theatlantic | Hillary Clinton has already staked
out multiple stances that contrast starkly with Bill Clinton's policies.
This week, in Las Vegas, she laid out a set of immigration policies
including "full and equal citizenship" for undocumented immigrants,
protecting the parents of young "Dreamer" undocumented immigrants from
deportation, and softening deportation policies. Bill Clinton, on the other hand,
signed several restrictive immigration measures during his tenure,
speeding deportations, increasing penalties, and making it harder for
the undocumented to gain legal status. The measures were passed by the
Republican Congress at the time.
Hillary Clinton recently expressed hope that the Supreme Court would make same-sex marriage
a constitutional right; her announcement video even featured a gay
couple talking about their upcoming wedding. Bill Clinton, in 1996,
signed the Defense of Marriage Act to deny federal marriage protections
to same sex couples—a law that the Supreme Court ruled largely
unconstitutional in 2013.
As the campaign continues, progressives can be expected to push
Hillary Clinton to take more stances that contravene Bill Clinton's
record. Trade and financial regulation are two notable areas of liberal
angst: Many critics blame Bill Clinton's repeal of the Glass-Steagall
Act for the 2008 financial crisis, and the North American Free Trade
Agreement, which he championed, is frequently cited in the current
debate over trade authority as an example of a bad free-trade deal.
Welfare reform is another Bill Clinton compromise that many modern-day
progressives reject. The Hillary Clinton of 2016 has yet to take a
position on these issues, though she issued a statement
expressing concern about the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership trade
deal. Obama strongly supports the deal, and Hillary Clinton previously
advocated it as secretary of state.
NYTimes | There are many ways for journalists to gain access to an inaccessible
presidential candidate. Hang on the rope line and shout. Fire off
questions via e-mail to media reps. Stake out. Ambush!
Now comes what we’ll call the “air question.” In a post this afternoon,
New York Times reporter Amy Chozick notes that Democratic presidential
hopeful Hillary Rodham Clinton has answered seven questions since
launching her campaign on April 12. Or roughly three-tenths of a
question per day.
Given that rate, Chozick and the New York Times
have decided to disclose the questions they would have posed to Clinton
if only they’d had the opportunity. Coming off of Clinton’s remarks
Tuesday about immigration reform, the Times launches the first in a
series:
“President Obama said his
executive action on immigration went as far as the law will allow. You
say you would go beyond what he did. How could you stretch the law
further than the president of your own party and his Justice Department
says it can go?”
The Erik Wemple Blog pledges
another post on this series if the Times air-questions Clinton on her
sparse Q-and-A availability, which would be a glorious meta-media
moment.
charleshughsmith | Despite
the PR about how corporate profits benefit widows and orphans, this
vast wealth is concentrated in the top 1% and the top 5%.
I am honored to share a remarkable data base of Corporate Fines and Settlements from the early 1990s to the present compiled by Jon Morse. Here
is Jon's description of his project to assemble a comprehensive list of
all corporate fines and settlements that can be verified by media
reports:
"This spreadsheet is
all the corporate fines/settlements I’ve been able to find sourced
articles about, mostly in the period from the 1990’s up to today (with a
few 80’s and 70’s). This is by far the most comprehensive list of such
things online. At least that I could find, because the lack of any
decent list is what made me start compiling this list in the first
place."What struck me was the sheer number of corporate violations of laws and regulations--thousands
upon thousands, the vast majority of which occurred since corporate
profits began their incredible ascent in the early 2000s--and the list
of those paying hundreds of millions of dollars in fines and
settlements, which reads like a who's who of Corporate America and Top 100 Global Corporations.
I encourage you to open one of the three alphabetical tabs at the bottom of the spreadsheet on Google Docs and scroll down to find your favorite super-profitable corporation.
Many have a long list of
fines and settlements, and many of the fines are in excess of $100
million. Many are for blatant cartel price-fixing, not disclosing the
dangers of the company's heavily promoted medications, destroying
documents to thwart an investigation of wrong-doing, etc.
In other words, these were not wrist-slaps for minor oversights of complex regulations-- these are blatant violations of core laws of the land.
mises | Mr. Max Ehrendfreund, writing in the Washington Post’s Wonkblog, believes that he has discovered something new: that the world is producing too much
and doesn’t know what to do with it. His solution, of course, is to
confiscate the overproduced products, such as oil and cotton, from its
rightful owners and give it to the people who need it. This phony
problem and its statist solution goes back at least as far at the 1930’s
socialist calls for “production for use” vs. the hated capitalist concept of “production for profit“.
Mr. Ehrenfreund commiserates that a “surplus…challenges some basic
principles of conventional economics…”. Ah, now we see why Mr.
Ehrenfreund has a problem; he understands only “conventional economics”.
Austrians have no such problem understanding why many commodities are
currently in surplus. Our understanding of Austrian business cycle
theory tells us that years of interest rate suppression by monetary
authorities worldwide has disrupted the time structure of production;
i.e., that artificially low interest rates have led entrepreneurs and
their business partners to believe that sufficient resources exist for
the profitable completion of longer term projects, such as increasing
investment in oil and cotton production. Austrians do not contend that
there cannot be a surplus of some goods. Of course, there can! But we
know that a surplus of some goods means that there is a scarcity of
others. Resources were “malinvested” in some projects instead of those
more urgently desired by the public.
