wikipedia | Neofeudalism is made possible by the commodification of policing, and signifies the end of shared citizenship, says Ian Loader:
The commodification of policing ... also has to do
with the ways in which private policing and security can assist in the
creation of commercial or residential spaces in which an exclusive,
particularistic order comes to be defined and enforced. The warm,
sanitised, consumer-friendly realm offered by shopping malls represents
an important instance of the former. In contradistinction to the
unpredictable, democratic ‘messiness’ of urban streets, malls make
systematic use of private patrols and camera surveillance to create what
Coleman and Sim call a moral order of consumption; something which
entails the exclusion (on grounds of property, rather than criminal,
law) of those ‘flawed consumers’ who are unwilling or unable to be
seduced by the market. In respect of the latter, walled, gated,
privately policed enclaves — currently most evident in Southern
California and elsewhere in the United States, though also apparent (in
embryonic forms) in parts of Britain — serve as a means of physical
protection, and a vehicle for protecting the value of economic capital;
both of which are predicated on the essential ‘unliveability’ of civil
society beyond the walls. As such, the commodification of policing and
security operates to cement (sometimes literally) and exacerbate social
and spatial inequalities generated elsewhere; serving to project,
anticipate and bring forth a tribalised, 'neo-feudal’ world of private
orders in which social cohesion and common citizenship have collapsed.
wikipedia | The Sinaloa Cartel (Spanish: Cártel de Sinaloa or CDS)[5] is a drug-trafficking and organized crime syndicate based in the city of Culiacán, Sinaloa,[6] with operations in the Mexican states of Baja California, Durango, Sonora and Chihuahua.[7][8] The cartel is also known as the Guzmán-Loera Organization and the Pacific Cartel, the latter due to the coast of Mexico from which it originated. The cartel has also been called the Federation and the Blood Alliance.[7][9][10][11] The 'Federation' was partially splintered when the Beltrán-Leyva brothers broke apart from the Sinaloa Cartel.[12]
The Sinaloa Cartel is associated with the label "Golden Triangle", which refers to the states of Sinaloa, Durango, and Chihuahua. The region is a major producer of Mexican opium and marijuana.[12] According to the U.S. Attorney General, the Sinaloa Cartel is responsible for importing into the United States and distributing nearly 200 tons of cocaine and large amounts of heroin between 1990 and 2008.[15]
wikipedia | Los Zetas is a powerful and violent criminal syndicate in Mexico, and is considered by the U.S. government to be the "most technologically advanced, sophisticated, and dangerous cartel operating in Mexico."[7][8] The origins of Los Zetas date back to 1999, when commandos of the Mexican Army's elite forces deserted their ranks and decided to work as the armed wing of the Gulf Cartel, a powerful drug trafficking organization.[9] In February 2010, Los Zetas broke away from their former employer and formed their own criminal organization.[10][11]
Los Zetas are well armed and equipped, and unlike other traditional
criminal organizations in Mexico, drug trafficking makes up at least 50%
of their revenue, while a large portion of the income comes from other
activities directed against both rival drug cartels and civilians;[9]
their brutal tactics, which include beheadings, torture and
indiscriminate slaughter, show that they often prefer brutality over
bribery.[9] Los Zetas are also Mexico's largest drug cartel in terms of geographical presence, overtaking its bitter rival, the Sinaloa Cartel.[12] Besides drug trafficking, Los Zetas operate through protection rackets, assassinations, extortion, kidnappings, and other criminal activities.[13] The organization is based in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, directly across the border from Laredo, Texas.[14][15]
pnas | Human ethnocentrism—the tendency to view one's group as centrally
important and superior to other groups—creates intergroup
bias that fuels prejudice, xenophobia, and
intergroup violence. Grounded in the idea that ethnocentrism also
facilitates within-group
trust, cooperation, and coordination, we conjecture
that ethnocentrism may be modulated by brain oxytocin, a peptide shown
to promote cooperation among in-group members. In
double-blind, placebo-controlled designs, males self-administered
oxytocin
or placebo and privately performed computer-guided
tasks to gauge different manifestations of ethnocentric in-group
favoritism
as well as out-group derogation. Experiments 1 and 2
used the Implicit Association Test to assess in-group favoritism and
out-group derogation. Experiment 3 used the
infrahumanization task to assess the extent to which humans ascribe
secondary,
uniquely human emotions to their in-group and to an
out-group. Experiments 4 and 5 confronted participants with the option
to save the life of a larger collective by
sacrificing one individual, nominated as in-group or as out-group.
