theburningplatform | Anyone not clueless or pathologically self-deceived realizes if Trump
had acknowledged, during the Helsinki press conference with Putin, any meddling
in accordance to the contrived findings of Robert Mueller’s
investigation – the mainstream media would have insinuated what they
have all along: That Trump, colluded with Russia to win the election.
That is what they want people to believe.
Except Trump didn’t, initially, play according to their rules.
Instead, he brought up the missing DNC server again to a collective gasp
from a worldwide audience.
And that was why we witnessed the outright panic of Deep State tools and their drones in the Corporate Mainstream Media Bubble; all of whom have created an alternate reality.
Although Trump has now said he misspoke and acknowledges the Russian meddling,
all of the other information is still available out there for anyone to
see. However, Orwellian Propaganda and a Perceived Phony Parallel
Universe will likely make it impossible for a talented reality TV star
to ever sway the people who voted for Hillary Clinton and Bernie
Sanders.
libertyblitzkrieg | Some people hate Trump so intensely they’re willing to take the word
of a professional liar and manipulator as scripture. In fact, Brennan is
so uniquely skilled at the dark art of deception, Trevor Timm,
executive direction of the Freedom of the Press foundation described him
in the following manner in a must read 2014 article: “this is the type of spy who apologizes even though he’s not sorry, who lies because he doesn’t like to tell the truth.” The article also refers to him as “the most talented liar in Washington.”This is the sort of hero the phony “resistance” is rallying around. No thank you.
It wasn’t just Brennan, of course. The mental disorder colloquially
known as Trump Derangement Syndrome is widely distributed throughout
society at this point. Baseless accusations of treason were thrown
around casually by all sorts of TDS sufferers, including sitting members
of Congress. To see the extent of the disease, take a look at the show
put on by Democratic Congressman from Washington state, Rep. Adam Smith.
“At every turn of his trip to Europe, President Trump
has followed a script that parallels Moscow’s plan to weaken and divide
America’s allies and partners and undermine democratic values. There is
an extensive factual record suggesting that President Trump’s campaign
and the Russians conspired to influence our election for President
Trump,” Smith, a top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, said in an official statement.
“Now Trump is trying to cover it up. There is no sugar coating
this. It is hard to see President Trump siding with Vladimir Putin over
our own intelligence community and our criminal investigators as
anything other than treason.”
Those are some serious accusations. He must surely have a strong
argument to support such proclamations, right? Wrong. Turns out it was
all show, pure politics.
Calling someone a traitor for stating obvious facts that threaten the
hysteria you’re trying to cultivate is a prime example of how this
whole thing has turned into some creepy D.C. establishment religion. If
these people have such a solid case and the facts are on their side,
there’s no need to resort to such demented craziness. It does nothing
other than promote societal insanity and push the unconvinced away.
It’s because of stuff like this that we’re no longer able to have a
real conversation about anything in this contry (many Trump cheerleaders
employ the same tactics) . This is a deadly thing for any society and
will be explored in Part 2.
thegarrisoncenter | Friday the 13th is presumably always someone’s unlucky day. Just
whose may not be obvious at the time, but I suspect that “Russiagate”
special counsel Robert Mueller and Deputy US Attorney General Rod
Rosenstein already regret picking Friday, July 13 to announce the
indictments of 12 Russian intelligence officers on charges relating to
an embarrassing 2016 leak of Democratic National Committee emails. They
should.
Legally, the indictments are of almost no value. Those
indicted will never be extradited to the US for trial, and the case that
an external “hack” — as opposed to an internal DNC leak — even occurred
is weak at best, if for no other reason than that the DNC denied the
FBI access to its servers, instead commissioning a private
“cybersecurity analysis” to reach the conclusion it wanted reached
before hectoring government investigators to join that conclusion.
Diplomatically,
on the other hand, the indictments and the timing of the announcement
were a veritable pipe bomb, thrown into preparations for a scheduled
Helsinki summit between US President Donald Trump and Russian President
Vladimir Putin.
House Republicans, already incensed with
Rosenstein over his attempts to stonewall their probe into the
Democratic Party’s use of the FBI as a proprietary political hit squad,
are planning a renewed effort to impeach him. If he goes down, Mueller
likely does as well. And at this point, it would take a heck of an actor
to argue with a straight face that the effort is unjustified.
Their
timing was clearly intentional. Their intent was transparently
political. Mueller and Rosenstein were attempting to hijack the
Trump-Putin summit for the purpose of depriving Trump of any possible
“wins” that might come out of it.
They secured and and announced
the indictments “with intent to influence the measures or conduct of any
foreign government or of any officer or agent thereof, in relation to
any disputes or controversies with the United States, or to defeat the
measures of the United States.”
CEPR | Carlos Lozada, the non-fiction book critic for the Washington Post,
promised "an honest investigation" of whether truth can survive the
Trump administration in the lead article in the paper's Sunday Outlook section. He delivers considerably less.
Most importantly and incredibly, Lozada never considers the
possibility that respect for traditional purveyors of "truth" has been
badly weakened by the fact that they have failed to do so in many
important ways in recent years. Furthermore, they have used their elite
status (prized university positions and access to major media outlets)
to deride those who challenged them as being unthinking illiterates.
This dynamic is most clear in the trade policy pursued by the United
States over the last four decades. This policy had the predicted and
actual effect of eliminating the jobs of millions of manufacturing
workers and reducing the pay of tens of millions of workers with less
than a college education. The people who suffered the negative effects
of these policies were treated as stupid no-nothings and wrongly told
that their suffering was due to automation or was an inevitable product
of globalization.
This was far from the only major failure of the purveyors of truth.
The economic crisis caused by the collapse of the housing bubble cost
millions of workers their jobs and/or houses. While this collapse was
100 percent predictable for anyone with a basic knowledge of economics,
with almost no exceptions, our elite economists failed to see it coming
and ridiculed those who warned of the catastrophe.
Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Arizona tweeted that the president's press
conference was "shameful", adding that he never thought he'd see a day
when the president "would stand on the stage with the Russian President
and place blame on the United States for Russian aggression."
House Speaker Paul Ryan said in a statement that there's "no
question" Russia interfered in the U.S. elections, citing the findings
of U.S. intelligence community and separate Congressional committee
investigations.
