It is not by chance that this indictment was published now, a few
days before the first summit between Donald Trump and the Russian
President Vladimir Putin and shortly before the successful soccer world
championship in Russia ends. The release intends to sabotage the talks.
The indictment describes a wide ranging operation but includes zero proof of anything it alleges.
Mueller likely hopes that the indictment will never come in front of
a court. The alleged stuff would be extremely difficult to prove. Any
decent lawyer would ask how the claimed information was gained and how
much of it was based on illegal snooping by the NSA. Something the U.S.
would hate to reveal.
It is unlikely that there will ever be a trial of these cases. The
indicted persons are all Russians in Russia and none of them is likely
to be stupid enough to follow an invitation to Las Vegas or to Disney
World.
But who knows?
lawfareblog | Before turning to what the indictment alleges, and what we can learn
from it, it’s worth zooming out to an important macro point about the
investigation that led to this action: This was the investigation over
which the president of the United States fired James Comey as FBI
director.
This is the investigation Comey confirmed on March 20, 2017, when he
told Congress, “I have been authorized by the Department of Justice to
confirm that the FBI, as part of our counterintelligence mission, is
investigating the Russian government's efforts to interfere in the 2016
presidential election.”
This was also the investigation that multiple congressional
committees have spent more than a year seeking to discredit—most
recently Thursday, when two House panels hauled the former deputy
assistant director of the FBI’s Counterintelligence Department, Peter
Strzok, a career FBI agent who worked on the Russia probe, up to Capitol
Hill for 10 hours of public, televised, abusive conspiracy theorizing.
When the president of the United States derides the Mueller
investigation as a “witch hunt,” and when congressional Republicans
scream at FBI agents, this is the investigation they are trying to
harass out of existence.
It is, therefore, fitting that this indictment comes less than one
day after the astonishing display House Republicans put on in the Strzok
hearing. If Mueller had been trying to remind the public of what the
investigation is really about and what the stakes are in it, if he had
been trying to make a public statement in response to the Strzok
hearing, he could not have timed this action better.
consortiumnews |If
FBI agent Peter Strzok were not so glib, it would have been easier to
feel some sympathy for him during his tough grilling at the House
oversight hearing on Thursday, even though his wounds are
self-inflicted. The wounds, of course, ooze from the content of his own
text message exchange with his lover and alleged co-conspirator, Lisa
Page.
Strzok
was a top FBI counterintelligence official and Page an attorney working
for then-FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe. The Attorney General fired
McCabe in March and DOJ has criminally referred McCabe to federal
prosecutors for lying to Justice Department investigators.
On
Thursday members of the House Judiciary and Oversight/Government Reform
Committees questioned Strzok for eight hours on how he led the
investigations of Hillary Clinton’s unauthorized emails and Donald
Trump’s campaign’s ties with Russia, if any.
Strzok
did his best to be sincerely slick. Even so, he seemed to feel
beleaguered — even ambushed — by the questions of Republicans using his
own words against him. “Disingenuous” is the word a Republican
Congresswoman used to describe his performance. Nonetheless, he won
consistent plaudits from the Democrats. He showed zero regret for the
predicament he put himself into, except for regret at his royal screw-up
in thinking he and Lisa could “talk about Hillary” (see below) on their
FBI cellphones and no one would ever know. One wag has suggested that
Strzok may have been surreptitiously texting, when he should have been
listening to the briefing on “Cellphone Security 101.”
In
any case, the chickens have now come home to roost. Most of those
chickens, and Strzok’s predicament in general, are demonstrably the
result of his own incompetence. Indeed, Strzok seems the very
embodiment of the “Peter Principle.” FBI agents down the line — that is,
the non-peter-principle people — are painfully aware of this, and
resent the discredit that Strzok and his bosses have brought on the
Bureau. Many are reportedly lining up to testify against what has been
going on at the top.
It
is always necessary at this point to note that the heads of the FBI,
CIA, NSA and even the Department of Justice were operating, as former
FBI Director James Comey later put it, in an environment “where Hillary
Clinton was going to beat Donald Trump.” Most of them expected to be
able to stay in their key positions and were confident they would
receive plaudits — not indictments — for the liberties that they, the
most senior U.S. law enforcement officials, took with the law. In other
words, once the reality that Mrs. Clinton was seen by virtually
everyone to be a shoo-in is taken into account, the mind boggles a lot
less.
TCTH | The indictment is a grand exposition in explaining something without a
single citation of factual evidence for how they arrived at the
multitude of conclusions.
Consider this takeaway from a left-wing group who love the indictment:
“The indictment is impressive in its detail and the specificity of
its allegations. It shows that Mueller has developed extremely good
evidence. Where is it coming from?”
You see, that’s the rub…. there is not a single piece of information
explaining how Robert Mueller’s team arrived at their indictment
conclusion. Just lots of conclusions.
Again, I repeat: the FBI was never allowed access to the DCCC, DNC and Clinton Campaign servers?
Obviously, it helps when the listed names on the indictment will
never actually be indicted or come before a U.S. court to challenge the
assertions. It’s very convenient for the DOJ to be able to make claims,
knowing: A) no-one in media will demand the source evidence; and B)
none of the accused will ever show up to be tried.
This announcement, and the indictment itself, is pure propaganda.
The entire narrative is based on a story; and it is a story; that can never be proved.
The biggest “risk” to the deep state is any entity who focuses on the
DOJ and FBI abuse of the NSA and FBI database in 2015 and 2016. They
were conducting political opposition research using FISA-702(16)(17)
searches of collected information.
