SSRN | Many millions of people hold conspiracy theories; they believe that powerful people have worked together in order to withhold the truth about some important practice or some terrible event. A recent example is the belief, widespread in some parts of the world, that the attacks of 9/11 were carried out not by Al Qaeda, but by Israel or the United States. Those who subscribe to conspiracy theories may create serious risks, including risks of violence, and the existence of such theories raises significant challenges for policy and law. The first challenge is to understand the mechanisms by which conspiracy theories prosper; the second challenge is to understand how such theories might be undermined. Such theories typically spread as a result of identifiable cognitive blunders, operating in conjunction with informational and reputational influences. A distinctive feature of conspiracy theories is their self-sealing quality. Conspiracy theorists are not likely to be persuaded by an attempt to dispel their theories; they may even characterize that very attempt as further proof of the conspiracy. Because those who hold conspiracy theories typically suffer from a crippled epistemology, in accordance with which it is rational to hold such theories, the best response consists in cognitive infiltration of extremist groups. Various policy dilemmas, such as the question whether it is better for government to rebut conspiracy theories or to ignore them, are explored in this light. (Cass Sunstein is President Barack Obama's appointee to head the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs)
SSRN | Many millions of people hold conspiracy theories; they believe that powerful people have worked together in order to withhold the truth about some important practice or some terrible event. A recent example is the belief, widespread in some parts of the world, that the attacks of 9/11 were carried out not by Al Qaeda, but by Israel or the United States. Those who subscribe to conspiracy theories may create serious risks, including risks of violence, and the existence of such theories raises significant challenges for policy and law. The first challenge is to understand the mechanisms by which conspiracy theories prosper; the second challenge is to understand how such theories might be undermined. Such theories typically spread as a result of identifiable cognitive blunders, operating in conjunction with informational and reputational influences. A distinctive feature of conspiracy theories is their self-sealing quality. Conspiracy theorists are not likely to be persuaded by an attempt to dispel their theories; they may even characterize that very attempt as further proof of the conspiracy. Because those who hold conspiracy theories typically suffer from a crippled epistemology, in accordance with which it is rational to hold such theories, the best response consists in cognitive infiltration of extremist groups. Various policy dilemmas, such as the question whether it is better for government to rebut conspiracy theories or to ignore them, are explored in this light. (Cass Sunstein is President Barack Obama's appointee to head the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs)
NewYorker | In 2010, Marc Estrin, a novelist and far-left activist from Vermont,
found an online version of a paper by Cass Sunstein, a professor at
Harvard Law School and the most frequently cited legal scholar in the
world. The paper, called “Conspiracy Theories,” was first published in
2008, in a small academic journal called the Journal of Political Philosophy. In it, Sunstein and his
Harvard colleague Adrian Vermeule attempted to explain how conspiracy
theories spread, especially online. At one point, they made a radical
proposal: “Our main policy claim here is that government should engage
in cognitive infiltration of the groups that produce conspiracy
theories.” The authors’ primary example of a conspiracy theory was the
belief that 9/11 was an inside job; they defined “cognitive
infiltration” as a program “whereby government agents or their allies
(acting either virtually or in real space, and either openly or
anonymously) will undermine the crippled epistemology of believers by
planting doubts about the theories and stylized facts that circulate
within such groups.”
Nowhere in the final
version of the paper did Sunstein and Vermeule state the obvious fact
that a government ban on conspiracy theories would be unconstitutional
and possibly dangerous. (In a draft that was posted online, which
remains more widely read, they emphasized that censorship is
“inconsistent with principles of freedom of expression,” although they
“could imagine circumstances in which a conspiracy theory became so
pervasive, and so dangerous, that censorship would be thinkable.”)* “I
was interested in the
mechanisms by which information, whether true or false, gets passed
along and amplified,” Sunstein told me recently. “I wanted to know how
extremists come to believe the warped things they believe, and, to a
lesser extent, what might be done to interrupt their radicalization. But
I suppose my writing wasn’t very clear.”
Sunstein has studied the spread of information since the mid-nineties,
when he co-wrote a series of law-review articles about “cascade
theory”—a model describing how opinions travel across juries, markets,
and subcultures. He was particularly interested in what he called the
Law of Group Polarization: how ideologically homogenous groups can
become “breeding grounds for unjustified extremism, even fanaticism.” In
2001, his first book on political polarization on the Internet,
“Republic.com,” warned that, even when people have access to a range of
robust and challenging views, many will favor information that confirms
what they already believe. He updated the book in 2007, as “Republic.com
2.0: Revenge of the Blogs,” and again this year, as “#Republic: Divided
Democracy in the Age of Social Media.” When he wrote “Republic.com,”
social media didn’t really exist; when he wrote “Republic.com 2.0,”
social media’s impact was so negligible that he could essentially ignore
it; in “#Republic,” he argues that services such as Facebook comprise
the contemporary agora, and that their personalized algorithms will
make it ever more difficult for Americans to understand their
fellow-citizens.