Results show
that oxytocin creates intergroup bias because
oxytocin motivates in-group favoritism and, to a lesser extent,
out-group derogation.
These findings call into question the view of
oxytocin as an indiscriminate “love drug” or “cuddle chemical” and
suggest that
oxytocin has a role in the emergence of intergroup
conflict and violence.
WaPo | With Tuesday’s election results, President Obama and Congress should
take steps to end “the warfare state” instituted by the George W. Bush
White House.
No one can deny that threats to U.S. security exist around the
world. But the Defense Department needs continued reform to meet those
varied threats and to cut the most costly elements in the core Pentagon
budget that were developed for past wars.
Starting in 2003, the
United States for the first time fought wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan,
without a tax to pay for them. Ironically, the core Defense budget
during the Bush administration was supposed to include funds for such
events.
The September 2001 quadrennial review, which laid the
policy foundation for the Bush fiscal 2003 Pentagon budget, called for
forces that could “swiftly defeat aggression in overlapping major
conflicts while preserving for the president the option to call for a
decisive victory in one of those conflicts — including the possibility
of regime change or occupation.” That sounds a lot like foreseeing the
invasion of Iraq that came 18 months later. The plan said the military
also could, within the proposed budget, “Conduct a limited number of
smaller-scale contingency operations.”
Still, supplemental budgets were sought for the two wars, putting the costs, now near $1.5 trillion, on a credit card.
NYTimes | They might have been the Hinterpfanns. Apart from the ancient priestly
names of Cohen and Levin, Jews in Europe were called by patronymics (as
''Isaac ben Elchanan'' -- ''Isaac, son of Elchanan'') until little more
than 200 years ago, when they began to acquire, often at the caprice of
officials, what we think of as ''Jewish names'' like Bernstein or
Rosenthal. But in the Judengasse, the squalid Frankfurt ghetto, the
downtrodden inhabitants were known by their addresses. One family had
lived in a house with a red shield hanging outside, ''zum roten
Schild,'' before moving to another, ''zur Hinterpfann'' (''the warming
pan'').
The red shield name stuck nonetheless, and Mayer Amschel Rothschild,
born probably in 1744, was the first member of his family known by what
would become one of the most famous names in Europe. By his death in
1812, he had risen from obscure coin dealer to international financier,
establishing his sons in London, Paris, Vienna and Naples, as well as in
Frankfurt. And his tightknit family firm grew into what Niall Ferguson
calls ''for most of the century between 1815 and 1914 . . . easily the
biggest bank in the world.''
Their enthralling story has often been told before, but never in such
authoritative detail. Ferguson is a young Oxford don of remarkable
energy and prolificity, who has previously written a learned book on
German financial history and has just published in England a long book
on World War I, as well as this Rothschild history in its 1,300-page
entirety. The American publishers have taken pity on their readers'
wrists and split it into two volumes: ''The House of Rothschild: Money's
Prophets, 1798-1848'' will be followed in the fall of 1999 by ''The
House of Rothschild: The World's Banker, 1848-1997.'' The study marks
the bicentenary of Nathan Rothschild's arrival in London, where N. M.
Rothschild & Sons of New Court was to become the most famous of all
the branches of the great cousinage and whose archives were opened to
the author.
Why the explosive Jewish success in finance during the 19th century? The
simplest explanation is that, as the Jews began to emerge from the
heaviest restrictions of the ancien regime, money-dealing was at first
the only avenue open to them. The Rothschilds' particular rise to
greatness is a complex story, but the outlines are clear enough: the
coincidence of the opening of the ghetto doors, the French Revolution,
the ensuing two decades of war across Europe and the burgeoning
Industrial Revolution in England. Thus the family progressed rapidly
from coin dealing and money-changing to trading in Lancashire textiles
and transmitting the funds for the Duke of Wellington's armies.
There were eminent Victorians, notably the great English financial
writer Walter Bagehot, who argued that the House of Rothschild wasn't
really a bank at all, in the sense of a place where one could deposit
and withdraw money. The crucial Rothschild role in high finance wasn't
through deposit banking but through the development of an international
market for transferable, interest-paying government bonds.
