
eggs. Every adult cell in the human body has two copies of every gene in
that person’s genome; in contrast, sperm and eggs have only one copy of
each gene and which copy is assigned to which gamete is randomly
determined. Consequently, every gamete ends up with a unique set of
genes. Scientists have no way of sequencing the DNA inside an individual
sperm or egg without destroying it.
“When we originally
introduced the tool and filed the patent there was some thinking the
feature could have applications for fertility clinics. But we’ve never
pursued the idea, and have no plans to do so,” 23andMe spokeswoman
Catherine Afarian said in a prepared statement. Nevertheless, doctors
using PGD can already—or will soon be able to—accomplish at least some
of what 23andMe proposes and give parents a few of the choices the
Freemans made about their second son.
theatlantic | Following the release a series of pro-life sting videos targeting Planned Parenthood, Republican senators are threatening to defund the family-planning provider. A vote on their bill to strip Planned Parenthood of federal funding—which accounts for 40 percent of the organization’s budget—could come as early as Monday.
On Twitter, pro-life advocates are trying to help it along,
popularizing the hashtag #UnplannedParenthood on Wednesday. Many of the
tweets come from people who purport to have been, or have had,
accidental children.
In some ways, reading through the
missives is sort of an upper—a testament to how difficult and unexpected
things often work out well in the end.
But probe even slightly further, and the movement becomes disastrously illogical.
First, there is a big difference between an unplanned pregnancy and
an unwanted one—and an even bigger gulf between a baby you actively
choose to have and one you’re forced to carry because abortion is
illegal.
Twitter hashtags aren’t exactly doctoral dissertations. Still, it’s
odd how this one seems to celebrate unplanned pregnancy. Let’s recall
that women have been desperate for effective birth control for
centuries. During the Great Depression, women who wanted to avoid having
babies they couldn’t afford used “disinfectant douches” that burned their genitals and didn’t do much to stop conception. The invention of the pill is partly credited with helping women expand their earning potential and achieve greater gender equality.
Today, reducing unexpected pregnancies is widely considered to be a major public-health imperative. The work of Isabel Sawhill
and others has shown that high rates of unplanned births, particularly
among poor and unwed mothers, contribute to poverty. When women are offered
long-acting reversible contraceptives, like IUDs and implants, they
overwhelmingly choose to get them inserted—and both unplanned births and
abortions decrease as a result.
vox | I have a profound fear of death. It's not bad enough to cause serious
depression or anxiety. But it is bad enough to make me avoid thinking
about the possibility of dying — to avoid a mini existential crisis in
my mind.
But it turns out there may be a better cure for this fear than simply
not thinking about it. It's not yoga, a new therapy program, or a
medicine currently on the (legal) market. It's psychedelic drugs — LSD,
ibogaine, and psilocybin, which is found in magic mushrooms.
This is the case for legalizing hallucinogens. Although the drugs have gotten some media attention
in recent years for helping cancer patients deal with their fear of
death and helping people quit smoking, there's also a similar potential
boon for the nonmedical, even recreational psychedelic user. As
hallucinogens get a renewed look by researchers, they're finding that
the substances may improve almost anyone's mood and quality of life — as
long as they're taken in the right setting, typically a controlled
environment.
This isn't something that even drug policy reformers are comfortable
calling for yet. "There's not any political momentum for that right
now," Jag Davies, who focuses on hallucinogen research at the Drug
Policy Alliance, said, citing the general public's views of psychedelics as extremely dangerous — close to drugs like crack cocaine, heroin, and meth.
But it's an idea that experts and researchers are taking more
seriously. And while the studies are new and ongoing, and a national
regulatory model for legal hallucinogens is practically nonexistent, the
available research is very promising — enough to reconsider the
demonization and prohibition of these potentially amazing drugs.
politico | The day after Leonhart’s appearance before the House Oversight and
Government Reform Committee, when she admitted she didn’t know if the
prostitutes used by DEA agents were underage, Chairman Jason Chaffetz
(R-Utah) and ranking member Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) issued a joint statement expressing no confidence in Leonhart’s leadership. The next day, Leonhart retired, a move Chaffetz and Cummings deemed “appropriate.” That was April.