Here’s a rather humorous example. A good friend was teaching in West
Germany during the age of Tito, when he and his wife decided to
vacation along Yugoslavia’s beautiful Adriatic coast. While there they
tried in vain to find swimming accessories, like fins and masks, but
shop after shop sold only one product. That one product? Panama hats!
True story. So here is a good example of zero demand for Panama hats and
a scarcity of swimming accessories in one of the most beautiful seaside
vacation spots in the world. But these surpluses and scarcities are not
always so obviously related. A surplus of oil and cotton may mean that
there is a scarcity of millions of other goods that could otherwise have
been produced.
The socialist dogma, to which Mr. Ehrenfeund seems to be enamored,
blinds him to the concept that a successful economy does not need
centralized control. In fact a successful economy needs no guidance at
all, except the rational decisions of the owners of the means of
production to put their resources to the most desired use. How do they
know what that “most desired use” is? The price system tells them! A
dynamic economy is controlled by millions upon millions of people making
billions upon billions of decisions that are in constant flux.
Manipulating the price of any factor of production, such as cotton
prices, will cause disruptions. But our governments have done much worse
than manipulate the price of a few major factors o f production; they
have manipulated the price of money itself, the medium of exchange that
is the lubricating and knowledge transmission device for ALL economic
decisions.
So, Mr. Ehrendreund, brush up on your Mises, Rothbard, Hayek, Habeler, and Garrison.
Your confusion will disappear to be replaced, no doubt, by exasperation
that you ever could have harbored such silly notions as those you
espouse in your article.
Guardian | Behold the shopping mall – the built epitome, according to its
critics, of the mindless, car-bound consumerism of white-bread suburban
America. Yet Southdale Center, the first fully enclosed,
climate-controlled collection of shops from which all the 1,100 or so
similarly designed malls now standing across the United States descend, came from the mind of an anti-car, pro-pedestrian European Jewish socialist.
Victor Gruen, a refugee from Nazi-occupied Austria, arrived in
America in 1938 with high architectural aims. He soon launched a career
creating New York City storefronts for urban businesses, like Ciro’s on
Fifth Avenue and Steckler’s on Broadway, 14 years into which he received
a commission to design something else entirely: a shopping centre 10
miles outside Minneapolis.
This job offered Gruen a blank canvas on which to realise his
long-imagined utopian vision of an indoor city centre that would import
the urbanity of his native Vienna into his fast-growing adopted
homeland. Southdale itself went up as he had imagined it – but nothing
else went according to plan. By the 1970s, Gruen had returned to Austria
to live out his days having all-too-clearly realised what a suburban
monster he’d created.
Though few built environments now seem as prosaic as that of the
shopping mall, it looked downright radical when Gruen first came up with
it. He first publicly submitted such a design in 1943, to Architectural
Forum magazine’s competition “Architecture 194X”, which called upon
modern architects to imagine the city of the post-war future. Alas
Gruen’s entry, with its full enclosure and lack of a central square,
struck even those forward-thinking editors as a bit much, and they sent
him back to the drawing board.
The real postwar America proved far more accommodating to Gruen’s vision
than the imagined one. The 1952 commission that brought Southdale into
the world came from the Dayton family, a name synonymous with department
stores in 1950s Minneapolis. They wanted a shopping centre to
complement the new Dayton’s location that was planned for the suburb of
Edina, a growing town of 15,000 people located — in line with the
concerns of cold war America — just outside the blast radius of a
nuclear bomb dropped on the city.
gizmodo | Recently, we did an experiment: We took an outdated issue of a respected popular science magazine, Scientific American,
and researched exactly what happened to the highly-touted breakthroughs
of the era that would supposedly change everything. What we discovered
is just how terrible we are at predicting the long arc of scientific discovery.
The daily
churn of science news tends toward optimism. You know what I’m talking
about: New cure! New breakthrough smashing Moore’s law! New
revolutionary technology! I write about science, and I am always
uncomfortable trying to predict how a new piece of research will change
the future.
That’s
because science can be wrong. It can go down dead ends. And even when it
doesn’t, almost everything is more complicated and takes longer than we
initially think. But just how wrong and how long?
We can’t
very well time travel to the future for those answers, but we can look
backward. I recently dig up the 2005 December issue of Scientific Americanand went entry by entry
through the Scientific American 50, a list of the most important trends
in science that year. I chose 2005 because 10 years seemed recent
enough for continuity between scientific questions then and now but also
long enough ago for actual progress. More importantly, I chose Scientific American
because the magazine
publishes sober assessments of science, often by
scientists themselves. (Read: It can be a little boring, but it’s
generally accurate.) But I also trusted it not to pick obviously
frivolous and clickbaity things.