Trump ally Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-South Carolina, called the meeting
a "missed opportunity to firmly hold Russia accountable for 2016
meddling and deliver a strong warning regarding future elections."
Former CIA Director John Brennan meanwhile took a much harsher
route, tweeting that the president's performance in Helsinki was
"nothing short of treasonous."
Sen. Ben Sasse, R-Nebraska, said in a statement that Mr. Trump's
blame of the U.S. for the deterioration of relations with Russia was
"bizarre and flat-out wrong."
On the Democratic side, Sen. Bob Mendez of New Jersey called the
meeting "disturbing, shameful, jaw-dropping and disgraceful." "I am
running out of words to describe how despicable it is to see an American
President capitulate to a dictator," he told reporters on Capitol Hill.
Sen. Mark Warner, Vice chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
called the president's blame on the U.S. for Russian interference, a
"complete disgrace."
House minority leader Nancy Pelosi called it a "sad day for
America." She added that Mr. Trump's "weakness in front of Putin was
embarrassing, and proves that the Russians have something on the
President, personally, financially or politically."
Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Florida, meanwhile said the president's refusal
to acknlowledge that Putin had a role int he U.S. elections "should
alarm us all." "The president's unwillingness to stand up to him and
defend our nation is unacceptable and embarrassing," Nelson added.
consortiumnews | Why is the U.S. mainstream media so frightened of a documentary that
debunks the beloved story of how “lawyer” Sergei Magnitsky uncovered
massive Russian government corruption and died as a result? If the
documentary is as flawed as its critics claim, why won’t they let it be
shown to the American public, then lay out its supposed errors, and use
it as a case study of how such fakery works?
Instead we – in the land of the free, home of the brave – are
protected from seeing this documentary produced by filmmaker Andrei
Nekrasov who was known as a fierce critic of Russian President Vladimir
Putin but who in this instance found the West’s widely accepted
Magnitsky storyline to be a fraud.
Instead, last week, Senate Judiciary Committee members sat in rapt
attention as hedge-fund operator William Browder wowed them with a
reprise of his Magnitsky tale and suggested that people who have
challenged the narrative and those who dared air the documentary one
time at Washington’s Newseum last year should be prosecuted for
violating the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA).
It appears that Official Washington’s anti-Russia hysteria has
reached such proportions that old-time notions about hearing both sides
of a story or testing out truth in the marketplace of ideas must be cast
aside. The new political/media paradigm is to shield the American
people from information that contradicts the prevailing narratives, all
the better to get them to line up behind Those Who Know Best.
Nekrasov’s powerful deconstruction of the Magnitsky myth – and the
film’s subsequent blacklisting throughout the “free world” – recall
other instances in which the West’s propaganda lines don’t stand up to
scrutiny, so censorship and ad hominem attacks become the weapons of
choice to defend “perception management”
narratives in geopolitical hot spots such as Iraq (2002-03), Libya
(2011), Syria (2011 to the present), and Ukraine (2013 to the present).
But the Magnitsky myth has a special place as the seminal fabrication
of the dangerous New Cold War between the nuclear-armed West and
nuclear-armed Russia.
In the United States, Russia-bashing in The New York Times and other
“liberal media” also has merged with the visceral hatred of President
Trump, causing all normal journalistic standards to be jettisoned.
Telegraph |Bill
Browder has described himself as "Putin's No 1 enemy". Now the Russian
president had added weight to that claim by singling out the British
investor at his controversial summit with Donald Trump on Monday.
"He offered to have the people
working on the case come and work with their investigators with respect
to the 12 people," Mr Trump told reporters during a news conference in
Helsinki following his joint summit with Mr Putin.
The special counsel investigating potential coordination between the
Trump campaign and the Kremlin charged a dozen Russian military
intelligence officers on Friday with hacking the Democratic National
Committee and the Hillary Clinton campaign and then releasing the stolen
communications online as part of a sweeping conspiracy to meddle in the
election.
While Mr Trump did not elaborate on the Russian leader's "incredible offer," Mr Putin himself suggested that special counsel Robert Mueller
could ask Russian law enforcement agencies to interrogate the suspects.
He said US officials could request to be present at such questioning in
line with a 1999 agreement on mutual legal assistance in criminal
cases.
However,
there was a catch: Russia would expect the US to return the favour and
cooperate with interrogations of people “who have something to do with
illegal actions on the territory of Russia”. Mr Putin highlighted the
case of Mr Browder.
"No journalist had asked about me," Mr Browder wrote in Time. "He
just brought me up out of the blue ...To my mind, this can only mean
that he is seriously rattled."
The American-born Jewish businessman,
who has held British citizenship for the past two decades, was last year
sentenced by a Russian court to nine years in prison on fraud and tax
evasion charges.
More pertinently, he was also the driving force behind The Magnitsky Act, a 2012 US law targeting Russian officials over human rights abuses. It was named after Sergei Magnitsky,
his lawyer whose investigations in 2008 uncovered a web of alleged tax
fraud and corruption involving 23 companies and $230 million. He
later died in Russian custody.
strategic-culture | One
has to ask why there is a crisis in US-Russia relations since
Washington and Moscow have much more in common than not, to include
confronting international terrorism, stabilizing Syria and other parts
of the world that are in turmoil, and preventing the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. In spite of all that, the US and Russia are currently
locked in a tit-for-tat unfriendly relationship somewhat reminiscent of
the Cold War.
Apart from search for a scapegoat to explain the Hillary Clinton defeat, how did it happen? Israel Shamir, a keen observer of the American-Russian relationship, and celebrated American journalist Robert Parryboth think that
one man deserves much of the credit for the new Cold War and that man
is William Browder, a hedge fund operator who made his fortune in the
corrupt 1990s world of Russian commodities trading.
Browder
is also symptomatic of why the United States government is so poorly
informed about international developments as he is the source of much of
the Congressional “expert testimony” contributing to the current
impasse. He has somehow emerged as a trusted source in spite of the fact
that he has self-interest in cultivating a certain outcome. Also
ignored is his renunciation of American citizenship in 1998, reportedly
to avoid taxes. He is now a British citizen.
Browder
is notoriously the man behind the 2012 Magnitsky Act, which exploited
Congressional willingness to demonize Russia and has done so much to
poison relations between Washington and Moscow. The Act sanctioned
individual Russian officials, which Moscow has rightly seen as
unwarranted interference in the operation of its judicial system.