In
May, the Senate made history by voting in favor of the first
pro-marijuana measure ever offered in that chamber to allow the Veterans
Administration to recommend medical marijuana to veterans. Then when
June rolled around, it was time for the House to pass its appropriations
bill for Commerce, Justice and Science. That’s when things got
interesting. The DEA got its budget cut by $23 million, had its
marijuana eradication unit’s budget slashed in half and its bulk data
collections program shut down. Ouch.
In short, April was a bad
month for the DEA; May was historically bad; but June was arguably the
DEA’s worst month since Colorado went legal 18 months ago—a turn of
events that was easy to miss with the news crammed with tragic
shootings, Confederate flags, Obamacare, gay marriage, a papal
encyclical and the Greece-Euro drama. July hasn’t been any different,
with the legalization movement only gaining steam in both chambers of
Congress.
The string of setbacks, cuts and handcuffs for the DEA
potentially signals a new era for the once untouchable law enforcement
agency—a sign that the national reconsideration of drug policy might
engulf and fundamentally alter DEA’s mission.
“The DEA is no longer sacrosanct,” Rep. Steve Cohen (D-Tenn.) tells Politico.
dnainfo | The 4800 block of West Adams and 4,636 other blocks in the city were the focus of Chicago's Million Dollar Blocks, a new data project published Monday. A collaboration between social justice advocates and tech company DataMade,
the site features an interactive block-by-block breakdown of how much
money the city spent on jailing criminals from 2005 to 2009.
Based on data released by the Chicago Justice Project last
year, the site was developed as a way "to see how incarceration affects
communities on a local level," according to Dan Cooper, one of the
project's leaders.
"All we hear about is how the state is in
billions of dollars in debt, and meanwhile we have more than a billion
dollars every year pumped into a corrections system that's had a track
record of failure," said Cooper, the co-director of Adler University's Institute on Social Exclusion.
"We're always hearing about money being spent on development, and here
you have this shadow budget pumping tons of money into taking people out
of neighborhoods, instead of bringing them in."
Million Dollar
Blocks looks at more than 300,000 criminal records, showing what
developers called a "conservative estimate" of how much the Illinois
Department of Corrections spent on people from each block and
neighborhood. Cooper said he and his colleagues assumed the minimum
sentence for each offense, when in reality the state likely spends much
more.
Developers at DataMade spent months putting together data
based on offenders' home addresses, assuming that the state spends an
average of $22,000 on each criminal every year. DataMade founder Derek
Eder said his team didn't factor in offenders who served more than one
sentence, again suggesting that the actual amount spent on incarceration
is even larger than what the site projects.
Alongside the map is a
brief report breaking down some of the ways mass incarceration impacts
local communities, plus suggestions for how the state could more
effectively reinvest its corrections budget.
Daryl P., who's lived in Austin his whole life, said the state's incarceration pattern is hardly making the area less dangerous.
theroot | Around the world, experts
(as expected) are clawing into every legal nook and cranny to ask one of
the most pressing questions of 2015: Exactly how many rights do you
have should you see the popo’s red and blue lights flashing in the
rearview?
It’s not crystal clear. While we’d like to think we have enough
constitutional armor to take on a trigger-snapping squad of Boss Hog’s
finest, the unfortunate reality is that we don’t. Thanks
to a permanently ideological Supreme Court dominated by conservative
stalwarts, the cops have even more rights than you do.
And even in the post-Bland world, you
should anticipate traffic stops getting worse, since the Supreme Court
is usually unmoved by current events.
To most living through the social-media-magnified #BlackLivesMatter
microscope, any notion of enhanced police power seems unreasonable and
unfathomable. Which is why black folks, understandably, are pushing
back. Yet even with increased smartphone surveillance and hourly
scrutiny of police, law enforcement seems strangely emboldened ... and
even dismissive.
