reason | Although the debate over Barack Obama's national identity ended with the release of his long-form birth certificate, questions about his political identity continue. Is he a socialist, a New Deal liberal, a neoliberal, a neoconservative, a fascist, an Uncle Tom, a black nationalist, or just an unprincipled coward? Does he identify with whites, with blacks, or, as Cornel West recently claimed, with Jews? Does he want an accountable or monarchical executive branch? Does he side with investment bankers or with foreclosed mortgagers? Does he really believe in God? If so, which one?
Obama's apparent inconsistency on several issues has helped fuel the public debate over his beliefs. But if anything in Obama's rhetoric and policies has been constant, it is his devotion to the American empire. Throughout the presidential campaign, he promised to fulfill the mission of his heroes, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and John F. Kennedy: strengthening American influence across the world. Obama declared that, like the globalist American leaders of the past, "we must embrace America's singular role in the course of human events."
Many of the candidate's most loyal supporters were veterans of the movements against U.S. interventions in Southeast Asia and Central America, but Obama himself flatly asserted that the United States "has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known" and therefore "must lead the world, by deed and example." Before audiences who somehow saw him as a peace candidate, he lauded Franklin Roosevelt for building "the most formidable military the world has ever seen" and promised to continue the tradition. As lifelong peaceniks plastered his face on their cars and homes and made their children march in parades for him, the candidate made it clear, in speeches, articles, and the 2008 Democratic National Platform, that if elected he would seek to enlarge the Army and Marine Corps, increase military spending, and escalate the war in Afghanistan.
Similarly, 10 months after taking office, Obama used the Nobel Peace Prize to declare war on potentially most of the world. In his October 2009 acceptance speech, the president pledged to go "beyond self-defense"—with armed intervention when necessary—anywhere "the inherent rights and dignity of every individual" are denied. Moreover, he ominously asserted that economic development "rarely takes root without security" and that "military leaders in my own country" believe that "our common security hangs in the balance" so long as climate change is not swiftly and forcefully addressed. Seldom has a political leader delivered such a strident and comprehensive call for American hegemony.
As we now know, Obama's imperial rhetoric was not empty. With the cooperation of both Democrats and Republicans in Congress, he did in fact increase Pentagon spending and expand the Army and Marine Corps to create the largest and most powerful military in the history of the world, tripled down in Afghanistan and Pakistan, launched new military operations in Libya, Yemen, and Somalia, and maintained 50,000 troops in Iraq.
Clearly, anyone who saw Obama as a peacemaker simply did not listen to
what he was saying. But his commitment to preserving and expanding the
American empire should also be no surprise to anyone familiar with the
facts of his childhood. Obama is, after all, the empire's son. Neither New York Times
reporter Janny Scott nor conservative public intellectual Dinesh
D'Souza—the authors of books on Obama's mother and father,
respectively—understand this. But for anyone with knowledge of the
involvement of the United States in Indonesia and Kenya during Obama's
childhood, the information Scott and D'Souza provide makes it clear that
Obama is fundamentally a product of American imperialism.
0 comments:
Post a Comment