Browder,
a media favorite who self-promotes as “Putin’s enemy #1,” portrays
himself as a selfless human rights advocate, but is he? He has used his
fortune to threaten lawsuits for anyone who challenges his version of
events, effectively silencing many critics. He claims that his
accountant Sergei Magnitsky was a crusading "lawyer" who discovered a
$230 million tax-fraud scheme that involved the Browder business
interest Hermitage Capital but was, in fact, engineered by corrupt
Russian police officers who arrested Magnitsky and enabled his death in a
Russian jail.
Many
have been skeptical of the Browder narrative, suspecting that the fraud
was in fact concocted by Browder and his accountant Magnitsky. A
Russian court recently supported that
alternative narrative, ruling in late December that Browder had
deliberately bankrupted his company and engaged in tax evasion. He was
sentenced to nine years prison in absentia.
Browder is again in the news recently in connection with testimony
related to Russiagate. On December 16th Senator Diane Feinstein of the
Senate Judiciary Committee released the transcript of the testimony provided by Glenn Simpson, founder of Fusion GPS. According to James Carden, Browder
was mentioned 50 times, but the repeated citations apparently did not
merit inclusion in media coverage of the story by the New York Times,
Washington Post and Politico.
quillette | Calling good men toxic does everyone a deep disservice. Everyone except those who seek empowerment through victim narratives.
For the record: I am not suggesting that actual victims do not exist,
nor that they do not deserve full emotional, physical, legal, medical,
and other support. I also do not want to minimize the fact that most
women, perhaps even all, have experienced unpleasantness from a subset
of men. But not all women are victims. And even among those women who
have truly suffered at the hands of men, many—most, I would hazard to
guess—do not want their status in the world to be ‘victim.’
All of which leads us directly to a topic not much discussed: toxic femininity.
Sex and gender roles have been formed over hundreds of thousands of
years in human evolution, indeed, over hundreds of millions of years in
our animal lineage. Aspects of those roles are in rapid flux, but
ancient truths still exist. Historical appetites and desires persist.
Straight men will look at beautiful women, especially if those women are
a) young and hot and b) actively displaying. Display invites attention.
Hotness-amplifying femininity puts on a full display, advertising
fertility and urgent sexuality. It invites male attention by, for
instance, revealing flesh, or by painting on signals of sexual
receptivity. This, I would argue, is inviting trouble. No, I did not
just say that she was asking for it. I did, however, just say that she
was displaying herself, and of course she was going to get looked at.
The amplification of hotness is not, in and of itself, toxic,
although personally, I don’t respect it, and never have. Hotness fades,
wisdom grows— wise young women will invest accordingly. Femininity
becomes toxic when it cries foul, chastising men for responding to a
provocative display.
Where we set our boundaries is a question about which reasonable
people might disagree, but two bright-lines are widely agreed upon:
Every woman has the right not to be touched if she does not wish to be;
and coercive quid pro quo, in which sexual favors are demanded
for the possibility of career advancement, is unacceptable. But when
women doll themselves up in clothes that highlight sexually-selected
anatomy, and put on make-up that hints at impending orgasm, it is
toxic—yes, toxic—to demand that men do not look, do not approach, do not query.
Young women have vast sexual power. Everyone who is being honest with
themselves knows this: Women in their sexual prime who are anywhere
near the beauty-norms for their culture have a kind of power that nobody
else has. They are also all but certain to lack the wisdom to manage
it. Toxic femininity is an abuse of that power, in which hotness is
maximized, and victim status is then claimed when straight men don’t
treat them as peers.
Creating hunger in men by actively inviting the male gaze, then
demanding that men have no such hunger—that is toxic femininity.
Subjugating men, emasculating them when they display strength—physical,
intellectual, or other—that is toxic femininity. Insisting that men,
simply by virtue of being men, are toxic, and then acting surprised as
relationships between men and women become more strained—that is toxic
femininity. It is a game, the benefits of which go to a few while the
costs are shared by all of us.
QZ | Original recipes in a cozy home kitchen, intimate details about
family life and domestic bliss—and painstakingly arranged food that
oozes sexual overtones. These are the features of a successful food
blog.
Often referred to as “food porn,” the trendy phenomenon highlights
the seeming contradiction between femininity and feminism while also
allowing women to shape the possibilities for women’s identities in
online spaces. In contemporary social culture, women are encouraged to
be feminists and pursue professional ambitions while still maintaining
their femininity and domesticity. Their chief value in society is to
reproduce and feed their families while denying their own appetites.
These blogs reflect the digital identities of women who have been
required to embody multiple contradictions—and look delectable while
doing so.
In the food blogosphere, some of these sexualized conventions include the overabundance of “oozing” food, including runny egg yolks that are captured dribbling over neat vegetable beds, chocolate lava cakes with molten centers that drizzle over porcelain plates, and frosted cakes depicted with glazes dripping down their tall sides.
There is also something sexually tinged about many food blogs’ penchant
for “cheeky peeks,” a photographic motif that peers inside the hidden
layers of elaborately decorated cakes. Examples of this include cakes stuffed with candy, desserts whose batter is painstakingly dyed and assembled to reveal ombre and checkerboard patterns when sliced open, and an array of gravity-defying layer cakes.
Pornographic imagery
is built upon women offering their bodies to the male gaze, but food
porn recognizes and appreciates the creative and technical skills of the
woman behind the camera. In this way, food is used as a substitute for
the female body; food bloggers offer intimate domestic details from
their kitchens, rather than their bedrooms. Food porn can therefore be
seen as a way of recognizing the active and creative capacities of
women’s bodies rather than the more passive and objectified positions of
traditional erotica.
emilycontois |The Dudification of Diet: Food Masculinities in Twenty-First-Century America examines
how the food, advertising, and media industries have constructed
masculinities through food in the twenty-first-century United States,
particularly when attempting to create male consumers for products
socially perceived as feminine. Employing the tools of critical
discourse analysis to examine food, dieting, and cooking, I consider a
diverse array of media texts—including advertising campaigns, marketing
trade press, magazines, newspapers, industry reports, restaurants,
menus, food criticism, blogs, and social media. Case studies include
diet sodas (Coke Zero and Dr. Pepper Ten), yogurts (Oikos Triple Zero
and Powerful Yogurt), weight loss programs (primarily Weight Watchers),
and food television (namely Food Network star, Guy Fieri).