Along with FBI compartmented SCIF’s, the DOJ-NSD was the hub for the
corrupt officials doing those illegal searches. This is not in
question. It happened:
nakedcapitalism | No, though this is about as good — and as neoliberal — as it gets
(even though the phrase “human supply chain” is not used). I don’t agree
that “The key to any market correctly operating is information.” For
one thing, “correctly” is doing a lot of work in that sentence. For
another, the key to the way markets operate is not information, but power.
I mean, does Prepscius really believe that “reputational enhancement…,
risk mitigation[,] and workforce retention” pose “significant business
value” when put beside profit?
All of which brings me to the single, solitary on-point source I was able to find: Fordham’s Jennifer Gordon’s “Regulating the Human Supply Chain,” 446 Iowa Law Review, Vol. 102:445-503 (pdf)[5]. I highly recommend that anybody who has read this far give Gordon a look. From the abstract:
In 2015, the number of migrant workers entering the United States on
visas was nearly double that of undocumented arrivals—almost the inverse
of just 10 years earlier. Yet notice of this dramatic shift, and
examination of its implications for U.S. law and the regulation of
employment in particular, has been absent from legal scholarship.
This Article fills that gap, arguing that employers’ recruitment of
would-be migrants from other countries, unlike their use of undocumented
workers already in the United States, creates
a transnational network of labor intermediaries—the “human supply chain”—whose
operation undermines the rule of law in the workplace, benefitting U.S.
companies by reducing labor costs while creating distributional harms
for U.S. workers, and placing temporary migrant workers in situations of
severe subordination. It identifies the human supply chain as a key
structure of the global economy, a close analog to the more familiar
product supply chains through which U.S. companies manufacture products
abroad. The Article highlights a stark governance deficit with regard to
human supply chains, analyzing the causes and harmful effects of an
effectively unregulated world market for human labor.
That’s the stuff to give the troops! And here is a worked example,
from page 472 et seq. I apologize for the length, but it’s lovely
because all of the links in the chain are displayed:
B. WHERE HUMAN AND PRODUCT SUPPLY CHAINS MEET: AN EXAMPLE
B. WHERE HUMAN AND PRODUCT SUPPLY CHAINS MEET: AN EXAMPLE
Apple Fresh is a (fictitious) apple cider maker in Washington State….
Like all employers, Apple Fresh is responsible for ensuring that its
employees’ wages, benefits, and working conditions comport with legal
and contractual minimums. It must also pay social-security premiums on
its employees’ behalf and cover their unemployment and workers’
compensation insurance. … As part of its effort to meet those demands,
Apple Fresh decides to outsource its apple pressing to one of several
food processors in the market, Presser Inc., which can produce the cider
more cheaply and efficiently. Once it signs a contract with Presser,
Apple Fresh is released from responsibility for the social insurance and
many of the working conditions of the workers who press its apples,
because it is no longer their employer. Presser now bears those
obligations. …
In year two of the contract, Presser decides to try to decrease
turnover and increase its profit margin by using temporary migrant
workers to staff its plant. Its owner had been contacted not long before
by the U.S. agent of a labor-recruitment firm in Mexico City…
medium |Okay,
so we’re not talking about entire brain transplants. There’s a joke
that the only organ that’s better to donate than to receive is
the brain.
No, no, no, just pieces.
Might people add brain tissue for extra IQ points?
For it to be used in healthy people, it has to be exceptionally safe. But I could imagine that being quite safe.
I think doing experiments on humanlike artificial intelligence would be unethical.
Are there applications of these brain organoids to artificial intelligence?
Oh,
that’s the fourth category. The human brain is pretty far ahead of any
silicon-based computing system, except for very specialized tasks like
information retrieval or math or chess. And we do it at 20 watts of
power for the brain, relative to, say, 100,000 watts for a computer
doing a very specialized task like chess. So, we’re ahead both in the
energy category and in versatility and out-of-the-box thinking. Also,
Moore’s law is reaching a plateau, while biotechnology is going through
super-exponential growth, where it’s improving by factors of 10 per year
in cost/benefit.
Currently,
computers have a central processing unit (CPU), often accompanied by
specialized chips for particular tasks, like a graphical processing unit
(GPU). Might a computer someday have an NPU, or neural processing
unit — a bit of brain matter plugged into it?
Yeah,
it could. Hybrid systems, such as humans using smartphones, are very
valuable, because there are specialized tasks that computers are very
good at, like retrieval and math. Although even that could change. For
example, now there’s a big effort to store information in DNA. It’s
about a million times higher-density than current silicon or other
inorganic storage media. That could conceivably in the future be
something where biological systems could be better than inorganic or
even hybrid systems.
At what size should we think about whether lab brains deserve rights?
All
of these things will at some point be capable of all kinds of advanced
thinking. I think doing experiments on humanlike artificial intelligence
would be unethical as well. There’s this growing tendency of computer
scientists to want to make them general purpose. Even if they’re what we
would call intellectually challenged, they would have some rights. We
may want ways of asking them questions, as in a Turing test, but in this
case, to make sure we’re not doing something that would cause pain or
anxiety.
Will we ever develop into something that calls itself a new species? And could there be branching of the species tree?
It’s
a little hard to predict whether we’ll go toward a monoculture or
whether we’ll go toward high diversity. Even if we go toward high
diversity, they could still be interbreedable. You look at dogs, for
example. Very high diversity, but in principle, any breed of dog can
mate with any other dog and produce hybrid puppies. My guess is that we
will go toward greater diversity and yet greater interoperability. I
think that’s kind of the tendency. We want all of our systems to
interoperate. If you look into big cities, you’re getting more and more
ability to bridge languages, to bridge cultures. I think that will also
be true for species.
Do you think your greatest contribution to humanity will be something you’ve done, or something you’ve yet to do?
