truthdig | Thomas Frank’s writing about electoral politics and its impact on
American culture has been published for decades in such venues as
Harper’s Magazine and The Wall Street Journal, and in his 2004 book,
“What’s the Matter with Kansas?” In his latest book, “Listen Liberal:
Whatever Happened to the Party of the People?,” the journalist and
political analyst tackles the question of what changed within the
Democratic Party to make it become a “liberalism of the rich.”
“The Democratic Party itself has changed,” Frank told Truthdig Editor in Chief Robert Scheer during an episode of “Scheer Intelligence”
earlier this year. “What’s changed about them is the social class that
they answer to, that they respect, that they come from.”
The trend has gotten worse.
“Democrats look at Wall Street, and they see people like themselves,” he said in an interview with Scheer during the Democratic National Convention in July.
On Tuesday night, Frank joined Scheer at the University of Southern
California to discuss “Listen, Liberal” and his analysis of Hillary
Clinton during this election cycle, from her public views on inequality
in United States to her promises to tamp down greed on Wall Street.
Frank offered critiques of the Democratic Party’s abandonment of the
average working-class American, the Clintons—who signed off on welfare
reform that proved discriminatory—and the two-party system. He said:
Hillary has changed her position on issues many, many
times over the years, and some of the things she’s done that her husband
did that she had a hand in—she was a close adviser to her husband as
president—have been disastrous, had catastrophic effects on
people—welfare reform, for example. Every time Hillary says—and she says
it a lot—that her whole life has been about protecting children,
there’s an enormous counterexample, which is welfare reform, or what
they called reform. They abolished the welfare system in this country,
Hillary and her husband did. This is one of the cruelest things [...] It
was a New Deal program that they abolished. It was a cruel thing, it
was more or less an overtly racist thing, and to do that to the poorest
and weakest members of society—at the time, it just turned my stomach.
And it’s a little creepy that Hillary sees fit to represent herself as
the great defender of poor women and children because she manifestly is
not. And that’s one of many contradictions in Hillary Clinton’s record.
If you read the biographies of Hillary Clinton, if you watch a speech
by Hillary Clinton, if you watch the presentation of her life story
that they had at the Democratic National Convention, Hillary’s story is
all about virtue. She is good with a capital G. When she gave her
acceptance speech at the convention, she was wearing all white. She
likes to dress in all white; she is Joan of Arc. That is how she sees
herself. Her favorite saying that she quoted at the convention, it’s
this Methodist thing: Do all the good you can, all the ways you can, to
all the people you can, for as long as ever you can. She’s good, she’s
so good, she’s so virtuous, her heart’s in the right place, and every
biography of her emphasizes this intense sense of her goodness, her
virtues—her overpowering, 100-proof virtue. ... She is intensely good.
And yet, look at Libya, look at the welfare system in this country.
NYTimes | This
nation has the largest oil reserves in the world, yet the government
saved little money for hard times when oil prices were high. Now that
prices have collapsed — they are around a third what they were in 2014 — the consequences are casting a destructive shadow across the country.
Lines for food, long a feature of life in Venezuela, now erupt into
looting. The bolívar, the country’s currency, is nearly worthless.
The crisis is aggravated by a political feud between Venezuela’s leftists, who control the presidency, and their rivals in congress.
The president’s opponents declared a humanitarian crisis in January,
and this month passed a law that would allow Venezuela to accept
international aid to prop up the health care system.
“This
is criminal that we can sit in a country with this much oil, and people
are dying for lack of antibiotics,” says Oneida Guaipe, a lawmaker and
former hospital union leader.
But
Mr. Maduro, who succeeded Hugo Chávez, went on television and rejected
the effort, describing the move as a bid to undermine him and privatize
the hospital system.
“I doubt that anywhere in the world, except in Cuba, there exists a better health system than this one,” Mr. Maduro said.
Late
last fall, the aging pumps that supplied water to the University of the
Andes Hospital exploded. They were not repaired for months.
So
without water, gloves, soap or antibiotics, a group of surgeons
prepared to remove an appendix that was about to burst, even though the
operating room was still covered in another patient’s blood.
Even in the capital, only two of nine operating rooms are functioning at the J. M. de los Ríos Children’s Hospital.
democracynow | Well, Amy, we all know what Ponzi growth is—right?—what a Ponzi
scheme is. It’s when you pretend to be growing your income on the basis
of unsustainable debt. And the more debt you take, the more you pretend
that you’re growing. But then you have to have even more unsustainable
debt in order to maintain this illusion. Now, what is Ponzi austerity?