More than just companies jockeying for market share, these food
phenomena “for men” marked a moment of heightened gender anxiety and the
rise of a new gender discourse—dude masculinity. Partly created by the
food marketing industry, dude masculinity sought to create socially
acceptable routes into and through the feminized terrain of food and the
body. As a gender discourse, it celebrates the “average guy,” while
remaining complicit in hegemonic masculinity’s overall structure of
social inequality.
Beyond gender performance, dude masculinity articulates apprehension
for how consumption reconfigures notions of citizenship, bodily
surveillance, and nationhood. Dude masculinity tells a larger story of
the United States’ very recent past, one rooted in perceived social
chaos, concerned with terrorism, border control, immigration, same-sex
marriage, race relations, new media, and neoliberalism. Despite decades
of resistance and progress toward gender equality, these recent social
shifts have resulted in the reactionary shoring up of gendered
categories, a complex and contradictory sociocultural process that I
read through dude masculinity, food, and the body.
Previous scholarship has treated these areas of culture separately
and considered food and gender largely in terms of femininity,
domesticity, and care work. I synthesize feminist studies of media,
food, and the body and apply them to masculinities, centering
discussions of power. Bridging theory and practice, this dissertation
also informs how entities like advertising campaigns, food packaging
design, public health programs, and weight loss studies can rewrite
gender scripts to promote equality and justice.
It is not by chance that this indictment was published now, a few
days before the first summit between Donald Trump and the Russian
President Vladimir Putin and shortly before the successful soccer world
championship in Russia ends. The release intends to sabotage the talks.
The indictment describes a wide ranging operation but includes zero proof of anything it alleges.
Mueller likely hopes that the indictment will never come in front of
a court. The alleged stuff would be extremely difficult to prove. Any
decent lawyer would ask how the claimed information was gained and how
much of it was based on illegal snooping by the NSA. Something the U.S.
would hate to reveal.
It is unlikely that there will ever be a trial of these cases. The
indicted persons are all Russians in Russia and none of them is likely
to be stupid enough to follow an invitation to Las Vegas or to Disney
World.
But who knows?
lawfareblog | Before turning to what the indictment alleges, and what we can learn
from it, it’s worth zooming out to an important macro point about the
investigation that led to this action: This was the investigation over
which the president of the United States fired James Comey as FBI
director.
This is the investigation Comey confirmed on March 20, 2017, when he
told Congress, “I have been authorized by the Department of Justice to
confirm that the FBI, as part of our counterintelligence mission, is
investigating the Russian government's efforts to interfere in the 2016
presidential election.”
This was also the investigation that multiple congressional
committees have spent more than a year seeking to discredit—most
recently Thursday, when two House panels hauled the former deputy
assistant director of the FBI’s Counterintelligence Department, Peter
Strzok, a career FBI agent who worked on the Russia probe, up to Capitol
Hill for 10 hours of public, televised, abusive conspiracy theorizing.
When the president of the United States derides the Mueller
investigation as a “witch hunt,” and when congressional Republicans
scream at FBI agents, this is the investigation they are trying to
harass out of existence.
It is, therefore, fitting that this indictment comes less than one
day after the astonishing display House Republicans put on in the Strzok
hearing. If Mueller had been trying to remind the public of what the
investigation is really about and what the stakes are in it, if he had
been trying to make a public statement in response to the Strzok
hearing, he could not have timed this action better.
consortiumnews |If
FBI agent Peter Strzok were not so glib, it would have been easier to
feel some sympathy for him during his tough grilling at the House
oversight hearing on Thursday, even though his wounds are
self-inflicted. The wounds, of course, ooze from the content of his own
text message exchange with his lover and alleged co-conspirator, Lisa
Page.
Strzok
was a top FBI counterintelligence official and Page an attorney working
for then-FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe. The Attorney General fired
McCabe in March and DOJ has criminally referred McCabe to federal
prosecutors for lying to Justice Department investigators.
On
Thursday members of the House Judiciary and Oversight/Government Reform
Committees questioned Strzok for eight hours on how he led the
investigations of Hillary Clinton’s unauthorized emails and Donald
Trump’s campaign’s ties with Russia, if any.
Strzok
did his best to be sincerely slick. Even so, he seemed to feel
beleaguered — even ambushed — by the questions of Republicans using his
own words against him. “Disingenuous” is the word a Republican
Congresswoman used to describe his performance. Nonetheless, he won
consistent plaudits from the Democrats. He showed zero regret for the
predicament he put himself into, except for regret at his royal screw-up
in thinking he and Lisa could “talk about Hillary” (see below) on their
FBI cellphones and no one would ever know. One wag has suggested that
Strzok may have been surreptitiously texting, when he should have been
listening to the briefing on “Cellphone Security 101.”
In
any case, the chickens have now come home to roost. Most of those
chickens, and Strzok’s predicament in general, are demonstrably the
result of his own incompetence. Indeed, Strzok seems the very
embodiment of the “Peter Principle.” FBI agents down the line — that is,
the non-peter-principle people — are painfully aware of this, and
resent the discredit that Strzok and his bosses have brought on the
Bureau. Many are reportedly lining up to testify against what has been
going on at the top.
It
is always necessary at this point to note that the heads of the FBI,
CIA, NSA and even the Department of Justice were operating, as former
FBI Director James Comey later put it, in an environment “where Hillary
Clinton was going to beat Donald Trump.” Most of them expected to be
able to stay in their key positions and were confident they would
receive plaudits — not indictments — for the liberties that they, the
most senior U.S. law enforcement officials, took with the law. In other
words, once the reality that Mrs. Clinton was seen by virtually
everyone to be a shoo-in is taken into account, the mind boggles a lot
less.
TCTH | The indictment is a grand exposition in explaining something without a
single citation of factual evidence for how they arrived at the
multitude of conclusions.
Consider this takeaway from a left-wing group who love the indictment:
“The indictment is impressive in its detail and the specificity of
its allegations. It shows that Mueller has developed extremely good
evidence. Where is it coming from?”
You see, that’s the rub…. there is not a single piece of information
explaining how Robert Mueller’s team arrived at their indictment
conclusion. Just lots of conclusions.
Again, I repeat: the FBI was never allowed access to the DCCC, DNC and Clinton Campaign servers?