Well,
I hope it’s something I have yet to do. I think I’m just now getting up
to speed after 63 years of education. Aging reversal is something that
will buy me and many of my colleagues a lot more time to make many more
contributions, so you might consider that a meta-level contribution, if
we can pull that off. The sort of things we’re doing with brains and new
ways of computing could again be a meta thing. In other words, if we
can think in new ways or scale up new forms of intelligence, that would
lead to a whole new set of enabling technologies.
Grinnell | Officially, the eugenics movement ended for the most part by the end
of the Baby Boom, as proven by the closure of most official eugenics
organizations. Unfortunately, the eugenics movement has been replaced by
a slightly modified neo-eugenics movement, which also believes that
characteristics or traits such as poverty, criminality, and illegitimacy
are signs that a person is unfit to reproduce. The difference is that
neo-eugenicists believe that these traits are passed on not genetically,
but through culture and environment. This movement recognizes that
traits like poverty and illegitimacy are not actually included in the
genetic code, but it has many of the same effects as the original
eugenics movement.
Neo-eugenics developed during the Civil Rights Movement, a time when
white privilege was clearly threatened in the United States.[3]
These neo-eugenicists were concerned with preserving the white race,
which ironically now included southern and eastern Europeans, who had
earlier been considered the greatest threat to the purity of white
America. Currently, neo-eugenics rarely targets white women, regardless
of their socioeconomic status, but instead focuses its attention on
recent immigrants, blacks, and Mexicans, among others.
In the 1970s, the eugenics movement began to focus its attention on
other underprivileged groups of people. Physicians employed by the
Indian Health Service, who were supposed to be providing medical care
for Native American women, forcibly sterilized somewhere between 25 and
42 percent of Native American women of childbearing age. At the same
time, women on welfare who had an illegitimate child were often punished
by forced sterilizations immediately after giving birth. The
eugenicists and physicians who performed this procedure justified it by
saying that “those who accepted government assistance should submit to
government oversight and conform to mainstream, white middle-class
values and gender roles.”[4] Anyone who did not follow the social rules of middle-class white men could be subject to forced sterilization.
Unfortunately, the neo-eugenics movement has not disappeared from the
American consciousness. Between 2006 and 2010, 148 women incarcerated
in California prisons were illegally and forcibly sterilized through the
use of tubal ligations.[5]
Only since 1979 have forced sterilizations been forbidden in
California, and although these women were clearly wronged, there are
still many supporters of these practices for women in prison.[6]
Despite the fact that eugenic ideas still permeate much of American
society, statistics show that fertility levels are declining in most of
the world. If current trends continue, in the near future half of the
human population will be at the replacement level of fertility, or 2.1
children per set of parents.[7]
If all humans eventually began to reproduce at exactly the replacement
level of fertility, the entire world population would stabilize and we
would not see the exponential human population growth that we are
currently experiencing. The United States is currently at almost exactly
the replacement level of 2.1 children per family, and any increases in
the national population are due almost exclusively to immigration and
higher life expectancies, not incredibly high birth rates.
jstor | Eugenics straddles the line between repellent Nazi ideas of racial
purity and real knowledge of genetics. Scientists eventually dismissed
it as pseudo-scientific racism, but it has never completely faded away.
In 1994, the book The Bell Curve generated great controversy
when its authors Charles Murray and Richard J. Herrnstein argued that
test scores showed black people to be less intelligent than white
people. In early 2017, Murray’s public appearance at Middlebury College elicited protests, showing that eugenic ideas still have power and can evoke strong reactions.
But now, these disreputable ideas could be supported by new methods
of manipulating human DNA. The revolutionary CRISPR genome-editing
technique, called the scientific breakthrough of 2015, makes it
relatively simple to alter the genetic code. And 2016 saw the
announcement of the “Human Genome Project–write,” an effort to design and build an entire artificial human genome in the lab.
These advances led to calls for a complete moratorium on human
genetic experimentation until it has been more fully examined. The
moratorium took effect in 2015. In early 2017, however, a report by the
National Academies of Sciences and National Academy of Medicine, “Human
Genome Editing: Science, Ethics, and Governance,” modified this absolute
ban. The report called for further study, but also proposed that
clinical trials of embryo editing could be allowed if both parents have a
serious disease that could be passed on to the child. Some critics
condemned even this first step as vastly premature.
Nevertheless, gene editing potentially provides great benefits in
combatting disease and improving human lives and longevity. But could
this technology also be pushing us toward a neo-eugenic world?
As ever, science fiction can suggest answers. The year 2017 is the 85th anniversary of Brave New World,
Aldous Huxley’s vision of a eugenics-based society and one of the great
twentieth-century novels. Likewise, 2017 will bring the 20th
anniversary of the release of the sci-fi film Gattaca, written and
directed by Andrew Niccol, about a future society based on genetic
destiny. NASA has called Gattaca the most plausible science fiction film ever made.
In 1932, Huxley’s novel, written when the eugenics movement still
flourished, imagined an advanced biological science. Huxley knew about
heredity and eugenics through his own distinguished family: His
grandfather Thomas Huxley was the Victorian biologist who defended
Darwin’s theory of evolution, and his evolutionary biologist brother
Julian was a leading proponent of eugenics.
Brave New World takes place in the year 2540. People are
bred to order through artificial fertilization and put into higher or
lower classes in order to maintain the dominant World State. The highest
castes, the physically and intellectually superior Alphas and Betas,
direct and control everything. The lower Gammas, Deltas, and Epsilons,
many of them clones, are limited in mind and body and exist only to
perform necessary menial tasks. To maintain this system, the World State
chemically processes human embryos and fetuses to create people with
either enlarged or diminished capacities. The latter are kept docile by
large doses of propaganda and a powerful pleasure drug, soma.
pnas | Our analysis
suggests three take-home messages. The first take-home message is that
genetics research should incorporate information about social origins.