Once these bubbles burst, the only way you can continue to pretend that
you’re solvent is through even more debt, that will be utilized in order
to repay or to pretend to repay the previous debts. And if you’re going
through a period of belt tightening to impress creditors that you’re
doing the right—the good Protestant thing, which is, you know, to be
parsimonious and to tighten your belt, you have austerity, which
continuously reduces national income, because when you reduce pensions,
when you reduce investment, when you reduce all the determinants of
aggregate demand, income of the nation shrinks. And you keep tightening
that belt through more pension cuts, more reductions in public health
and so on, and public education, and you keep on taking new
unsustainable loans in order to pretend that you’re not insolvent.
That’s Ponzi austerity for you.
AMYGOODMAN:
Yanis Varoufakis, we’re going to continue this conversation after
break. Professor Varoufakis is the former finance minister of Greece,
now teaching economic theory at the University of Athens. His new book
is titled And the Weak Suffer What They Must?: Europe’s Crisis and America’s Economic Future. We’ll be back with him in a minute.
medicalxpress | Jessica and Darren McIntosh were
too busy to see me when I arrived at their house one Sunday morning.
When I returned later, I learned what they'd been busy with: arguing
with a family member, also an addict, about a single pill of
prescription painkiller she'd lost, and injecting meth to get by in its
absence. Jessica, 30, and Darren, 24, were children when they started
using drugs. Darren smoked his first joint when he was 12 and quickly
moved on to snorting pills. "By the time I was 13, I was a full-blown
pill addict, and I have been ever since," he said. By age 14, he'd quit
school. When I asked where his care givers were when he started using
drugs, he laughed. "They're the ones that was giving them to me," he
alleged. "They're pill addicts, too."
Darren was 13
when he started taking pills, which he claims were given to him by an
adult relative. "He used to feed them to me," Darren said. On fishing
trips, they'd get high together. Jessica and Darren have never known a
life of family dinners, board games and summer vacations. "This right
here is normal to us," Darren told me. He sat in a burgundy recliner,
scratching at his arms and pulling the leg rest up and down. Their house
was in better shape than many others I'd seen, but nothing in it was
theirs. Their bedrooms were bare. The kind of multigenerational drug use
he was describing was not uncommon in their town, Austin, in southern
Indiana. It's a tiny place, covering just two and a half square miles of
the sliver of land that comprises Scott County. An incredible
proportion of its 4,100 population – up to an estimated 500 people
– are shooting up. It was here, starting in December 2014, that the
single largest HIV outbreak in US history took place. Austin went from
having no more than three cases per year to 180 in 2015, a prevalence
rate close to that seen in sub-Saharan Africa.
Exactly how this appalling human crisis happened here, in this
particular town, has not been fully explained. I'd arrived in Scott
County a week previously to find Austin not exactly desolate. Main
Street had a few open businesses, including two pharmacies and a
used-goods store, owned by a local police sergeant. The business with
the briskest trade was the gas station, which sold $1 burritos and egg
rolls. In the streets either side of it, though, modest ranch houses
were interspersed among shacks and mobile homes. Some lawns were
well-tended, but many more were not. On some streets, every other house
had a warning sign: 'No Trespassing', 'Private Property', 'Keep Out'.
Sheets served as window curtains. Many houses were boarded up. Others
had porches filled with junk – washing machines, furniture, toys, stacks
of old magazines. There were no sidewalks. Teenage and twenty-something
girls walked the streets selling sex. I watched a young girl in a puffy
silver coat get into a car with a grey-haired man. I met a father who
always coordinates with his neighbour to make sure their children travel
together, even between their homes, which are a block apart. Driving
around for days, knocking on doors looking for drug users who would speak with me was intimidating. I've never felt more scared than I did in Austin.
The mystery of Austin is only deepened by a visit to the neighbouring
town of Scottsburg, the county seat, eight miles south. It's just a bit
bigger than Austin, with a population of about 6,600, but it's vastly
different. A coffee shop named Jeeves served sandwiches and tall slices
of homemade pie, which you could eat while sitting in giant, cushiony
chairs in front of a fireplace. A shop next door sold artisanal soap and
jam. The town square had a war memorial and was decorated for
Christmas. The library was populated. The sidewalks had people and the
streets had traffic. There were drugs in Scottsburg, but the town did
not reek of addiction. The people didn't look gaunt and drug-addled. No
one I asked could explain why these two towns were so different, and no
one could explain what had happened to Austin. But a new theory of
public health might yet hold the answer. Known as syndemics, it may also
be the one thing that can rescue Austin and its people.