Obviously, it helps when the listed names on the indictment will
never actually be indicted or come before a U.S. court to challenge the
assertions. It’s very convenient for the DOJ to be able to make claims,
knowing: A) no-one in media will demand the source evidence; and B)
none of the accused will ever show up to be tried.
This announcement, and the indictment itself, is pure propaganda.
The entire narrative is based on a story; and it is a story; that can never be proved.
The biggest “risk” to the deep state is any entity who focuses on the
DOJ and FBI abuse of the NSA and FBI database in 2015 and 2016. They
were conducting political opposition research using FISA-702(16)(17)
searches of collected information.
Along with FBI compartmented SCIF’s, the DOJ-NSD was the hub for the
corrupt officials doing those illegal searches. This is not in
question. It happened:
nakedcapitalism | No, though this is about as good — and as neoliberal — as it gets
(even though the phrase “human supply chain” is not used). I don’t agree
that “The key to any market correctly operating is information.” For
one thing, “correctly” is doing a lot of work in that sentence. For
another, the key to the way markets operate is not information, but power.
I mean, does Prepscius really believe that “reputational enhancement…,
risk mitigation[,] and workforce retention” pose “significant business
value” when put beside profit?
All of which brings me to the single, solitary on-point source I was able to find: Fordham’s Jennifer Gordon’s “Regulating the Human Supply Chain,” 446 Iowa Law Review, Vol. 102:445-503 (pdf)[5]. I highly recommend that anybody who has read this far give Gordon a look. From the abstract:
In 2015, the number of migrant workers entering the United States on
visas was nearly double that of undocumented arrivals—almost the inverse
of just 10 years earlier. Yet notice of this dramatic shift, and
examination of its implications for U.S. law and the regulation of
employment in particular, has been absent from legal scholarship.
This Article fills that gap, arguing that employers’ recruitment of
would-be migrants from other countries, unlike their use of undocumented
workers already in the United States, creates
a transnational network of labor intermediaries—the “human supply chain”—whose
operation undermines the rule of law in the workplace, benefitting U.S.
companies by reducing labor costs while creating distributional harms
for U.S. workers, and placing temporary migrant workers in situations of
severe subordination. It identifies the human supply chain as a key
structure of the global economy, a close analog to the more familiar
product supply chains through which U.S. companies manufacture products
abroad. The Article highlights a stark governance deficit with regard to
human supply chains, analyzing the causes and harmful effects of an
effectively unregulated world market for human labor.
That’s the stuff to give the troops! And here is a worked example,
from page 472 et seq. I apologize for the length, but it’s lovely
because all of the links in the chain are displayed:
B. WHERE HUMAN AND PRODUCT SUPPLY CHAINS MEET: AN EXAMPLE
B. WHERE HUMAN AND PRODUCT SUPPLY CHAINS MEET: AN EXAMPLE
Apple Fresh is a (fictitious) apple cider maker in Washington State….
Like all employers, Apple Fresh is responsible for ensuring that its
employees’ wages, benefits, and working conditions comport with legal
and contractual minimums. It must also pay social-security premiums on
its employees’ behalf and cover their unemployment and workers’
compensation insurance. … As part of its effort to meet those demands,
Apple Fresh decides to outsource its apple pressing to one of several
food processors in the market, Presser Inc., which can produce the cider
more cheaply and efficiently. Once it signs a contract with Presser,
Apple Fresh is released from responsibility for the social insurance and
many of the working conditions of the workers who press its apples,
because it is no longer their employer. Presser now bears those
obligations. …
In year two of the contract, Presser decides to try to decrease
turnover and increase its profit margin by using temporary migrant
workers to staff its plant. Its owner had been contacted not long before
by the U.S. agent of a labor-recruitment firm in Mexico City…
medium |Okay,
so we’re not talking about entire brain transplants. There’s a joke
that the only organ that’s better to donate than to receive is
the brain.
No, no, no, just pieces.
Might people add brain tissue for extra IQ points?
For it to be used in healthy people, it has to be exceptionally safe. But I could imagine that being quite safe.
I think doing experiments on humanlike artificial intelligence would be unethical.
Are there applications of these brain organoids to artificial intelligence?
Oh,
that’s the fourth category. The human brain is pretty far ahead of any
silicon-based computing system, except for very specialized tasks like
information retrieval or math or chess. And we do it at 20 watts of
power for the brain, relative to, say, 100,000 watts for a computer
doing a very specialized task like chess. So, we’re ahead both in the
energy category and in versatility and out-of-the-box thinking. Also,
Moore’s law is reaching a plateau, while biotechnology is going through
super-exponential growth, where it’s improving by factors of 10 per year
in cost/benefit.
Currently,
computers have a central processing unit (CPU), often accompanied by
specialized chips for particular tasks, like a graphical processing unit
(GPU). Might a computer someday have an NPU, or neural processing
unit — a bit of brain matter plugged into it?
Yeah,
it could. Hybrid systems, such as humans using smartphones, are very
valuable, because there are specialized tasks that computers are very
good at, like retrieval and math. Although even that could change. For
example, now there’s a big effort to store information in DNA. It’s
about a million times higher-density than current silicon or other
inorganic storage media. That could conceivably in the future be
something where biological systems could be better than inorganic or
even hybrid systems.
At what size should we think about whether lab brains deserve rights?
All
of these things will at some point be capable of all kinds of advanced
thinking. I think doing experiments on humanlike artificial intelligence
would be unethical as well. There’s this growing tendency of computer
scientists to want to make them general purpose. Even if they’re what we
would call intellectually challenged, they would have some rights. We
may want ways of asking them questions, as in a Turing test, but in this
case, to make sure we’re not doing something that would cause pain or
anxiety.
Will we ever develop into something that calls itself a new species? And could there be branching of the species tree?
It’s
a little hard to predict whether we’ll go toward a monoculture or
whether we’ll go toward high diversity. Even if we go toward high
diversity, they could still be interbreedable. You look at dogs, for
example. Very high diversity, but in principle, any breed of dog can
mate with any other dog and produce hybrid puppies. My guess is that we
will go toward greater diversity and yet greater interoperability. I
think that’s kind of the tendency. We want all of our systems to
interoperate. If you look into big cities, you’re getting more and more
ability to bridge languages, to bridge cultures. I think that will also
be true for species.
Do you think your greatest contribution to humanity will be something you’ve done, or something you’ve yet to do?