For genetics, our findings suggest that estimates of genetic
associations with socioeconomic achievement reflect direct genetic
effects as well as the effects of social inheritance correlated with
genetics. Future genetic studies of social attainment can refine
inferences about direct genetic effects by including measures of social
origins in their study designs. The same is true for genetic studies of
other phenotypes, because childhood socioeconomic circumstances are
implicated in the etiology of many different traits and health
conditions (54⇓–56).
Such analysis will help clarify interpretation of studies that analyzed
GWAS data and found evidence of genetic overlap between educational
attainment and several biomedical phenotypes (57, 58).
The advent of national biobanks and other large genetic datasets is
increasing the power of GWAS to map genetic risks. Research to
investigate how much of the genetic risk measured from GWAS discoveries
arises within a single generation and how much accrues from social
inheritance correlated with genetics across successive generations is
needed.
The second take-home message is that social
science research should incorporate information about genetic
inheritance. For the social sciences, our findings provide molecular
evidence across birth cohorts and countries of genetic influence on
social attainment and social mobility. This evidence supports theory in
the social sciences that frames genetics as one mechanism among several
through which social position is transmitted across generations (9, 20, 21, 59).
These theories imply that genetic factors can confound estimates of
social environmental effects. However, because genetics have been
difficult to measure, studies addressing these theories have had to
estimate genetic contributions to attainment indirectly, while other
social science research has simply ignored the problem. Now, genetically
informed theories of social attainment and mobility can be revisited,
tested, and elaborated using molecular genetic data available in an
ever-growing array of genetically informed social surveys and
longitudinal cohort studies.
Beyond theory, integration
of measured genetic inheritance into research on social mobility can add
value in at least three ways. First, genetic controls can improve the
precision of estimates of environmental effects (11, 14),
e.g., of how features of parents’ social circumstances shape children’s
development. Second, genetic measurements can provide a starting point
for developmental investigations of pathways to social mobility (16, 60),
e.g., to identify skills and behaviors that can serve as targets for
environmental interventions to lift children out of poverty. Third,
genetic measurements can be used to study gene–environment interplay;
e.g., how policies and programs may strengthen or weaken genetic and
nongenetic mechanisms of intergenerational transmission (61).
In our analysis, modeling effects of social origins attenuated
genetic-effect sizes by 10–50%, depending on the outcome and cohort.
This variation is consistent with evidence that genetic influences on
individual differences may vary across cultures and cohorts and across
stages of the life course (62, 63).
Research is needed to understand how molecular genetic effects on
socioeconomic attainment may operate differently across environmental,
historical, or economic contexts and the extent to which they may wax or
wane across adult development.
The third take-home
message is that genetic analysis of social mobility can inform programs
and policies that change children’s environments as a way to promote
positive development. The genetics we studied are
related to socioeconomic attainment and mobility partly through channels
that are policy-malleable. Personal characteristics linked with the
attainment-related genetics we studied involve early-emerging cognitive
and noncognitive skills, including learning to talk and read, act
planfully, delay gratification, and get along with others (10, 16).
These skills represent intervention targets in their own right, for
example by policies and programs that safeguard perinatal development
and provide enriching, stable family and educational environments (64).
A significant contribution of our study is that the nongenetic social
and material resources children inherit from their parents represent a
further mechanism linking genetics and attainment over the life course.
Policies and programs cannot change children’s genes, but they can help
give them more of the resources that children who inherit more
education-linked genetics tend to grow up with. Our findings suggest
that such interventions could help close the gap. The next step is to
find out precisely what those resources are.
Conclusion
A
long-term goal of our sociogenomic research is to use genetics to
reveal novel environmental intervention approaches to mitigating
socioeconomic disadvantage. The analysis reported here takes one step
toward enabling a study design to accomplish this. We found that
measured genetics related to patterns of social attainment and mobility,
partly through direct influences on individuals and partly through
predicting the environments in which they grew up. Specifically,
parents’ genetics influence the environments that give children their
start in life, while children’s own genetics influence their social
mobility across adult life. As we learn more about how genetics
discovered in GWAS of education influence processes of human development
that generate and maintain wealth and poverty, we can identify specific
environments that shape those processes. Ultimately, this research
approach can suggest interventions that change children’s environments
to promote positive development across the life-course.
timeline |Charles
M. Goethe invested a lot of money and philanthropy into Northern
California. His environmental work earned him a prestigious park in his
name, not to mention a school and some shiny plaques. He did good. He
also believed white people were the superior race and needed to
biologically quarantine themselves from diseased, delinquent Mexicans.
If he could prevent brown people from procreating all together, even
better.
At
the time, this version of white supremacy didn’t stop politicians,
educators, and community leaders from singing his praises. In fact, by
mid century, Goethe’s name (pronounced “gay-tee”) was everywhere,
enshrined in public parks and schools around the state capital. But
after his death, and after decades of sanitizing the past, Goethe’s
troubling legacy tumbled out.
American
eugenics simmered in the early 20th century, then boiled into the 1920s
and 1930s. Goethe was a strong force in advancing the conversation. He
feared that Nordic people’s historical “contributions to all mankind”
were under threat by “the coming of heterogeneity.” Under a guise of
protecting this group, who, in California he interpreted as the state’s
earliest pioneers, he founded the Immigration Study Commission in the
early 1920s. Its target was “low powers,” otherwise known as Mestizos
and Mexicans, that were infecting the nation’s “germ plasm,” according
to Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America (2015).
In 1927, he wrote to the Santa Cruz Sentinel,
“The Anglo-Saxon birthrate is low. Peons multiply like rabbits….If race
remains absolutely pure, and if an old American-Nordic family averages
three children while an incoming Mexican peon family averages seven, by
the fifth generation, the proportion of white Nordics to Mexican peons
descended from these two families would be as 243 to 16,807.”