The career of Mayer Amschel Rothschild saw an intimate partnership with
Landgrave William IX of Hesse-Kassel, a libidinous and avaricious prince
whose begetting 12 illegitimate children still left him time for
speculating with a large inheritance (partly acquired a generation
earlier when the Hessian Army was hired out to the highest bidder, which
was to say the King of England fighting his war in America). In this
relationship, Rothschild remained in some ways the junior partner, the
''Hofjude'' or court Jew of tradition.
Soon the Rothschilds were floating government bonds on a much larger
scale -- and then speculating in them. They shrewdly got out of British
consols in 1817, but England was the nation where the family flourished
above all. They acquired opulent houses in London and the country, and
in 1850 Lionel Rothschild was finally accepted as an M.P. when the
parliamentary oath ''on the faith of a true Christian'' was dropped.
The family moved from Tory to Whig, but they were never democratic
egalitarians, and their story isn't necessarily evidence for the
comforting notion that capitalism is the midwife of freedom. There was
nevertheless a political reason for their affinity with England: a
constitutional country with responsible government was quite simply a
better bet. Whatever else the British Government did, it was not going
to repudiate its debts in the manner of Continental autocrats. And so,
as Ferguson shows, from Nathan's time ''relations with the Bank of
England were close and mutually beneficial.''
In this period, England was also a better bet than the United States.
The Rothschilds never became big American players. They liked to lend to
the government of a country before they did commercial business there,
but this was difficult when the United States was a genuinely loose
federation, some of whose states were ''among the least reliable'' of
all borrowers in the 19th century, and especially when Andrew Jackson
was conducting his war against the Bank of the United States.
slate | In Sunset Park, a predominantly Mexican and Chinese neighborhood in
South Brooklyn, St. Jacobi’s Church was one of the go-to hubs for people
who wanted to donate food, clothing, and warm blankets or volunteer
help other New Yorkers who were still suffering in the aftermath of
Hurricane Sandy. On Saturday, Ethan Murphy, one of the people heading
the kitchen operation, estimated they would prepare and send out 10,000
meals to people in need. Thousands and thousands of pounds of clothes
were being sorted, labeled, and distributed, and valuable supplies like
heaters and generators were being loaded up in cars to be taken out to
the Rockaways, Staten Island and other places in need. However, this
well-oiled operation wasn’t organized by the Red Cross, New York Cares,
or some other well-established volunteer group. This massive effort was
the handiwork of none other than Occupy Wall Street—the effort is known
as Occupy Sandy.
The scene at St. Jacobis on Saturday was friendly, orderly chaos.
Unlike other shelters that had stopped collecting donations or were
looking for volunteers with special skills such as medical training,
Occupy Sandy was ready to take anyone willing to help. A wide range of
people pitched in, including a few small children making peanut butter
sandwiches, but most volunteers were in their 20s and 30s. A large
basement rec room had become a hive of vegetable chopping and clothes
bagging. They held orientations throughout the day for new volunteers.
One of the orientation leaders, Ian Horst, who has been involved with a
local group called Occupy Sunset Park for the past year, says he was
“totally blown away by the response” and the sheer numbers of people who
showed up and wanted to help. He estimated that he’d given an
orientation to 200 people in the previous hour.
reuters | Colorado became the first state to legalize the possession and sale of marijuana for recreational use on Tuesday, setting up a possible showdown with the
federal government as backers of a similar measure in Washington state
declared victory.
A third measure to remove criminal penalties for personal possession and cultivation of recreational cannabis was defeated in Oregon, where significantly less
money and campaign organization was devoted to the cause.
Supporters of a Colorado constitutional amendment legalizing marijuana declared
victory and opponents conceded defeat after returns showed the measure
garnering nearly 53 percent of the vote versus 47 percent against.
"Colorado will no longer have laws that steer people toward using alcohol, and
adults will be free to use marijuana instead if that is what they
prefer. And we will be better of as a society because of it," said Mason
Tvert, co-director of the Colorado pro-legalization campaign.
The legalization puts the state in direct conflict with the federal
government, which classifies cannabis as an illegal narcotic.
nytimes | This patch of southern Ohio between Cincinnati and Dayton is not the
up-for-grabs Ohio you’ve read so much about. This is decided country,
where House Speaker John Boehner is running for re-election unopposed,
where “Defeat Obama” and “Romney/Ryan” lawn signs glisten in the chilly
drizzle.