Like the rest of us, Texas state Trooper Brian Encinia hadn’t been
living in a bubble when he stopped Bland. Unless all he did was watch
the Cartoon Network and read comic books on his downtime, Encinia had to
have known that every random, modern traffic stop has the potential to
carry heavy consequences.
More than likely he knew, thereby rendering hours of mandatory
de-escalation training meaningless. But his failure to professionally
deal with Bland also reflects something police culture gets that we
haven’t fully grasped: that they’re already given quite a wide range of
latitude to stop, search, seize and arrest.
Quite a few folks, including the Center for American Progress, have cited the Rodriguez v. United States(pdf)
decision in April as good-enough reason that Bland should never have
seen the inside of a jail. As Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
put it, “The tolerable duration of police inquiries in the traffic-stop
context is determined by the seizure’s ‘mission’—to address the traffic
violation that warranted the stop, and attend to related safety
concerns.”
In other words, since Bland didn’t represent any threat—she only
failed to use a signal to change lanes and was understandably irritated
at being stopped—there was no “mission” justifying any arrest in the
first place.
But the problem here is that either Encinia didn’t get the memo on Rodriguez or he (as well as others) is getting mixed messages from a high court known for its scrabbled aloofness. Although Rodriguez
may have resolved traffic-stop length of time, it didn’t address the
much more consequential traffic-stop reasoning the same way a less-hyped
Heien v. North Carolina(pdf) rulingdid when it dropped last December.
Heien is like the legal Godzilla of bad cop excuses: An
officer’s “mistake of law,” opined conservative Chief Justice John
Roberts, can be constitutional so long as it’s all “reasonable.” In
essence, itgives aggressive police officers the kind of legal
elbow room they need for misconduct; or, as criminal-justice expert
Lauren Kirchner explains,
“[I]t essentially gives cops even more latitude than they already had,
to stop whomever they want, for whatever pretext they claim.”
Heien also pretty much played backup to another little-known 1997 ruling called Maryland v. Wilson,
in which the court agreed that officers can order passengers out of
cars during any traffic stop, crime or no crime. Then-Chief Justice
William H. Rehnquist wrote at the time that “the same weighty interest
in officer safety is present regardless of whether the occupant of the
stopped car is a driver or passenger.”
HuffPo | Few aspects of policing attract more scrutiny than an officer's use
of force. And as people around the nation continue to voice concerns
about the sometimes contentious relationship between citizens and law
enforcement, it's become clear that police and the policed often have
drastically different interpretations of the same incidents.
In some cases, this disagreement may stem from an honest difference
of opinion. Police violence -- and violence in general -- typically
looks repulsive, whether you're watching it unfold in person or on
video. It regularly leads to questions about whether a situation truly
called for the level of force used, and whether anyone's civil rights
were violated in the process. But when the question of what's
"excessive" is left to an internal review process that tends to give
officers a great deal of leeway, what might appear improper to the
average citizen is often found to be justified in the eyes of the law.
[This story includes videos that contain explicit language
and graphic depictions of violence. They may be upsetting for some
readers.]
A number of high-profile cases over the past few years suggest that
something even more disturbing can happen when police are given the
responsibility of self-reporting violence. The instances below offer
clear evidence of cops -- and in some cases, their superiors --
attempting to sanitize, mischaracterize or simply lie about the use of
force. They raise disquieting questions about what might have happened
if videos of the incidents had never surfaced -- and how many similar
incidents never become known to the public.
dailykos | A YouTube user named "basedboston" uploaded a video recorded on July 26,
2015 (date on video is wrong) which shows Medford, Massachusetts
Detective Stephen Lebert threatening to "blow a hole right through your
fucking head" after he stopped "basedboston" over a traffic citation.