Goethe
lobbied to close the border and instructed his real-estate brokers not
to sell to Mexican people, who he viewed as sub-intelligent criminals.
Eugenics
gave “the more suitable races or strains of blood a better chance of
prevailing speedily over the less suitable,” according to one of its
founders, Francis Galton. Eugenicists inferred that heredity proved
humans were inherently unequal, and race was the primary marker of not
only inferior and superior genes but also of social supremacy. Leaders
in the movement claimed brown and black populations suffered from
inferior health due primarily to intrinsically flawed biology. But the
wealth and social influence enjoyed by Anglo-Saxon populations was proof
of a vast intellectual edge, too. To protect whites from
“contamination” was considered, by eugenicists, a noble cause in the
purification of the human race.
Already
a member of several influential eugenics organizations, in 1933 Goethe
organized and funded the Eugenics Society of Northern California. Over
two decades, he lectured and lobbied with the goal of “reducing
biological illiteracy.” During this time, he invested an estimated $1
million to publish pamphlets on racial superiority, family planning, tantrums against racial diversity, and other topics he considered related. In
a 1936 presidential address to the national Eugenics Research
Association, Goethe publicly defended Nazi Germany’s “honest yearnings
for a better population” and proclaimed the country’s sterilization
strategy as “administered wisely, and without racial cruelty.” (Two years earlier, Germany had sterilized roughly 5,000 people
per month. Hitler praised America’s forced sterilization campaigns,
such as Goethe’s, for the idea.) In his speech, Goethe emphasized the
duty of Nordic nations to sterilize the “markedly social inadequate,
such as those insane, blind, criminal by inheritance.” Between 1907 and
1940, tens of thousands
of mostly poor women were involuntarily sterilized in the U.S. At least
20,000 Californians residing in state prisons and hospitals were
sterilized before 1964, with laws supported by Goethe.
What
made Goethe unique at the time wasn’t necessarily his white supremacist
beliefs; it was the fact that he interwove racial pseudoscience with
progressive tentpole issues, such as conservation and public education.
Throughout his lifetime, he designated several redwood preserves, built
playgrounds, financed an orphanage, established ranger programs,
contributed to San Francisco’s Academy of Sciences planetarium, and,
with his wife Mimi, was considered the founder of the interpretive parks
movement. Each of these he considered a step toward the purification of
a safer, cleaner, more wholesome, and white America.
medium | In the sociological literature on poverty, there are ample studies and papers about the ways that being poor
impacts the brain. Stress, malnutrition, and exposure to the kinds of
environmental contaminants that often accompany lower-income
neighborhoods (Flint’s lack of clean water or the poor air quality in schools around highways) can have serious neurological impacts on people living on the economic margins.
Less
studied, however, is the impact that poverty—seeing it, knowing about
it, thinking about it—has on the brains of people who are not poor.
This
is also an important area of study, though, particularly as cities and
states attempt to maneuver unprecedented wealth inequality and
homelessness. Perceptions of poverty (and, as a result, perceptions of
scarcity) have substantial impacts on the way we collectively think,
act, vote, and legislate.
And often, we don’t bother to examine them.
This
is clear in community meetings about new affordable housing or homeless
shelters, wherein self-proclaimed “concerned” neighbors begin every
testimony with something along the lines of “I care about the homeless! I
really do! But…” and then follow their opener with something that
expresses an unfounded bias about people living in poverty.
“…I’m worried about increases in crime.”
“…why do we have to pay for their housing?”
“…they’ll just trash it!”
“…how will I explain them to my children?”
These
sentiments — which assume that homeless individuals are criminals, that
they’re freeloaders, that their very existence is somehow damaging to
children — are not based in research, nor do they account for the complexity of socioeconomic status. They are, instead, based on a reaction to poverty and scarcity that is intimately linked to our own survival mechanisms.
Just
as humans grapple with implicit biases with regard to race, gender,
size, and a host of other differences, it’s clear from the research that
does exist, as well as the anecdotal evidence playing out in
communities around the country right now, that witnessing poverty and
perceiving scarcity creates biases in people who are not poor.
But again, like racial- and gender-based discrimination, cognitive reactions aren’t an excuse for acting on those biases.
nakedcapitalism | In our last post
on “illegals,” we looked at the odd refusal, by the press, to call the
capitalist employers of illegal migrants “illegals.” Today, I want to
work out a similar kink in the discourse by looking at the nannies who
are employed by the professional class on up (that is, by the 0.1% and
the 9.9%). The supply chain and labor market for migrants, illegal or
not, is insanely complicated,
and so I’m only going to look at nannies, and not at yard men,
construction workers, restaurant workers, factory workers, etc. The
complexity also makes solid numbers hard to come by. But there are
generalizations that we can make, as we shall see. After making those
generalizations, we’ll conclude with some telling anecdotes.
“Nannies” were first weaponized in political discourse during the
Clinton administration (as retrospectively we might expect, since
Clinton represented and embodied
the then fresh ascendancy of the professional classes (the 9.9%) in the
Democrat Party). “NannyGate” derailed Clinton’s nominations of
corporate lawyer Zoë Baird and Federal Judge Kimba Wood for Attorney
General, Baird because she employed an illegal migrant after it was
illegal to employ them and didn’t pay the nanny’s taxes, Wood because
she employed an illegal migrant even though when she did it was legal to
do so. “The Nannygate matter caused wealthy Americans to ask each other
if they too had a ‘Zoë Baird problem’, as the hiring of illegal aliens
and the paying of household help off the books were both commonplace.”