At the heart of it is a university whose students, according to a poll
by the campus paper, favor Romney by 49 percent to 40 percent, and tend
to think, as one senior half-joked, “that Sean Hannity is the news.”
This is clearly not the place to gauge the last-minute mood swings of a
state that many consider decisive.
It is, however, an interesting place to ponder the governing mentality
of a Romney/Ryan administration, if that is what voters deliver on
Tuesday. Miami University, a pretty grid of red brick, lawns and autumn
foliage, is the place where Paul Ryan’s view of the world jelled, under
the tutelage of an economist he describes as his mentor. I decided to
spend my last column before the election peeking through this little
window into the Republican id. If Mitt Romney is our next president,
many in the party hope Ryan will play the role of chief ideologist. And
if Romney loses, Ryan starts the 2016 campaign for his party’s
nomination near the front of the line.
Ryan’s alma mater draws mostly white, upper-middle-class students from
Midwest Republican families that are attracted to Miami as a place
unlikely to turn their children against them. A well-endowed business
school (Ryan majored in economics and political science) and a robust
frat culture (Ryan was an enthusiastic Delta Tau Delta) tend to
reinforce the conservative values represented by the Republican ticket —
with one important asterisk we’ll get to later. In 2008, many Miami
students veered out of character, thrilled by the historic Obama
campaign, but now that enthusiasm has given way to disappointment and to
something few of these kids have ever experienced: economic anxiety.
esquire | In case you have misplaced you magic pundit decoder ring, the latest one-word euphemism for "Where The White Folk At?" is "demographics." If the president wins, it will be because of "demographics," which
increasingly means, in Republican weaselspeak, that, despite the best
efforts of our governors and secretaries of state, the wrong people are
voting again. Or, as they put it around Casa Romney, The Help are
revolting. Your Republican party may be a tribe of a single skin tone,
but it is a tribe of many codes.
If
President Barack Obama wins, he will be the popular choice of
Hispanics, African-Americans, single women and highly educated urban
whites. That's what the polling has consistently shown in the final days
of the campaign. It looks more likely than not that he will lose
independents, and it's possible he will get a lower percentage of white
voters than George W. Bush got of Hispanic voters in 2000.
A broad mandate this is not.
Bartender, a double Prestone, and make it snappy, my good man.
Apparently, only people who look like John Harris and Jim VandeHei
can be said to make up a "mandate." (Remember, by the way, that this is
the publication that got rid of Joe Williams for making the unremarkable
statement that Willard Romney is more comfortable around white people.
It is equally unremarkable to say that this also would seem to be the
case with his former employers.) This is now part of the campaign
dialogue. The panel with my man Chuck Todd chewed it over this morning,
and only a very cynical person would suggest that this is the
respectable objective-journalist parallel to the fact that the
Republicans have been making things quite plain of late as to their
belief that some people deserve the franchise, and that Certain People
do not. Why, just yesterday, Romney was talking about how, if you voted
for him, you "shouldn't expect" a check from the government. Fist tap Dale.
nytimes | Eisenhower understood the trade-offs between guns and butter. “Every gun
that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired, signifies, in
the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those
who are cold and are not clothed,” he warned in 1953, early in his
presidency. “The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: a modern brick
school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each
serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped
hospitals. It is some 50 miles of concrete highway. We pay for a single
fighter plane with a half million bushels of wheat. We pay for a single
destroyer with new homes that could have housed more than 8,000 people.”
He also knew that Congress was a big part of the problem. (In earlier
drafts, he referred to the “military-industrial-Congressional” complex,
but decided against alienating the legislature in his last days in
office.) Today, there are just a select few in public life who are
willing to question the military or its spending, and those who do —
from the libertarian Ron Paul to the leftist Dennis J. Kucinich — are
dismissed as unrealistic.
The fact that both President Obama and Mitt Romney are calling for
increases to the defense budget (in the latter case, above what the
military has asked for) is further proof that the military is the true
“third rail” of American politics. In this strange universe where those
without military credentials can’t endorse defense cuts, it took a
former chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Adm. Mike Mullen, to make the
obvious point that the nation’s ballooning debt was the biggest threat
to national security.