The man had a dashcam in his car which records audio and video. He
says he misread road signs and inadvertently went the wrong direction on
a roundabout (or as they call them in the Boston-area, "rotaries").
Detective Lebert was not on duty and was wearing camouflage shorts and a
white tank top. He cuts off the man's vehicle and jumps out to confront
him. Having no idea the irate man was an off-duty police officer, the
man puts the car in reverse to get away from the officer, who had not
identified himself. Detective Lebert then threatens to "blow a hole
right through your fucking head" and eventually pulls out his police
identification.
Watch the terrifying confrontation (and the incredibly calm and professional reaction of other officers called to the scene):
thenation |On April 18, scientists at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangdong, China, published an article in the obscure open-access journal Protein & Cell
documenting their attempt at using an experimental new method of gene
therapy on human embryos. Although the scientific significance of the
results remains open to question, culturally the article is a landmark,
for it has reanimated the age-old debate over human genetic improvement.
The Chinese scientists attempted to correct a mutation in the
beta-globin gene, which encodes a crucial blood protein. Mutations in
this gene lead to a variety of serious blood diseases. But the
experiments failed. Although theoretically the new method, known as
CRISPR (short for “clustered regularly spaced short palindromic
repeats”) is extremely precise, in practice it often produces
“off-target” mutations. In plain English, it makes a lot of changes in
unintended locations, like what often happens when you hit
“search/replace all” in a word-processing document. The principal
conclusion from the paper is that the technique is still a long way from
being reliable enough for the clinic. Nevertheless, the science media
and pundits pounced on the story, and for a while “#CRISPR” was trending
on Twitter.
CRISPR is the fastest, easiest, and most promising of several new
methods known collectively as “gene editing.” Using them, scientists
can edit the individual letters of the DNA code, almost as easily as a
copy editor would delete, a stray comma or correct a speling error.
Advocates wax enthusiastic about its promise for correcting mutations
for serious genetic diseases like cystic fibrosis and sickle-cell
anemia. Other applications might include editing HIV out of someone’s
genome or lowering genetic risks of heart disease or cancer. Indeed,
every week brings new applications: CRISPR is turning out to be an
extraordinarily versatile technique, applicable to many fields of
biomedical research. I’m pretty immune to biomedical hype, but gene
editing has the marks of a genuine watershed moment in biotechnology.
Once the kinks are worked out, CRISPR seems likely to change the way
biologists do experiments, much as the circular saw changed how
carpenters built houses.
The timing of the paper was provocative. It was submitted on
March 30 and accepted on April 1; formal peer review was cursory at
best. Two weeks before, scientists in the United States and Europe had
called for a moratorium on experiments using CRISPR on human “germ-line”
tissue (eggs, sperm, and embryos), which pass alterations on to one’s
descendants, in contrast to the “somatic” cells that compose the rest of
the body. The embryos in the Chinese experiments were not implanted and
in fact could not have become humans: They were the unviable, discarded
products of in vitro fertilization. Still, the paper was a sensational
flouting of the Westerners’ call for restraint. It was hard not to read
its publication as an East Asian Bronx cheer.
The circumstances of the paper’s publication underline the fact
that the core of the CRISPR debate is not about the technological
challenge but the ethical one: that gene editing could enable a new
eugenics, a eugenics of personal choice, in which humans guide their own
evolution individually and in families. Commentators are lining up as
conservatives and liberals on the issue. Conservatives, such as Jennifer
Doudna (one of CRISPR’s inventors) and the Nobel laureates David
Baltimore and Paul Berg, have called for cautious deliberation. They
were among those who proposed the moratorium on using CRISPR on human
embryos. “You could exert control over human heredity with this
technique,” said Baltimore. George Q. Daley, of Boston Children’s
Hospital, said that CRISPR raises the fundamental issue of whether we
are willing to “take control of our genetic destiny.” Are we ready to
edit our children’s genomes to perfection, as in the movie Gattaca? Could the government someday pass laws banning certain genetic constitutions or requiring others?
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