And so — speculating freely — we have solved that potential optics
problem with the ubiquituous nanny brokers (“agencies”) of today, chat
boards that share tips for explain the risks of hiring nannies, all of which are filled with “I don’t, but I have heard that others do” comments.
As far as the class angle goes, the median hourly wage for all nannies in the United States is $14.59 an hour (in New York, $17.63). The median hourly wage (pause for toothgrinding calculation) for all occupations is $18.12.
Taking income as a proxy for class, and assuming that being a nanny is a
full time job, it seems reasonable to conclude that the working class
(the 90%) isn’t hiring nannies (except perhaps for labor
aristocrats)[1]. That means that the labor market for nannies is made by
the 9.9% and the 0.1%; they are the ones doing the hiring.
So let’s take a look at that labor market. It would not be fair to
say that all, or even most, nannies are illegal migrants. (The
illegality comes in at another angle, which I’ll get to.) From GTM Payroll Services in 2015, and taking “maids and housekeepers” as a proxy for nannies:
According to a Pew Research Center study
published last year, there were 8.1 million unauthorized immigrants
either working or looking for work in 2012. The study also shows that
the largest number of unauthorized immigrant workers are found in
service occupations, which include maids, cooks, or groundskeepers. In
fact, maids and housekeepers account for 25% of undocumented workers
within those occupations. These employees make up a critical part of our
economy.
The actress took to Twitter just after midnight on
Tuesday and said, “Just heard there’s an ICE checkpoint in [H]ollywood, a
few blocks from where I live. Everyone better give their housekeepers, nannies and landscapers a ride home tonight.”
“Everyone,” eh? Some in the 0.1% (those who don’t hire elite nannies) might actually prefer hiring nannies illegally, since that gives them more leverage. Reading between the lines:
theburningplatform | The forces of tyranny are winning. Our banking, financial, political,
and media structures are wracked by corruption and controlled by a
“few” insiders for the benefit of themselves and their cronies. Smedley
Butler said war was a racket, but every institution is now a racket,
with a corrupt powerful cadre of evil men reaping riches at the expense
of the many. Their rackets are based upon nothing but lies and the
continued blissful ignorance of the masses to their flagrant criminal
activities.
The dark side of human nature has been on full display as the country
has been hijacked by organizations run by psychopaths like Brennan,
Clapper, Comey, Soros, Dimon, Bernanke, Paulson, Rubin, Zuckerberg,
Bezos and a multitude of lesser known, but equally dangerous,
psychopaths infecting government, business and the media.
Those pulling the strings of our ever-degrading society share many of
the same traits – superficially charming, pathologically deceitful,
manipulative, accepting no responsibility for their actions, lacking
empathy, absence of guilt, no humility, dishonest, treacherous, having a
grandiose sense of self-worth, and prone to dangerous destructive risk
taking. These are the people who rise to power when citizens become
lazy, disinterested, willfully ignorant, distracted by social media,
dumbed down by government run education, and easily led to believe
falsehoods peddled by a media doing the bidding of the psychopaths in
power.
Just listen to Brennan or Clapper on fake news CNN or MSNBC to get a
glimpse of psychopaths in action. It’s almost as if they believe their
own lies. The faux journalist millionaires questioning these scumbags
aren’t paid by their corporate masters to uncover the truth, but
perpetuate the narrative of lies.
Counterpunch | U.S. pundits and politicians just discovered, it seems, that Washington’s decisions harm Central American families. For the New York Times, “separating families…is something new and malicious,”
reflecting Trump’s “heartlessness” and violating “fundamental American
values.” “This, apparently, is how you turn off the idea of America,”
Alex Wagner (The Atlantic) added. The Los Angeles Timesthinks
“the administration’s cold-hearted approach to enforcement has crossed
the line into abject inhumanity,” departing– so we’re to believe– from
past practice.
These are half-accurate charges: Trump’s policy is malicious,
heartless, cold-hearted. But it isn’t new. Both in Central America and
along its Mexican border, Washington has helped rip apart families for
decades, forcing children to endure a world without their parents,
mothers to cope with their children’s sickening ends. Abject inhumanity,
in other words, is a U.S. foreign policy hallmark.
Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras– review their histories.
You’ll be crushed by evidence revealing which values shape Washington’s
conduct, which norms govern its behavior in a region where it enjoys
immense influence. And you’ll begin to understand why many had to flee
these countries. Start with Guatemala. RÃos Montt, the dictator the U.S.
funded, armed, and encouraged, oversaw the Mayan genocide there. In one episode, on April 3, 1982, the Guatemalan army overran
the village of Chel, slaughtering its residents and orphaning Pedro
Pacheco Bop, whose great-grandfather, parents, and five siblings (aged
two to 14) were all murdered, their blood draining into the Chel River
where the troops hurled the dead. Tomas Chávez Brito was two years old
when the army fell upon his village, Sajsibán, seven months later, torching
his home with his mother, sisters, and other family members inside. In
the mountains, where Tomas hid for the following year eating plants to
survive, one can only imagine how the idea of orphanhood, his new
reality, settled in his mind. Margarita Rivera Ceto de Guzmán’s family
separation was quicker. Soldiers knifed her in the stomach, killing her unborn child.