Well,
I hope it’s something I have yet to do. I think I’m just now getting up
to speed after 63 years of education. Aging reversal is something that
will buy me and many of my colleagues a lot more time to make many more
contributions, so you might consider that a meta-level contribution, if
we can pull that off. The sort of things we’re doing with brains and new
ways of computing could again be a meta thing. In other words, if we
can think in new ways or scale up new forms of intelligence, that would
lead to a whole new set of enabling technologies.
Grinnell | Officially, the eugenics movement ended for the most part by the end
of the Baby Boom, as proven by the closure of most official eugenics
organizations. Unfortunately, the eugenics movement has been replaced by
a slightly modified neo-eugenics movement, which also believes that
characteristics or traits such as poverty, criminality, and illegitimacy
are signs that a person is unfit to reproduce. The difference is that
neo-eugenicists believe that these traits are passed on not genetically,
but through culture and environment. This movement recognizes that
traits like poverty and illegitimacy are not actually included in the
genetic code, but it has many of the same effects as the original
eugenics movement.
Neo-eugenics developed during the Civil Rights Movement, a time when
white privilege was clearly threatened in the United States.[3]
These neo-eugenicists were concerned with preserving the white race,
which ironically now included southern and eastern Europeans, who had
earlier been considered the greatest threat to the purity of white
America. Currently, neo-eugenics rarely targets white women, regardless
of their socioeconomic status, but instead focuses its attention on
recent immigrants, blacks, and Mexicans, among others.
In the 1970s, the eugenics movement began to focus its attention on
other underprivileged groups of people. Physicians employed by the
Indian Health Service, who were supposed to be providing medical care
for Native American women, forcibly sterilized somewhere between 25 and
42 percent of Native American women of childbearing age. At the same
time, women on welfare who had an illegitimate child were often punished
by forced sterilizations immediately after giving birth. The
eugenicists and physicians who performed this procedure justified it by
saying that “those who accepted government assistance should submit to
government oversight and conform to mainstream, white middle-class
values and gender roles.”[4] Anyone who did not follow the social rules of middle-class white men could be subject to forced sterilization.
Unfortunately, the neo-eugenics movement has not disappeared from the
American consciousness. Between 2006 and 2010, 148 women incarcerated
in California prisons were illegally and forcibly sterilized through the
use of tubal ligations.[5]
Only since 1979 have forced sterilizations been forbidden in
California, and although these women were clearly wronged, there are
still many supporters of these practices for women in prison.[6]
Despite the fact that eugenic ideas still permeate much of American
society, statistics show that fertility levels are declining in most of
the world. If current trends continue, in the near future half of the
human population will be at the replacement level of fertility, or 2.1
children per set of parents.[7]
If all humans eventually began to reproduce at exactly the replacement
level of fertility, the entire world population would stabilize and we
would not see the exponential human population growth that we are
currently experiencing. The United States is currently at almost exactly
the replacement level of 2.1 children per family, and any increases in
the national population are due almost exclusively to immigration and
higher life expectancies, not incredibly high birth rates.
jstor | Eugenics straddles the line between repellent Nazi ideas of racial
purity and real knowledge of genetics. Scientists eventually dismissed
it as pseudo-scientific racism, but it has never completely faded away.
In 1994, the book The Bell Curve generated great controversy
when its authors Charles Murray and Richard J. Herrnstein argued that
test scores showed black people to be less intelligent than white
people. In early 2017, Murray’s public appearance at Middlebury College elicited protests, showing that eugenic ideas still have power and can evoke strong reactions.
But now, these disreputable ideas could be supported by new methods
of manipulating human DNA. The revolutionary CRISPR genome-editing
technique, called the scientific breakthrough of 2015, makes it
relatively simple to alter the genetic code. And 2016 saw the
announcement of the “Human Genome Project–write,” an effort to design and build an entire artificial human genome in the lab.
These advances led to calls for a complete moratorium on human
genetic experimentation until it has been more fully examined. The
moratorium took effect in 2015. In early 2017, however, a report by the
National Academies of Sciences and National Academy of Medicine, “Human
Genome Editing: Science, Ethics, and Governance,” modified this absolute
ban. The report called for further study, but also proposed that
clinical trials of embryo editing could be allowed if both parents have a
serious disease that could be passed on to the child. Some critics
condemned even this first step as vastly premature.
Nevertheless, gene editing potentially provides great benefits in
combatting disease and improving human lives and longevity. But could
this technology also be pushing us toward a neo-eugenic world?
As ever, science fiction can suggest answers. The year 2017 is the 85th anniversary of Brave New World,
Aldous Huxley’s vision of a eugenics-based society and one of the great
twentieth-century novels. Likewise, 2017 will bring the 20th
anniversary of the release of the sci-fi film Gattaca, written and
directed by Andrew Niccol, about a future society based on genetic
destiny. NASA has called Gattaca the most plausible science fiction film ever made.
In 1932, Huxley’s novel, written when the eugenics movement still
flourished, imagined an advanced biological science. Huxley knew about
heredity and eugenics through his own distinguished family: His
grandfather Thomas Huxley was the Victorian biologist who defended
Darwin’s theory of evolution, and his evolutionary biologist brother
Julian was a leading proponent of eugenics.
Brave New World takes place in the year 2540. People are
bred to order through artificial fertilization and put into higher or
lower classes in order to maintain the dominant World State. The highest
castes, the physically and intellectually superior Alphas and Betas,
direct and control everything. The lower Gammas, Deltas, and Epsilons,
many of them clones, are limited in mind and body and exist only to
perform necessary menial tasks. To maintain this system, the World State
chemically processes human embryos and fetuses to create people with
either enlarged or diminished capacities. The latter are kept docile by
large doses of propaganda and a powerful pleasure drug, soma.
pnas | Our analysis
suggests three take-home messages. The first take-home message is that
genetics research should incorporate information about social origins.
For genetics, our findings suggest that estimates of genetic
associations with socioeconomic achievement reflect direct genetic
effects as well as the effects of social inheritance correlated with
genetics. Future genetic studies of social attainment can refine
inferences about direct genetic effects by including measures of social
origins in their study designs. The same is true for genetic studies of
other phenotypes, because childhood socioeconomic circumstances are
implicated in the etiology of many different traits and health
conditions (54⇓–56).