Number one
on the list was a stem cell breakthrough that turned out to be one of
the biggest cases of scientific fraud ever. (To be fair, it fooled
everyone.) But the list held other unfulfilled promises, too: companies
now defunct, an FBI raid, and many, many technologies simply still on
the verge of finally making it a decade later. By my count, only two of
its 16 medical discoveries of 2005 have resulted in a drug or hospital
procedures so far. The rosy future is not yet here.
Science is
a not a linear march forward, as headlines seem to imply. Science is a
long slow slog, and often a twisty one at that. That’s obvious in
retrospect, when we can see the dead ends and the roadblocks. It’s less
obvious looking ahead, as we’re being bombarded with promising new drugs
and wondermaterial breakthroughs. So let’s take a look together.
kunstler |Of course, the Freddie Gray riots in Baltimore last week prompted the
usual cries for “an honest conversation about race,” and countless
appeals to fix the “broken” public school system. So, in the spirit of
those pleas, I will advance a very plain and straightforward idea: above
all, teach young black kids how to speak English correctly.
Nothing is more important than
acculturating ghetto kids out of their pidgin patois and into real
English with all of its tenses, verb forms, and cases. It’s more
important initially than learning arithmetic, history, and science. I
would argue that it is hardly possible to learn these other things
without first being grounded in real grammatical English.
When these kids grow up, their
manner of speech will identify them and their prospects for success at
least as much as the color of their skin —
and probably more, in my opinion. Their ability to speak English
correctly will be the salient feature in how others assess the content
of their character
I’m sure by now that the racial
justice hand-wringers are squirming over this proposal. All dialects are
equally okay in this rainbow society, they might argue. No they’re not.
Have you noticed that TV news, business, show biz, education, and
politics increasingly employ people whose parents came from India and
other parts of Asia. Do they speak in a patois lacking in complex verb
forms? Apparently not. Are they succeeding in American life, such as it
is? Apparently so.
Notice that the speech issue —
how people talk — is never part of the “honest conversation about race”
that we are supposed to have. Has anybody noticed that in his public
speeches Martin Luther King spoke regular English correctly, if with a
Southern inflection? Has anybody noticed how important that was in his
role as “a communicator?” Why is this crucial question of language
absent from the public conversation about “the intractable problems of
race in America?” Is it because both blacks and whites are too fearful,
too cowardly, to face this particular problem of how English is spoken?
Perhaps this raises the specter
of IQ. I’d like to know how any IQ test can be meaningful when the
person taking it can’t speak the language that the test is given in. I’m
sure that any ghetto kid drilled in English for two years would show
substantial improvement in such a generalized test. But, of course,
first the American people of all skin tones would have to admit that
this is important.
We don’t want to. We’d rather wring our hands over “structural racism” and other canards.
thenation | This is why those pious calls to “respect the law,” always to be
heard from prominent citizens each time the ghetto explodes, are so
obscene. The law is meant to be my servant and not my master, still less
my torturer and my murderer. To respect the law, in the context in
which the American Negro finds himself, is simply to surrender his
self-respect.
* * *
On April 17, some school children overturned a fruit stand in Harlem.
This would have been a mere childish prank if the children had been
white—had been, that is, the children of that portion of the citizenry
for whom the police work and who have the power to control the police.
But these children were black, and the police chased them and beat them
and took out their guns; and Frank Stafford lost his eye in exactly the
same way The Harlem Six lost their liberty—by trying to protect the
younger children. Daniel Hamm, for example, tells us that “…we heard
children scream. We turned around and walked back to see what happened. I
saw this policeman with his gun out and with his billy in his hand I
like put myself in the way to keep him from shooting the kids. Because
first of all he was shaking like a leaf and jumping all over the place.
And I thought he might shoot one of them.”
He was arrested, along with Wallace Baker, carried to the police
station, beaten—“six and twelve at a time would beat us. They got so
tired beating us they just came in and started spitting on us—they even
bring phlegm up and spit on me.” This went on all day in the evening.
Wallace Baker and Daniel Hamm were taken to Harlem Hospital for X rays
and then carried back to the police station, where the beating continued
all night. They were eventually released, with the fruit-stand charges
pending, in spite of the testimony of the fruit-stand owner. This
fruit-stand owner had already told the police that neither Wallace Baker
nor Daniel Hamm had ever been at his store and that they certainly had
had nothing to do with the fruit-stand incident. But this had no effect
on the conduct of the police. The boys had already attracted the
attention of the police, long before the fruit-stand riot, and in a
perfectly innocent way. They are pigeon fanciers and they
keep—kept—pigeons on the roof. But the police are afraid of everything
in Harlem and they are especially afraid of the roofs, which they
consider to be guerrilla outposts. This means that the citizens of
Harlem who, as we have seen, can come to grief at any hour in the
streets, and who are not safe at their windows, are forbidden the very
air. They are safe only in their houses—or were, until the city passed
the No Knock, Stop and Frisk laws, which permit a policeman to enter
one’s home without knocking and to stop anyone on the streets, at will,
at any hour, and search him. Harlem believes, and I certainly agree,
that these laws are directed against Negroes. They are certainly not
directed against anybody else. One day, “two carloads of detectives come
and went up on the roof. They pulled their guns on the kids and
searched them and made them all come down and they were going to take
them down to the precinct.” But the boys put up a verbal fight and
refused to go and attracted quite a crowd. “To get these boys to the
precinct we would have to shoot them,” a policeman said, and “the police
seemed like they was embarrassed. Because I don’t think they expected
the kids to have as much sense as they had in speaking up for
themselves.” They refused to go to the precinct, “and they didn’t,’’ and
their exhibition of the spirit of ’76 marked them as dangerous.