Egla MartÃnez Salazar, addressing this genocide, explains
that assaults on Maya households conveyed “the message that Mayas did
not live in ‘real’ families, but rather in ‘living arrangements’ that
constituted breeding spaces for ‘international communist
indoctrination.’” Erasing these spaces required
“the mass murder of children,” plus “the forced transfer of surviving
Maya children to military and paramilitary families,” tactics Salvadoran
forces also adopted in the 1980s. Apart from killing most of the 75,000 slain there from 1980-1992– the stretch when Carter, Reagan, and Bush I funneled $6 billion into the country– “soldiers [also] abducted children in what an international court says was a ‘systematic pattern of forced disappearances.’”
nakedcapitalism | As readers know, I deprecate the (informal: disparaging and dffensive)
noun “illegals,” not only because it’s a slippery slope to “frugals,”
“orals,” “regals,” and so forth, but because I can’t think of a good
reason to insult people who are, often courageously, trying to improve
their own lives and those of their families. (“Scab,” of course, is
another pejorative for people with similar motives. So, for that matter,
is “banker.” It’s complicated!) In any case, it’s these migrants[1] presence
that’s illegal, not they themselves, so, heck, maybe it’s all just an
innocent case of metonymy…. In this post, I want to straighten out not
these, but another small kink in our political discourse, which shows up
when you read this story from the Times carefully. The headline:
An ICE Raid Leaves an Iowa Town Divided Along Faith Lines
Parenthetically, and just for the record, allow me to insert this
photo of a church congregation that became a crossroads for families and
supporters of the men detained in the workplace raid in that small
town:
I can’t quite put my finger on it, but I have the nagging feeling
there’s something about that picture inconsistent with an important
liberal Democrat construct, identity politics. Close parenthesis.
Immediately I asked, as one should ask, why is faith the
chosen dividing line? After all, you can slice and dice a human
population as many ways as you can a pineapple, or a cake. Could it be
that there’s another, more interesting “divide” that the reporter’s
choice elides?
The reporter, slicing the pineapple by faith, ignores the question of
law. We know who is subject to the law: The migrants, caught up in the
raid. Is there anybody in the story who is not subject to the law? Why, yes. Yes, there is:
No charges have been filed against the owners
of the Midwest Precast Concrete plant in Mount Pleasant that was raided.
An ICE spokesman declined to comment, citing a continuing
investigation.
Medium |Last
year, I got invited to a super-deluxe private resort to deliver a
keynote speech to what I assumed would be a hundred or so investment
bankers. It was by far the largest fee I had ever been offered for a
talk — about half my annual professor’s salary — all to deliver some
insight on the subject of “the future of technology.”
I’ve
never liked talking about the future. The Q&A sessions always end
up more like parlor games, where I’m asked to opine on the latest
technology buzzwords as if they were ticker symbols for potential
investments: blockchain, 3D printing, CRISPR. The audiences are rarely
interested in learning about these technologies or their potential
impacts beyond the binary choice of whether or not to invest in them.
But money talks, so I took the gig.
After
I arrived, I was ushered into what I thought was the green room. But
instead of being wired with a microphone or taken to a stage, I just sat
there at a plain round table as my audience was brought to me: five
super-wealthy guys — yes, all men — from the upper echelon of the hedge
fund world. After a bit of small talk, I realized they had no interest
in the information I had prepared about the future of technology. They
had come with questions of their own.
They
started out innocuously enough. Ethereum or bitcoin? Is quantum
computing a real thing? Slowly but surely, however, they edged into
their real topics of concern.
Which
region will be less impacted by the coming climate crisis: New Zealand
or Alaska? Is Google really building Ray Kurzweil a home for his brain,
and will his consciousness live through the transition, or will it die
and be reborn as a whole new one? Finally, the CEO of a brokerage house
explained that he had nearly completed building his own underground
bunker system and asked, “How do I maintain authority over my security
force after the event?”
splinternews | Tanton’s individual persistence was at bottom made possible by the
greater persistence of wealth across generations in the United States,
coming to fruition in the hundreds of millions of dollars that Cordelia
Scaife May left to the Colcom Foundation when she died. What endures is
not any individual or personality but capital and institutions. Tanton’s
best political skill was not his analysis or his rhetoric but his
ability to flatter wealthy racists. He was not a great theoretician or
leader or organizer, but an adroit servant of capital’s class interests,
for this is how the capitalist class exerts power—not by engaging in
democratic politics, but by creating a bulwark against it.
Ironically,
Tanton recognized this dynamic himself, however accidentally, in his
striving for an essentially American identity. “I think there is such a
thing as an American culture, however difficult it may be to define,” he
once mused. “For instance, the United States is the most philanthropic
society on the face of the earth, and most of the work that FAIR and our
opponents do is supported by philanthropy. Few, if any, other cultures
have developed the idea of public philanthropy as strongly as we have
here.”
What he failed to recognize is that the very idea of public
philanthropy as it is practiced in the United States of America is
wholly the creation of the American plutocracy—wealthy industrialists
and corporate scions seeking ways to consolidate and protect their money
over time. While the practice of establishing private family trusts and
foundations and of spending copious amounts of money on ostensibly
philanthropic (though in fact political) causes is now commonplace among
the capitalist class, it was not always so. The first of these, the
Rockefeller Foundation, was formed in 1913; a century later, according
to political scientist Robert Reich, there were over 100,000 private
foundations in the United States, controlling over $800 billion. “The
tax code turned many extraordinarily wealthy families, intent upon
preserving their fortunes, into major forces in America’s civic sector,”
Jane Mayer writes in Dark Money. “In order to shelter themselves from taxes, they were required to invent a public philanthropic role.”
Scaife, were the beneficiaries of two charitable trusts of $50
million each, structured such that, after 20 years of donating all net
income from the trusts to nonprofit charities, the siblings would
receive their $50 million principals. Their mother did the same in 1961,
setting up a pair of $25 million trusts, and again in 1963, setting up
another $100 million in trusts for her grandchildren. Mellon Scaife, who
once called a reporter for the Columbia Journalism Review a “fucking Communist cunt,”
would go on to make some $1 billion in political and philanthropic
contributions over a 50-year period, anticipating the Koch brothers’
current reign and shaping the right-wing of American politics for half a
century. In a secret memoir, obtained by Mayer, Mellon Scaife gloated,
“Isn’t it grand how tax law gets written?”