Such analysis will help clarify interpretation of studies that analyzed
GWAS data and found evidence of genetic overlap between educational
attainment and several biomedical phenotypes (57, 58).
The advent of national biobanks and other large genetic datasets is
increasing the power of GWAS to map genetic risks. Research to
investigate how much of the genetic risk measured from GWAS discoveries
arises within a single generation and how much accrues from social
inheritance correlated with genetics across successive generations is
needed.
The second take-home message is that social
science research should incorporate information about genetic
inheritance. For the social sciences, our findings provide molecular
evidence across birth cohorts and countries of genetic influence on
social attainment and social mobility. This evidence supports theory in
the social sciences that frames genetics as one mechanism among several
through which social position is transmitted across generations (9, 20, 21, 59).
These theories imply that genetic factors can confound estimates of
social environmental effects. However, because genetics have been
difficult to measure, studies addressing these theories have had to
estimate genetic contributions to attainment indirectly, while other
social science research has simply ignored the problem. Now, genetically
informed theories of social attainment and mobility can be revisited,
tested, and elaborated using molecular genetic data available in an
ever-growing array of genetically informed social surveys and
longitudinal cohort studies.
Beyond theory, integration
of measured genetic inheritance into research on social mobility can add
value in at least three ways. First, genetic controls can improve the
precision of estimates of environmental effects (11, 14),
e.g., of how features of parents’ social circumstances shape children’s
development. Second, genetic measurements can provide a starting point
for developmental investigations of pathways to social mobility (16, 60),
e.g., to identify skills and behaviors that can serve as targets for
environmental interventions to lift children out of poverty. Third,
genetic measurements can be used to study gene–environment interplay;
e.g., how policies and programs may strengthen or weaken genetic and
nongenetic mechanisms of intergenerational transmission (61).
In our analysis, modeling effects of social origins attenuated
genetic-effect sizes by 10–50%, depending on the outcome and cohort.
This variation is consistent with evidence that genetic influences on
individual differences may vary across cultures and cohorts and across
stages of the life course (62, 63).
Research is needed to understand how molecular genetic effects on
socioeconomic attainment may operate differently across environmental,
historical, or economic contexts and the extent to which they may wax or
wane across adult development.
The third take-home
message is that genetic analysis of social mobility can inform programs
and policies that change children’s environments as a way to promote
positive development. The genetics we studied are
related to socioeconomic attainment and mobility partly through channels
that are policy-malleable. Personal characteristics linked with the
attainment-related genetics we studied involve early-emerging cognitive
and noncognitive skills, including learning to talk and read, act
planfully, delay gratification, and get along with others (10, 16).
These skills represent intervention targets in their own right, for
example by policies and programs that safeguard perinatal development
and provide enriching, stable family and educational environments (64).
A significant contribution of our study is that the nongenetic social
and material resources children inherit from their parents represent a
further mechanism linking genetics and attainment over the life course.
Policies and programs cannot change children’s genes, but they can help
give them more of the resources that children who inherit more
education-linked genetics tend to grow up with. Our findings suggest
that such interventions could help close the gap. The next step is to
find out precisely what those resources are.
Conclusion
A
long-term goal of our sociogenomic research is to use genetics to
reveal novel environmental intervention approaches to mitigating
socioeconomic disadvantage. The analysis reported here takes one step
toward enabling a study design to accomplish this. We found that
measured genetics related to patterns of social attainment and mobility,
partly through direct influences on individuals and partly through
predicting the environments in which they grew up. Specifically,
parents’ genetics influence the environments that give children their
start in life, while children’s own genetics influence their social
mobility across adult life. As we learn more about how genetics
discovered in GWAS of education influence processes of human development
that generate and maintain wealth and poverty, we can identify specific
environments that shape those processes. Ultimately, this research
approach can suggest interventions that change children’s environments
to promote positive development across the life-course.
timeline |Charles
M. Goethe invested a lot of money and philanthropy into Northern
California. His environmental work earned him a prestigious park in his
name, not to mention a school and some shiny plaques. He did good. He
also believed white people were the superior race and needed to
biologically quarantine themselves from diseased, delinquent Mexicans.
If he could prevent brown people from procreating all together, even
better.
At
the time, this version of white supremacy didn’t stop politicians,
educators, and community leaders from singing his praises. In fact, by
mid century, Goethe’s name (pronounced “gay-tee”) was everywhere,
enshrined in public parks and schools around the state capital. But
after his death, and after decades of sanitizing the past, Goethe’s
troubling legacy tumbled out.
American
eugenics simmered in the early 20th century, then boiled into the 1920s
and 1930s. Goethe was a strong force in advancing the conversation. He
feared that Nordic people’s historical “contributions to all mankind”
were under threat by “the coming of heterogeneity.” Under a guise of
protecting this group, who, in California he interpreted as the state’s
earliest pioneers, he founded the Immigration Study Commission in the
early 1920s. Its target was “low powers,” otherwise known as Mestizos
and Mexicans, that were infecting the nation’s “germ plasm,” according
to Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America (2015).
In 1927, he wrote to the Santa Cruz Sentinel,
“The Anglo-Saxon birthrate is low. Peons multiply like rabbits….If race
remains absolutely pure, and if an old American-Nordic family averages
three children while an incoming Mexican peon family averages seven, by
the fifth generation, the proportion of white Nordics to Mexican peons
descended from these two families would be as 243 to 16,807.”
Goethe
lobbied to close the border and instructed his real-estate brokers not
to sell to Mexican people, who he viewed as sub-intelligent criminals.
Eugenics
gave “the more suitable races or strains of blood a better chance of
prevailing speedily over the less suitable,” according to one of its
founders, Francis Galton. Eugenicists inferred that heredity proved
humans were inherently unequal, and race was the primary marker of not
only inferior and superior genes but also of social supremacy. Leaders
in the movement claimed brown and black populations suffered from
inferior health due primarily to intrinsically flawed biology. But the
wealth and social influence enjoyed by Anglo-Saxon populations was proof
of a vast intellectual edge, too. To protect whites from
“contamination” was considered, by eugenicists, a noble cause in the
purification of the human race.