Occupied territory is occupied territory, even though it be found in
that New World which the Europeans conquered, and it is axiomatic, in
occupied territory, that any act of resistance, even though it be
executed by a child, be answered at once, and with the full weight of
the occupying forces. Furthermore, since the police, not at all
surprisingly, are abysmally incompetent—for neither, in fact, do they
have any respect for the law, which is not surprising, either—Harlem and
all of New York City is full of unsolved crimes. A crime, as we know,
is solved when someone is arrested and convicted. It is not
indispensable, but it is useful, to have a confession. If one is carried
back and forth from the precinct to the hospital long enough, one is
likely to confess to anything.
NYTimes | Early
this year, Megan E. Green, a St. Louis alderwoman, met with officials
of a local police union to discuss a proposal for a civilian oversight
board that would look into accusations of police misconduct. After Ms.
Green refused to soften her support for the proposal, the union backed
an aggressive mailing campaign against her.
But
Ms. Green won her primary with over 70 percent of the vote, and the
Board of Aldermen approved the oversight board by a large margin. “All
that stuff backfired,” Ms. Green said. “The more they attacked me for
it, the more people seemed to rally around me.”
During
the urban crime epidemic of the 1970s and ’80s and the sharp decline in
crime that began in the 1990s, the unions representing police officers
in many cities enjoyed a nearly unassailable political position. Their
opposition could cripple political candidates and kill police-reform
proposals in gestation.
But
amid a rash of high-profile encounters involving allegations of police
overreach in New York, Baltimore, Cleveland, Ferguson, Mo., and North
Charleston, S.C., the political context in which the police unions have
enjoyed a privileged position is rapidly changing. And the unions are
struggling to adapt.
“There
was a time in this country when elected officials — legislators, chief
executives — were willing to contextualize what police do,” said Eugene
O’Donnell, a former New York City police officer and prosecutor who now
teaches at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. “And that time is
mostly gone.”
This table lists the top donors to this candidate in 1999-2014. The organizations themselves did not donate,
rather the money came from the organizations' PACs, their individual members or employees or owners, and those
individuals' immediate families. Organization totals include subsidiaries and affiliates.
NOTE: All the numbers on this page are for 1999-2014
and based on Federal Election Commission data
available electronically on
Monday, March 09, 2015. ("Help!
The numbers don't add up...")
Feel free to distribute or cite this material, but please credit the Center for Responsive Politics.
For permission to reprint for commercial uses, such as textbooks,
contact the Center.
WaPo | The
first question people ask me when they learn that my husband lost his
job, our house went underwater and we went from middle class to barely
working poor during the 2008 economic crash is: How did you stay together?
It
always struck me as a strange question. But it’s actually a reasonable
one. Overall, America’s divorce rate has fallen. But like many things,
the poor have not reaped the benefits of this trend. The number of
married, college-educated couples splitting by their seventh anniversary
has dropped from more than 20 percent in the early 1980s to just 11 percent today. But among the poor, those numbers are stagnant. According to the New York Times, 17 percent of lower-income couples (pairs making no more than twice the federal poverty line of just over $30,000) get divorced, about the same rate as it was in the 1980s.
Why this discrepancy?
To start, money is a major source of tension for all couples (they fight more about it than about anything else,
including sex and child care). And less money can equal more
problems. Raevan Zayas stays at home with her 1-year-old baby in
California while her husband struggles at a low-paying job.
“I can’t
afford child care to go to work. We can barely afford groceries. Our kid
needs new shoes and clothes, and I can’t remember the last time Isaac
and I did something nice together,” she said. “Our relationship is so
strained. How are you supposed to work through the problems in your
relationship when you’re worried about how you’re going to buy milk for
your kid?”
University of Michigan economist Justin Wolfers said
he’s also found that working-class families have more stringent views
about men as providers. The economy has shifted so that those without
college degrees have more trouble finding such work, which contributes
not only to financial hardship but also to relationship stress. As Johns
Hopkins sociologist Andrew Cherbin explains: “I’ve looked at the
marriage gap between men with high- and low-earning occupations, and it
varies directly with the amount of economic inequality in the country.
The more unequal the earning opportunities, the greater the marriage
gaps between the classes.”
NYTimes | In
the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore,
Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for
the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off
from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by
more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors,
the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the
nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January
2017.
“This
will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of
my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the
reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just
met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a
dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear
path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in
this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an
environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers
said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like
American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News
Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles
facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for
disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe
Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and
consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its
leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News
Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former
Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New
Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John
Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and
Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and
Philadelphia.
The
alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some
of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary
Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of
those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action,
and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the
president by contributing.