There is deep and
horrible irony in Mellon family money, which powered American
imperialism in Central and South America and which grew as a result of
that imperial expansion, now being spent to denigrate and punish the
children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the men and women
whose countries the Mellons helped to colonize, who now come to the
United States seeking respite from their nations’ ruin. For people like
Tanton and Scaife May or organizations like FAIR and CIS, the point is
not to purge the United States of immigrants wholly but to ensure the
continued immiseration and suffering of the poor and the
dispossessed—the most destitute of whom, it is no accident, are mostly
people of color.
The activity of the Tanton network and the support it has received from
one of America’s oldest imperial families shows above all how one
faction of the ruling class, at least, imagines it can create a
permanent underclass from which to extract value: first, by dehumanizing
migrants in the minds of the citizens; then, by allowing them to sell
their labor to employers across the country; and finally, in the prisons
and detention centers where they are housed until deportation, and the
cycle begins anew. In turn, this contributes to the continued creation
of a massive population of surplus labor, which puts downward pressure
on wages for all workers.
Guardian |Kansas
City is booming. Employers and investors have poured into the
midwestern city since the recession. At least $1bn has gone into its
sparkling new downtown, revitalized arts district and shiny new condos.
So why is Sly James, its highly regarded outgoing mayor, so unhappy?
James, who steps down in July 2019, is leaving office with a sense of
disappointment that despite Kansas City’s obvious accomplishments, the
city’s recovery has left one large section of society behind: African
Americans.
About 30% of Kansas City’s population is black. Every month,
seemingly, Donald Trump uses Twitter to trumpet how well black people
have done under his presidency. Nationwide African American unemployment
is now 6.5%, down from a peak of 16.8% at the height of the recession.
But national numbers
in a country as big as the US can be misleading. For many African
Americans in the Kansas City area, the spoils of a roaring recovery have
passed them by.
“The impact of all things racial has left neighborhoods divided and
segregated and that leads to a perpetuation of things like poverty and
lack of opportunity,” says James, adding he would “have to disagree
[with anyone] who says that the real African American unemployment
situation is 5.9%”.
Kansas City may boast an unemployment rate of 3.6%. But take the
city’s Blue Hills neighbourhood. Blue Hills is 91% African American and
the unemployment rate is 17%. Neighbouring Ivanhoe is 86% African
American and the unemployment rate is even higher, at 26%.
The
ironic result of all this: the worse Mexico performs, the more powerful
that nation becomes. Many nominal American citizens believe their first
loyalty is with Mexico. Though they don’t want to live there, they don’t
want to surrender their identity. [Not a country, not even a team, by Gregory Hood, American Renaissance, June
26, 2018] Exporting its underclass to the U.S. spares Mexico and other
Latin American countries the need for internal reform. As Tucker Carlson
recently put it: “America is now Mexico’s social safety net, and that’s
a very good deal for the Mexican ruling class”. [Mexican presidential candidate calls mass migration to US a “human right,” by Dominic Mancini, Daily Caller, June 22, 2018]
This
phenomenon should be termed “Failure Migration.” The lower a people’s
level of civilizational accomplishment, the more that people is able to
expand its influence.
Counterpunch | To reverse angles, one need not be a self-affirmed racist to have
complied with ‘red-lining’ or ‘white-flight’, only protecting your home
value as banks and tax codes made fit. In fact, a recent survey on
immigration found Americans (along with Canadians) the mosttolerant
among 27 polled countries, of non-native speakers, the unemployed,
felons, radicals, or ethnic groups, so long as they’re citizens. I’m
not altogether sold, but we might not be the irreparable bigots we
seem. According to the findings, ‘the US has a very legalistic vision of
what it is to be an American’.[i]
(Of course, Nikki Haley stood it on its head when she told the UN it
was ‘ridiculous to look at poverty in the world’s richest nation’.
Apparently just as citizenship welcomes our most-poor, it denies them
outside protection.)
Thus it’s pertinent to ask, in both cases, should we be looking at
conceptions of race and poverty, or of law enforcement and state-power
to understand mass-incarceration or the police’ rising body count?
Consider the FBI memo that invented ‘Black Identity Extremism’ (BIE)
the same time it granted them right to oppress it. ‘Racism’, in which
case, is literally a state-authored fiction, as the group only exists on
FBI records. Moreover, as with the ‘blue lives matter’ bill which makes
resisting arrest a hate crime, their (straw) premise is that racism
‘goes both ways’. I’d prefer that were true, since, as stray
individuals, we’d have limited ability to act on it. But it’s
not. Racism has a definition: prejudice plus power.
Unlike BIE, ‘SIR’ (state-invented racism) and ‘CRP’
(capitalist-powered racism) have been the constant since answering the
mixed ranks of poor in Bacon’s Rebellion with the 1705, Virginia Slave
Codes, our first official color-line. Since then, occasionally its been
lifted due to public reckoning. But it’s never been imposed without
the help of some authority, be it state, judicial, or investment
capital. ‘Law and order’ is sympathetic to profit. The Slave-trade
launched our banking system, and the plantation supplied the
organizational model for the corporate firm.ii Post-slavery, fomenting racism was and remains an indispensable strike-breaker.
This doesn’t apply only to blacks. Today, corporations open our borders to cheap, bracerolabor
that it can throw away when its worn, or dares lift its head, while
coaxing us to blame the workers. Or stuff them in jail, along with 1 in
10 African-Americans. After all, wrenching kids from their parents
precedes our deranged president.
It’s ironic though, that the free-market is putting labor in cages, like the slave-market did.
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