Already
a member of several influential eugenics organizations, in 1933 Goethe
organized and funded the Eugenics Society of Northern California. Over
two decades, he lectured and lobbied with the goal of “reducing
biological illiteracy.” During this time, he invested an estimated $1
million to publish pamphlets on racial superiority, family planning, tantrums against racial diversity, and other topics he considered related. In
a 1936 presidential address to the national Eugenics Research
Association, Goethe publicly defended Nazi Germany’s “honest yearnings
for a better population” and proclaimed the country’s sterilization
strategy as “administered wisely, and without racial cruelty.” (Two years earlier, Germany had sterilized roughly 5,000 people
per month. Hitler praised America’s forced sterilization campaigns,
such as Goethe’s, for the idea.) In his speech, Goethe emphasized the
duty of Nordic nations to sterilize the “markedly social inadequate,
such as those insane, blind, criminal by inheritance.” Between 1907 and
1940, tens of thousands
of mostly poor women were involuntarily sterilized in the U.S. At least
20,000 Californians residing in state prisons and hospitals were
sterilized before 1964, with laws supported by Goethe.
What
made Goethe unique at the time wasn’t necessarily his white supremacist
beliefs; it was the fact that he interwove racial pseudoscience with
progressive tentpole issues, such as conservation and public education.
Throughout his lifetime, he designated several redwood preserves, built
playgrounds, financed an orphanage, established ranger programs,
contributed to San Francisco’s Academy of Sciences planetarium, and,
with his wife Mimi, was considered the founder of the interpretive parks
movement. Each of these he considered a step toward the purification of
a safer, cleaner, more wholesome, and white America.
medium | In the sociological literature on poverty, there are ample studies and papers about the ways that being poor
impacts the brain. Stress, malnutrition, and exposure to the kinds of
environmental contaminants that often accompany lower-income
neighborhoods (Flint’s lack of clean water or the poor air quality in schools around highways) can have serious neurological impacts on people living on the economic margins.
Less
studied, however, is the impact that poverty—seeing it, knowing about
it, thinking about it—has on the brains of people who are not poor.
This
is also an important area of study, though, particularly as cities and
states attempt to maneuver unprecedented wealth inequality and
homelessness. Perceptions of poverty (and, as a result, perceptions of
scarcity) have substantial impacts on the way we collectively think,
act, vote, and legislate.
And often, we don’t bother to examine them.
This
is clear in community meetings about new affordable housing or homeless
shelters, wherein self-proclaimed “concerned” neighbors begin every
testimony with something along the lines of “I care about the homeless! I
really do! But…” and then follow their opener with something that
expresses an unfounded bias about people living in poverty.
“…I’m worried about increases in crime.”
“…why do we have to pay for their housing?”
“…they’ll just trash it!”
“…how will I explain them to my children?”
These
sentiments — which assume that homeless individuals are criminals, that
they’re freeloaders, that their very existence is somehow damaging to
children — are not based in research, nor do they account for the complexity of socioeconomic status. They are, instead, based on a reaction to poverty and scarcity that is intimately linked to our own survival mechanisms.
Just
as humans grapple with implicit biases with regard to race, gender,
size, and a host of other differences, it’s clear from the research that
does exist, as well as the anecdotal evidence playing out in
communities around the country right now, that witnessing poverty and
perceiving scarcity creates biases in people who are not poor.
But again, like racial- and gender-based discrimination, cognitive reactions aren’t an excuse for acting on those biases.
nakedcapitalism | In our last post
on “illegals,” we looked at the odd refusal, by the press, to call the
capitalist employers of illegal migrants “illegals.” Today, I want to
work out a similar kink in the discourse by looking at the nannies who
are employed by the professional class on up (that is, by the 0.1% and
the 9.9%). The supply chain and labor market for migrants, illegal or
not, is insanely complicated,
and so I’m only going to look at nannies, and not at yard men,
construction workers, restaurant workers, factory workers, etc. The
complexity also makes solid numbers hard to come by. But there are
generalizations that we can make, as we shall see. After making those
generalizations, we’ll conclude with some telling anecdotes.
“Nannies” were first weaponized in political discourse during the
Clinton administration (as retrospectively we might expect, since
Clinton represented and embodied
the then fresh ascendancy of the professional classes (the 9.9%) in the
Democrat Party). “NannyGate” derailed Clinton’s nominations of
corporate lawyer Zoë Baird and Federal Judge Kimba Wood for Attorney
General, Baird because she employed an illegal migrant after it was
illegal to employ them and didn’t pay the nanny’s taxes, Wood because
she employed an illegal migrant even though when she did it was legal to
do so. “The Nannygate matter caused wealthy Americans to ask each other
if they too had a ‘Zoë Baird problem’, as the hiring of illegal aliens
and the paying of household help off the books were both commonplace.”
And so — speculating freely — we have solved that potential optics
problem with the ubiquituous nanny brokers (“agencies”) of today, chat
boards that share tips for explain the risks of hiring nannies, all of which are filled with “I don’t, but I have heard that others do” comments.
As far as the class angle goes, the median hourly wage for all nannies in the United States is $14.59 an hour (in New York, $17.63). The median hourly wage (pause for toothgrinding calculation) for all occupations is $18.12.
Taking income as a proxy for class, and assuming that being a nanny is a
full time job, it seems reasonable to conclude that the working class
(the 90%) isn’t hiring nannies (except perhaps for labor
aristocrats)[1]. That means that the labor market for nannies is made by
the 9.9% and the 0.1%; they are the ones doing the hiring.
So let’s take a look at that labor market. It would not be fair to
say that all, or even most, nannies are illegal migrants. (The
illegality comes in at another angle, which I’ll get to.) From GTM Payroll Services in 2015, and taking “maids and housekeepers” as a proxy for nannies:
According to a Pew Research Center study
published last year, there were 8.1 million unauthorized immigrants
either working or looking for work in 2012. The study also shows that
the largest number of unauthorized immigrant workers are found in
service occupations, which include maids, cooks, or groundskeepers. In
fact, maids and housekeepers account for 25% of undocumented workers
within those occupations. These employees make up a critical part of our
economy.
The actress took to Twitter just after midnight on
Tuesday and said, “Just heard there’s an ICE checkpoint in [H]ollywood, a
few blocks from where I live. Everyone better give their housekeepers, nannies and landscapers a ride home tonight.”
“Everyone,” eh? Some in the 0.1% (those who don’t hire elite nannies) might actually prefer hiring nannies illegally, since that gives them more leverage. Reading between the lines:
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