“The
Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are
screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor
policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the
White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One
en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of
the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
NYTimes | “In
a democratic society, people have a say in how they are policed, and
people are saying that they are not satisfied with how things are
going,” said Sean Whent, the police chief in Oakland, Calif. The city
has a troubled history of police abuse and misconduct, but some policy
changes and a new approach to training have led to sharp declines in the
use of force, Chief Whent added.
Like
the 21-foot rule, many current police practices were adopted when
officers faced violent street gangs. Crime rates soared, as did the
number of officers killed. Today, crime is at historic lows and most
cities are safer than they have been in generations, for residents and
officers alike. This should be a moment of high confidence in the
police, said Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive
Research Forum, a law enforcement policy group. Instead, he said,
policing is in crisis.
“People
aren’t buying our brand. If it was a product, we’d take it out of the
marketplace and re-engineer it,” Mr. Wexler said. “We’ve lost the
confidence of the American people.”
Mr.
Wexler’s group will meet with hundreds of police leaders in Washington
this week to call for a new era of training, one that replaces truisms
such as the 21-foot rule with lessons on defusing tense situations and
avoiding violent confrontations. While the Justice Department and chiefs
of some major police departments are supportive, the effort has not
been widely embraced, at least so far. Some police unions and others
have expressed skepticism, saying officers are being unfairly
criticized.
“All
this chatter just increases the idea that these encounters are
avoidable and law enforcement is at fault,” said Jeff Roorda of the St.
Louis Police Officers’ Association, who said officers already thought
about ways to avoid confrontations.
The
typical police cadet receives about 58 hours of training on how to use a
gun and 49 hours on defensive tactics, according to a recent survey by
Mr. Wexler’s group. By comparison, cadets spend just eight hours
learning to calm situations before force is needed, a technique called
de-escalation.
“Everything
now is: You get there, you see a guy with a knife, you resolve it,”
said Mr. Wexler, a former senior Boston police official. In many
situations, he said, officers who find themselves 21 feet from a suspect
can simply take a step backward to buy themselves time and safety.
The president established this commission several months ago, in
response to similar incidents that occurred in Ferguson, Missouri. What
is found in the report are dozens of recommendations and action items
to involve the US Department of Justice further into local law
enforcement, further consultations and studies, significant federal
funding, etc. In other words, using events such as those in Baltimore as
an opportunity for significant expansion of federal power and
encroachment at the local level; and, if a false flag, even fomenting
those events.
I am not in any position to make a statement regarding the false flag
part of the discussion; however I found the report worthy of some
interest. It is this that I explore here.
What is the motive force behind this report?
Trust between law enforcement agencies and the people
they protect and serve is essential in a democracy. It is key to the
stability of our communities, the integrity of our criminal justice
system, and the safe and effective delivery of policing services.
True, true and true.
In light of the recent events that have exposed rifts in
the relationships between local police and the communities they protect
and serve, on December 18, 2014, President Barack Obama signed an
Executive Order establishing the Task Force on 21st Century Policing.
But to the observant, “recent events” were not necessary to bring this lack of trust to light.
In establishing the task force, the President spoke of
the distrust that exists between too many police departments and too
many communities—the sense that in a country where our basic principle
is equality under the law, too many individuals, particularly young
people of color, do not feel as if they are being treated fairly.
The report offers six “Pillars” and a recommendation for
implementation of the entire program. I will briefly introduce these.
Each “pillar” is followed by several recommendations and action items –
none of which will solve the underlying problems; instead all will only
expand the bureaucracy behind the problems – opportunities for hundreds
of millions of dollars for consulting contracts, billions of dollars in
funds transferred from the federal government to local agencies, and the
pretense that something is being done.
In other words, fertile ground for a false flag event. Or, maybe, just making lemonade out of lemons.
There is little to no mention of recommendations and action items
that will most quickly and efficiently improve the situation, for
example:
Eliminate all laws regarding victimless crimes;
Ensure everyone is equal under the law – having a badge confers no special privilege;
Eliminate minimum wage laws;
Eliminate federal and state programs that subsidize behavior
destructive toward personal responsibility and the family as the
fundamental building block of a civilized society.
Of course, each of these would reduce government power, so they won’t be found in the report (with one tepid exception).
This is it. This is the big one. Obama is about to make his move. Martial law, you betcha, FEMA death camps and secret tunnels under Wal-Mart. Oh they warned us, they did, the powdered wig wearing Patriots of the Tea Party, they warned us. Grab the wimen’ folk, load yer guns, hoist the Confederate Battle Flag! To the bunkers! To the bunkers!
"Just because you're paranoid," said Ted Cruz, "doesn't mean they're not out to get you."
Just because you're paranoid, doesn't mean they're not out to get you.
Right.
And just because you have the word "Senator" in front of your name doesn't mean you're sane, rational, qualified to run the country, or have an IQ higher than that of a sea cucumber.
Seriously, somebody help me out here: what the fuck happened to Texas?
What the fuck happened to Texas?
There’s just no polite, no non-profane way to ask. What. The. Fuck. Happened to Texas?