Uncritical support of all things martial is quickly becoming the new
normal for our youth. Hardly any of my students at the Naval Academy
remember a time when their nation wasn’t at war. Almost all think it
ordinary to hear of drone strikes in Yemen or Taliban attacks in
Afghanistan. The recent revelation of counterterrorism bases in Africa
elicits no surprise in them, nor do the military ceremonies that are now
regular features at sporting events. That which is left unexamined
eventually becomes invisible, and as a result, few Americans today are
giving sufficient consideration to the full range of violent activities
the government undertakes in their names.
Were Eisenhower alive, he’d be aghast at our debt, deficits and still
expanding military-industrial complex. And he would certainly be
critical of the “insidious penetration of our minds” by video game
companies and television networks, the news media and the partisan
pundits. With so little knowledge of what Eisenhower called the
“lingering sadness of war” and the “certain agony of the battlefield,”
they have done as much as anyone to turn the hard work of national
security into the crass business of politics and entertainment. Fist tap Arnach.
wired | The Mexican military is trying to dismantle an extensive network of
radio antennas built and operated by the notorious Zeta drug cartel. But
the authorities haven’t had much luck shutting Radio Zeta down. Not
only is much of the equipment super-easy to replace. But the cartel has
also apparently found some unwilling — and alarming — assistance by
kidnapping and enslaving technicians to help build it.
At least 36 engineers and technicians have been kidnapped in the past four years, according to a report from Mexican news site Animal Politico, with an English translation
published by organized-crime monitoring group InSight. Worse, none of
the engineers have been held for ransom — they’ve just disappeared.
Among them include at least one IBM employee and several communications
technicians from a firm owned by Mexico’s largest construction company.
“The fact that skilled workers have been disappearing in these areas is
no accident,” Felipe Gonzalez, head of Mexico’s Senate Security
Committee, told the website.
“None of the systems engineers who disappeared have been found,”
Gonzalez said. Unlike Colombia, where drug traffickers control large
amounts of territory and can keep hostages for many years,
Mexico’s drug territory is more in flux. “When they need specialists
they catch them, use them, and discard them,” said the father of one
kidnapped engineer.
For at least six years, Mexico’s cartels have relied in part on a
sophisticated radio network to handle their communications. The Zetas
hide radio antennas and signal relay stations deep inside remote and
hard-to-reach terrain, connect them to solar panels, and then link the
facilities to radio-receiving cellphones and Nextel devices. While the
kingpins stay off the network — they use the internet to send messages —
the radio network acts as a shadow communication system for the cartels’ lower-level players and lookouts, and a tool to hijack military radios.
Guardian | ...but presented to it after he had made his way through the mostly
white elites. His political ties to the black community are not organic
but symbolic. His arrival in the political class is hailed as the
progress of a community when in fact it is the advancement of an
individual.
"[Obama] is being consumed as the embodiment of color
blindness," Angela Davis, professor of history of consciousness at the
University of California, Santa Cruz, told me in late 2007.
"It's the notion that we have moved beyond racism by not taking race
into account. That's what makes him conceivable as a presidential
candidate. He's become the model of diversity in this period … a model
of diversity as the difference that makes no difference. The change that
brings no change."
That is why criticisms of him for "not doing
enough for his own people" both miss and devalue the point. The demand
to close the racial gaps bequeathed by centuries of discrimination is
not a sectional interest but a national one. Demands for equality and
racial justice should be made to any president of whatever race or
party.
Obama should do more for black people – not because he is
black but because black people are the citizens suffering most. Black
people have every right to make demands on Obama – not because they're
black but because they gave him a greater percentage of their votes than
any other group, and he owes his presidency to them. Like any
president, he should be constantly pressured to put the issue of racial
injustice front and centre and if black people aren't going to apply
that pressure then nobody else will.
But in fact precisely the
opposite has been happening. With Obama in the White House African
Americans representatives have been backpedalling. Black politicians,
too, have held their fire.
"With 14% unemployment, if we had a
white president we'd be marching around the White House," said the
chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), Emmanuel Cleaver. "The
president knows we are going to act in deference to him in a way we
wouldn't to someone white." That's pathetic and counterproductive. These
are the very people who are now showing up with empty hands and trying
to galvanise the black community to go to the polls.
Their
reticence is partly explained by the fear of a backlash. "If we go after
the president too hard, you're going after us," Maxine Waters, a
California Democrat in the House, told a largely black audience in
Detroit last year. But then that's what leadership is about. Explaining
to those audiences that there are large numbers of people lobbying for
Obama's attention, including people with huge amounts of money and
power. If the black community wants it they must demand it.