In the endless debates about what constitutes “fake news,” we tend to
invoke clear cases of unfounded rumor or outright deceit (“Melania has a
body double,” or “President Trump saves two cats from drowning after
Hurricane Harvey”). More prevalent, and more bewildering, are the
ambiguous cases—a subtly altered photograph, an accurate but misleading
statistic, a tendentious connection among disparate dots. Between the
publication of “Republic.com 2.0” and “#Republic,” Sunstein became a
target of the same online rumor mill he’d been studying from a distance,
and many of the conspiracy theories about “Conspiracy Theories” fell
into this gray area—overheated, but not wholly made up. “If you had told
me that this obscure paper would ever become such a publicly visible and
objectionable thing, I would have thought it more likely that Martians
had just landed in Times Square,” Sunstein said. “In hindsight, though,
I suppose it’s sort of appropriate that I got caught up in the
mechanisms I was writing about.”
NYTimes | Responding to complaints that not enough is being done to keep extremist content off social media platforms, Facebook said Thursday that it would begin using artificial intelligence to help remove inappropriate content.
Artificial intelligence
will largely be used in conjunction with human moderators who review
content on a case-by-case basis. But developers hope its use will be
expanded over time, said Monika Bickert, the head of global policy
management at Facebook.
One
of the first applications for the technology is identifying content
that clearly violates Facebook’s terms of use, such as photos and videos
of beheadings or other gruesome images, and stopping users from
uploading them to the site.
“Tragically,
we have seen more terror attacks recently,” Ms. Bickert said. “As we
see more attacks, we see more people asking what social media companies
are doing to keep this content offline.”
In a blog post
published Thursday, Facebook described how an artificial-intelligence
system would, over time, teach itself to identify key phrases that were
previously flagged for being used to bolster a known terrorist group.
The
same system, they wrote, could learn to identify Facebook users who
associate with clusters of pages or groups that promote extremist
content, or who return to the site again and again, creating fake
accounts in order to spread such content online.
One day our technology will address everything,” Ms. Bickert said.
“It’s in development right now.” But human moderators, she added, are
still needed to review content for context.
Once seen, the nature of this usurpation cannot be unseen. Black DOS (descendants of slaves) had a singularly potent claim under law against the American government. Some would argue the 2nd amendment to the Constitution, for sure the 14th amendment to the Constitution, Brown vs. Board, Voting Rights Act, Fair Housing Act - are all signifiers of precisely how potent a claim that we Black DOS have had and continue to have - if we properly assert and actively resist efforts to denature our specific priority as claimants with unique standing under law to pursue our claims.
The replacement negroe program under which 70 million immigrants have been brought into America to denature our hard fought political-economic standing
The cognitive infiltration of feminism into black politics which saw white women overwhelmingly supplanting Black DOS as the overwhelming beneficiaries of affirmative action intended principally as an economic redress for legally ostracized Black descendants of slaves (Shockley and the 70's eugenics revival was a concrete specific political backlash against affirmative action)
is the bane and singularly potent antidote for the dilution of our singular legal claims.
Under the Cathedral and its permitted discourse insistence upon "intersectionality" - everybody and their cousin has a more "legitimate" and substantive political economic claim against the American government than Black DOS. Despite the indisputable fact that we comprise an exclusive historical phenomenon driving the evolution of citizen rights in the U.S., we find ourselves profoundly and paradoxically Left Behind the curve of the hard won gains we have made under law, but which we have lost in fact due to political gatekeeping and the complicity of "go along to get along" leadership.
This is where we stand at this particular moment in time. It's not a good look, but the long arc of history is far from complete, and as I've long asserted, As goes Blackness, so goes America. Fist tap MHicks.
theamericanconservative | The most effective kind of propaganda is by omission. Walter Duranty
didn’t cook up accounts from smiling Ukrainian farmers, he simply said
there was no evidence for a famine, much like the media tells us today
that there is no evidence antifa has a role in the current
protest-adjacent violence. It is much harder to do this today than it
was back then—there are photographs and video that show they have
been—which is the proximate cause for greater media concern about
conspiracy theories and disinformation.
For all the
hyperventilating over the admittedly creepy 2008 article about
“cognitive infiltration,” by Cass Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule, it was a
serious attempt to deal with the problem of an informational center
being lost in American public life, at a time when the problem was not
nearly as bad as it is today. It proposed a number of strategies to
reduce the credibility of conspiracy theorists, including seeding them
with false information. Whether such strategies have been employed,
perhaps with QAnon, which has a remarkable ability to absorb all other
conspiracy theories that came before it, is up to the reader’s
speculation.
So it is today with George Floyd as well. It seems like there are
perfectly reasonable questions to be asked about the acquaintance
between him and Derek Chauvin, and the fact that the rather shady bar
they both worked at conveniently burned down. But by now most of the
media is now highly invested in not seeing anything other than a
statistic, another incident in a long history of police brutality, and
the search for facts has been replaced by narratives. This is a shame,
because it is perfectly possible to think that police have a history of
poor treatment toward black people and there might be corruption involved in the George Floyd case, which is something Ben Crump, the lawyer for Floyd’s family, seems to suggest in his interview on Face the Nation this weekend.
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