NYTimes | Lagging
wages — actually declining in real terms for half of working men — and
work instability have been followed by sharp declines in marriage,
rising births out of wedlock, and more.
As
Isabel Sawhill of the Brookings Institution writes: “Blacks have faced,
and will continue to face, unique challenges. But when we look for the
reasons why less skilled blacks are failing to marry and join the middle
class, it is largely for the same reasons that marriage and a
middle-class lifestyle is eluding a growing number of whites as well.”
So
it is, as I said, disheartening still to see commentators suggesting
that the poor are causing their own poverty, and could easily escape if
only they acted like members of the upper middle class.
And
it’s also disheartening to see commentators still purveying another
debunked myth, that we’ve spent vast sums fighting poverty to no avail
(because of values, you see.)
In
reality, federal spending on means-tested programs other than Medicaid
has fluctuated between 1 and 2 percent of G.D.P. for decades, going up
in recessions and down in recoveries. That’s not a lot of money — it’s
far less than other advanced countries spend — and not all of it goes to
families below the poverty line.
Despite
this, measures that correct well-known flaws in the statistics show
that we have made some real progress against poverty. And we would make a
lot more progress if we were even a fraction as generous toward the
needy as we imagine ourselves to be.
The
point is that there is no excuse for fatalism as we contemplate the
evils of poverty in America.
Shrugging your shoulders as you attribute
it all to values is an act of malign neglect. The poor don’t need
lectures on morality, they need more resources — which we can afford to
provide — and better economic opportunities, which we can also afford to
provide through everything from training and subsidies to higher
minimum wages. Baltimore, and America, don’t have to be as unjust as
they are.
americanprospect |Everything about Crystal’s life
was ordinary, except for her death. She is one of a demographic—white
women who don’t graduate from high school—whose life expectancy has
declined dramatically over the past 18 years. These women can now expect
to die five years earlier than the generation before them. It is an
unheard-of drop for a wealthy country in the age of modern medicine.
Throughout history, technological and scientific innovation have put
death off longer and longer, but the benefits of those advances have not
been shared equally, especially across the race and class divides that
characterize 21st--century America. Lack of access to education, medical
care, good wages, and healthy food isn’t just leaving the worst-off
Americans behind. It’s killing them.
The journal Health Affairs reported the
five-year drop last August. The article’s lead author, Jay Olshansky,
who studies human longevity at the University of Illinois at Chicago,
with a team of researchers looked at death rates for different groups
from 1990 to 2008. White men without high-school diplomas had lost three
years of life expectancy, but it was the decline for women like Crystal
that made the study news. Previous studies had shown that the
least-educated whites began dying younger in the 2000s, but only by
about a year. Olshansky and his colleagues did something the other
studies hadn’t: They isolated high-school dropouts and measured their
outcomes instead of lumping them in with high-school graduates who did
not go to college.
The last time researchers found a change of this magnitude, Russian
men had lost seven years after the fall of the Soviet Union, when they
began drinking more and taking on other risky behaviors. Although women
generally outlive men in the U.S., such a large decline in the average
age of death, from almost 79 to a little more than 73, suggests that an
increasing number of women are dying in their twenties, thirties, and
forties. “We actually don’t know the exact reasons why it’s happened,”
Olshansky says. “I wish we did.”
Most Americans, including high-school dropouts of other races, are
gaining life expectancy, just at different speeds. Absent a war,
genocide, pandemic, or massive governmental collapse, drops in life
expectancy are rare. “If you look at the history of longevity in the
United States, there have been no dramatic negative or positive shocks,”
Olshansky says. “With the exception of the 1918 influenza pandemic,
everything has been relatively steady, slow changes. This is a five-year
drop in an 18-year time period. That’s dramatic.”
theatlantic |In the late 1980s and early 1990s, when
crime rates hit their peak, the issue enjoyed a salience in American
politics that is hard to comprehend today. And for Democrats, the
consequences of appearing soft were devastating. In 1988, the George
H.W. Bush campaign’s most effective (and notorious) ad slammed Michael Dukakis for furloughing murderers in Massachusetts. (A separate ad, by a pro-Bush PAC, made African American furloughed murderer Willie Horton a household name).
The
most important moment in that year’s debates came when Dukakis, after
being asked how he would react if his wife was raped and murdered, gave a
bloodless, and politically catastrophic, answer.In January 1994, 37 percent of Americans said crime was the most important issue facing the country.And
that fall, Mario Cuomo lost the governorship of New York State to a
little-known Republican, George Pataki, who had made Cuomo’s opposition
to the death penalty central to his campaign.
In 1992, Bill Clinton faced a far tougher
electorate than Hillary will this time around. African Americans,
Hispanics, and Asians, who constituted
almost 25 percent of the voters in 2012, and Millennials, who also lean
disproportionately left on cultural issues, were either in school or in
diapers. There’s a reason Clinton reminded voters that year that his
nickname was “Bubba.” It’s because in 1992, far more than today, a
Democrat who didn’t appeal to Bubbas couldn’t win. And in 1992, being
“tough on crime” was critical to getting most Bubbas to give a Democrat a
second look.