Some
have spoken out. In August after a month-long round of job fairs
organised by the CBC across the nation John Conyers, the longest serving
black American in Congress said.
"We want [Obama] to know from this day forward that we've had it. We
want him to come out on our side and advocate, and not to watch and wait
… We're suffering." Unfortunately it was followed by little in the way
of action.
In the absence of that pressure Obama has felt little
need to focus his attention on the problem, even rhetorically. In his
first two years in office he talked about race less than any Democratic
president since 1961. In all of his state of the union speeches he
mentioned poverty
just three times: last year's was the first since 1948 to not mention
poverty or the poor at all. When he did talk about it it was to preach better parenting, healthy meals and greater discipline.
At a Congressional Black Caucus meeting in September he told his former colleagues:
"Take off your bedroom slippers, put on your marching shoes. Shake it
off. Stop complaining, stop grumbling, stop crying." Compare that to the
meeting he had with bankers not long after he was elected when they
thought he was going to impose serious regulation. "I'm the only thing
standing between you and the pitchforks. I'm not out there to go after
you," he told them. "I'm protecting you."
This would not be the
first time that the black Americans have shown great loyalty to a
Democratic president who did not return the favour. Bill Clinton is
still revered even though when he ran in 1992 he made a special trip
back to Arkansas to oversee the execution
of Ricky Ray Rector – a black, lobotomised inmate so mentally
incapacitated that when given his last meal, he opted to save the
dessert for after the execution. When in power he signed off on a
welfare reform that would prove devastating to large numbers of black
families, especially women. He presided over an economic boom Obama does
not even have that.
Hundreds of thousands of people in New York City, Long Island and New
Jersey may not have power restored for up to 10 more days, officials
warned Thursday. Meanwhile, weather forecasters said a winter storm
could hit the Northeast next week Meanwhile, FEMA and the National Guard dropped off diapers and water in the Bronx, where there has been no running water or electricity, NBC New York reported. Residents there said that people had broken into a supermarket to steal water and that the streets had grown dangerous. Without electricity, there's no light, and
without cell service, there's no way to call for help.
The areas taking the longest, spokeswoman Sara Banda told NBCNews.com are those with overhead lines. "It's taking a bit longer," she said, noting that crews have had to deal with 100,000 downed lines.
WaPo | The slow pace of recovery from Hurricane Sandy generated frustration
and anger across the New York region Friday as residents struggled with
shortages of fuel, enduring power outages and a sense among those in the
city’s outer boroughs that their suffering was being overlooked.
In Staten Island, where 19 people have died as a result of the
storm, more than in any other New York City borough, exasperation at the
lack of city, state and federal assistance mixed with bitterness and
despair.
“I don’t see the Corps of Engineers,” Jim Brennan, a retired New York
firefighter, said as he stepped over fragments of boat hulls and other
debris blown onto his seafront lawn. “No National Guard. No Red Cross.
No FEMA. No [New York Department of Environmental Protection]. No
garbage trucks. American flags are flying all over this neighborhood.
Where is our government?”
Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg (I) canceled
Sunday’s running of the New York City Marathon, yielding to critics who
said it was insensitive to host a sporting event while authorities were
still pulling the dead from the storm’s wreckage.
“While life in
much of our city is getting back to normal, for New Yorkers that have
lost loved ones, the storm left a wound that I think will never heal,”
Bloomberg told reporters earlier Friday. “For those that lost homes or
businesses, recovery will be long and difficult.”
A Foundation of Joy
-
Two years and I've lost count of how many times my eye has been operated
on, either beating the fuck out of the tumor, or reattaching that slippery
eel ...
April Three
-
4/3
43
When 1 = A and 26 = Z
March = 43
What day?
4 to the power of 3 is 64
64th day is March 5
My birthday
March also has 5 letters.
4 x 3 = 12
...
Return of the Magi
-
Lately, the Holy Spirit is in the air. Emotional energy is swirling out of
the earth.I can feel it bubbling up, effervescing and evaporating around
us, s...
New Travels
-
Haven’t published on the Blog in quite a while. I at least part have been
immersed in the area of writing books. My focus is on Science Fiction an
Historic...
Covid-19 Preys Upon The Elderly And The Obese
-
sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
arrived at the emergency room at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
He ...