Was electing Bill Clinton worth it? It’s
the kind of question that separates reformist, “pragmatic” progressives
from their more revolutionary, anti-establishment brethren. It can’t be
answered empirically. It depends on your worldview.
wikipedia |Leon Mercer Jordan (May 6, 1905, Kansas City, Missouri
- July 15, 1970, Kansas City, Missouri) was an American police officer,
politician and civil rights leader who was assassinated on July 15,
1970.[1][2] He was "one of the most influential African Americans in Kansas City's history"[3] and, at the time of his death, the "state’s most powerful black politician".[1]
Jordan joined the Kansas City Police Department
in 1938, became a detective, and in 1952, became the first
African-American police lieutenant in that department's history. He took
a leave of absence in 1947, and spent eight years training the police
forces of Liberia.[6] A pilot, he flew his own plane around the country.[3]
In 1948, he helped coordinate the rescue of the French High
Commissioner of West Africa and 16 other French officials after their
plane made a forced landing. He was awarded the Chevalier of the Star of
Africa by Liberian President William Tubman in 1948.[4]
In 1951, Jordan became a life member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.[4]
He returned to Kansas City in February, 1952, and was promoted to
police lieutenant. However, he discovered that he had little power, so
he resigned and went back to Liberia for three years.[3] He returned to Kansas City for good in the mid-1950s, and purchased the Green Duck Tavern.[3]
In 1958, Jordan became a Democratic Party committeeman for the 14th Ward of Kansas City.[3] In 1962, Jordan co-founded Freedom, Inc.[7] along with Bruce R. Watkins.[4]
The organization advocated political awareness among African-Americans
in Kansas City, organized a massive voter registration drive, and
developed African-American political candidates. In 1963, Jordan and
Watkins helped pass an accommodations ordinance, desegregating all
public facilities in the city.[6]
In 1964, Freedom, Inc. put forward eight candidates for office, and seven of them won.[8] Among them was Jordan, who was elected to the first of three terms in the Missouri House of Representatives.
He was campaigning for a fourth term at the time he was murdered.
Shortly before his death, he described himself as a "radical", adding
"I'm not a conformist but there are bounds of reason."[2]
At about 1:00 a.m. on July 15, 1970, he was killed just outside his
Green Duck Tavern by three shotgun blasts. Eyewitnesses reported that
the three killers were African-American. The shotgun had been stolen,
and was abandoned immediately. When it was recovered, it was traced to a
burglary five years earlier in Independence, Missouri.[9]
Three men were arrested for the murder, at least one of whom
affiliated with a criminal group called the "Black Mafia". One was
acquitted, and charges were dropped against the other two.[10]
In 2010, reporters with the Kansas City Star
began investigating the assassination while preparing for coverage of
the 40th anniversary of Jordan's death. This led to discovery of the
missing murder weapon and some old fingerprint cards, and that motivated
the Kansas City Police Department to re-open the official investigation
of the department's oldest cold case. Civil rights leader Alvin Sykes
pressed the department for a complete investigation.[11]
In trying to determine who was responsible for the assassination, the
newspaper reported that Jordan and his Freedom, Inc. political movement
had been opposed to the "North End" faction in Kansas City politics, a
group under the influence of La Cosa Nostra,
and which had previously controlled black voting blocs. In 1965, Jordan
had punched Frank Mazzuca, a fellow state legislator who was alleged to
have supported mob interests in Jefferson City, Missouri, and death threats against Jordan were reported in the aftermath.[9]
The newspaper reported that police informants associated with the
Black Mafia had described the killing as a favor to North End mob
interests, and that it was organized by "Shotgun Joe" Centimano, owner
of a local liquor store. The informants said that Centimano had supplied
the murder weapon and recruited the killers. The newspaper reported
that one informant said the assassination had elements of both a "contract killing" and a "revenge killing", and that another said it was "all about politics".[10] News coverage said that a 900-page police report finished in 2011 had concluded that mob boss Nick Civella had given his "blessing" to Jordan's assassination.[12] No one was indicted because all of the main players were dead by then.
wikipedia |Thomas Joseph Pendergast (July 22, 1873 – January 26, 1945) was a political boss who controlled Kansas City and Jackson County, Missouri from approximately 1925 to 1939. "Boss Tom"
Pendergast gave workers jobs and helped elect politicians, becoming
wealthy in the process. He was eventually convicted of income tax
evasion and served 15 months in a Federal prison.
Pendergast was a patron of the early political career of Harry S. Truman, a fact that caused some controversy after Truman became Vice President and then President.
In the 1890s young Tom Pendergast worked in his older brother James Pendergast's, West Bottoms tavern. The West Bottoms were at that time an immigrant section of town located at the 'bottom' of the bluffs overlooking the Missouri River,
above which spread the more prosperous sections of Kansas City. James
Pendergast, an alderman in Kansas City's city council, tutored him in
the diversities of the city's political ways and systems and in the
strategic advantages of controlling blocs of voters. Jim retired in 1910
and died the next year, naming Tom his successor. Following his
brother's death, Pendergast served in the city council until stepping
down in 1916 to focus on consolidating the factions of the Jackson CountyDemocratic Party.
After a new city charter passed in 1925, placed the city under the
auspices of a city manager picked by a smaller council, Pendergast
easily gained control of the government.[citation needed]
Pendergast married Caroline Snyder in January 1911 and raised three children, two girls and a boy, at their home on 5650Ward Parkway.
Pendergast ruled from a simple, two-story yellow brick building at
1908 Main Street. Messages marked with his red scrawl were used to
secure all manner of favors. He was unquestionably corrupt and there
were regularly shootouts and beatings on election days during his watch.
Some apologists have tended to be kind to his legacy since they allege
that the permissive go-go days gave rise to the golden era of Kansas City jazz (now commemorated at the American Jazz Museum at 18th and Vine) as well as a golden era of Kansas City building. In addition he spotted the talent of Harry S. Truman
(dubbed derisively at the time as "the Senator from Pendergast").
Pendergast tried to portray a "common touch" and made attention grabbing
displays of helping pay medical bills, provide "jobs", and hosted
famous Thanksgiving and Christmas dinners for the poor. Often due to
fraud and intimidation Kansas City voter turnout tended to be close to
100 percent in the Pendergast days.[1]
Despite Prohibition, Pendergast's machine and a bribed police force allowed alcohol and gambling.
Additionally many elections were fixed to keep political friends in
power. In return, Pendergast's companies like Ready-Mixed Concrete were
awarded government contracts. Under a $40 million bond program the city
constructed many civic buildings during the Depression. Among these
projects were the Jackson County courthouse in downtown Kansas City, and
the concrete "paving" of Brush Creek near the Country Club Plaza. (A local urban legend,
that bodies of Pendergast opponents were buried under the Brush Creek
concrete, was finally put to rest when the concrete was torn up for a
renewal project in the 1980s.) He also had a hand in other projects like
the Power and Light Building, Fidelity Bank and Trust Building, Municipal Auditorium, and the construction of inner-city high schools.
Pendergast was able to place many of his associates in positions of authority throughout Jackson County. Pendergast handpicked Harry S. Truman, the 1934 candidate for U.S. Senate, and Guy Brasfield Park as governor in 1932 when the previous candidate, Francis Wilson, died two weeks before the election.
Pendergast also extended his rule into neighboring cities such as Omaha, Nebraska and Wichita, Kansas
where members of his family had set up branches of the Ready-Mixed
Concrete company. The Pendergast stamp was to be found in the packing
plant industries, local politics, bogus construction contracts and the
jazz scene in those cities. Many of Truman's old war buddies had
veterans' clubs in Omaha.
BostonGlobe | An unprecedented ethics promise that played a
pivotal role in helping Hillary Rodham Clinton win confirmation as
secretary of state, soothing senators’ concerns about conflicts of
interests with Clinton family charities, was uniformly bypassed by the
biggest of the philanthropies involved.
The Clinton Health Access
Initiative
never submitted information on any foreign donations to State Department
lawyers for review during Clinton’s tenure from 2009 to 2013, Maura
Daley, the organization’s spokeswoman, acknowledged to the Globe this
week. She said the charity deemed it unnecessary, except in one case
that she described as an “oversight.”
During that time, grants from foreign governments increased by tens of millions of dollars to the Boston-based organization.
Daley’s
acknowledgement was the first by the charity of the broad scope of its
apparent failures to fulfill the spirit of a crucial political pledge
made by the Clinton family and their charities. The health initiative
has previously acknowledged failing only to disclose the identity of its
contributors, another requirement under the agreement.
The
failures make the Clinton Health Access Initiative, which is
headquartered on Dorchester Avenue in South Boston, and goes by the
acronym CHAI, a prominent symbol of the broken political promise and
subsequent lack of accountability underlying the charity-related
controversies that are dogging Clinton as she embarks on her campaign
for president.
The charity defended the lack of some disclosures on the grounds that
the donations in question were simply passed through the charity to
fund an existing project. Previously, it has acknowledged that mistakes
were made.
But loopoholes and legalistic explanations about what
new foreign donations should be excluded from disclosure were not
publicly discussed in the initial deal. In 2009, the incoming Obama
administration, Clinton, and then-Senator John F. Kerry all publicly
touted the Clinton charities’ “memorandum of understanding’’ as a
guarantee that transparency and public scrutiny would be brought to bear
on activities that posed any potential conflicts of interest with State
Department business.
“Transparency is critically important here, obviously, because
it allows the American people, the media, and those of us here in
Congress . . . to be able to judge for ourselves that no conflicts —
real or apparent — exist,’’ Kerry said during a Senate floor speech on
Jan. 21, 2009.
The memorandum, which did not outline a penalty for
failing to comply, was signed in December 2008 by Valerie Jarrett,
co-chairwoman of the Obama transition team, and Bruce Lindsey, a
longtime Clinton aide who at the time was CEO of the Clinton Foundation
and sits on the board of the CHAI.
Jarrett and Lindsey declined to be interviewed about CHAI’s repeated failures to disclose major increases in foreign grants.
The White House and the State Department also declined to take a firm stand on the apparent violations of the agreement.
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