The term syndemics was coined by Merrill Singer, a medical
anthropologist at the University of Connecticut. Singer was working with
injecting drug users in Hartford in the 1990s in an effort to find a
public health model for preventing HIV among these individuals. As he
chronicled the presence of not only HIV but also tuberculosis and
hepatitis C among the hundreds of drug users he interviewed, Singer
began wondering how those diseases interacted to the detriment of the
person. He called this clustering of conditions a 'syndemic', a word
intended to encapsulate the synergistic intertwining of certain
problems. Describing HIV and hepatitis C as concurrent implies they are
separable and independent. But Singer's work with the Hartford drug
users suggested that such separation was impossible. The diseases
couldn't be properly understood in isolation. They were not individual
problems, but connected.
Singer quickly realised that syndemics was not just about the
clustering of physical illnesses; it also encompassed nonbiological
conditions like poverty, drug abuse, and other social, economic and
political factors known to accompany poor health.
CNN | Hepatitis C-related deaths reached an all-time high in 2014,
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced Wednesday,
surpassing total combined deaths from 60 other infectious diseases
including HIV, pneumococcal disease and tuberculosis. The increase
occurred despite recent advances in medications that can cure most
infections within three months.
"Not
everyone is getting tested and diagnosed, people don't get referred to
care as fully as they should, and then they are not being placed on
treatment," said Dr. John Ward, director of CDC's division of viral
hepatitis.
At
the same time, surveillance data analyzed by the CDC shows an alarming
uptick in new cases of hepatitis C, mainly among those with a history of
using injectable drugs. From 2010 to 2014, new cases of hepatitis C
infection more than doubled. Because hepatitis C has few noticeable
symptoms, said Ward, the 2,194 cases reported in 2014 are likely only
the tip of the iceberg.
"Due to
limited screening and underreporting, we estimate the number of new
infections is closer to 30,000 per year," Ward said. "So both deaths and
new infections are on the rise."
"These
statistics represent the two battles that we are fighting. We must act
now to diagnose and treat hidden infections before they become deadly,
and to prevent new infections."
reddit | In case anyone is wondering (from the article)alternative work
arrangements – defined as temporary help agency workers, on-call workers, contract workers,
and independent contractors or freelancers.
The point is, companies are not hiring employees. They are filling roles
with subcontractors from temp agencies (which have been exploding in
size). These temporary workers have no job security, often no benefits
(having to buy health insurance out of their pay for example), no way in
hell they are getting stuff like stock options. And on average they get
paid substantially less than the employees they replace.
So the employment rate of 65+ group has gone from 14.31% in 2006 to 17.29% in 2014.
The old people's 'no-option-but-have-to-continue-working' rate has
gone up by 3% from 2006 to 2014. Maybe people are finding it more
difficult to retire in this hard-to-save economy and maybe this will
only worsen as we move more away from the baby-boomer generation and
move further deep into this bubble economy.
EDIT relevant data - life expectancy in 2006 was 77.9 and peaked at 78.8 in 2012.
cbpp | Across the country, food banks and other organizations that serve the
needy are preparing for long lines as childless adults begin losing
SNAP (formerly food stamps) benefits due to the return in over 20 states
of a three-month time limit for able-bodied adults. Federal law limits
adults aged 18-49 who aren’t raising minor children to three months of
SNAP out of every three years unless they’re working at least 20 hours a
week or participating in a job training program at least 20 hours a
week. More than half a million people will lose SNAP over the course of the year due to the time limit.
The time limit is “going to increase hunger among some of the most vulnerable Mississippians,” says
Matt Williams of the Mississippi Center for Justice. “I think it will
further stress service providers who are already trying to fill a gap in
the available food assistance programs, and I think we will see their
resources stretched to the max with increased demand.” In Mississippi
alone, 50,000 people may lose benefits this year due to the time limit,
the state estimates.
In New York State, Erica Santiago of the Food Bank for Westchester predicts,
“We're not going to run out of food, but it may mean that people get
three days’ worth instead of seven days’ worth. . . . This will also
impact people who aren't losing their benefits — there's a trickle down
effect.”
Under the time limit, people can lose benefits even if they are
looking for and can’t find work, or if no spots are available in a job
training program. The time limit “was based on the assumption that
there are work programs to help these people and there are no programs.
They cost too much,” Lucy Potter of Greater Hartford Legal Aid in
Connecticut says.
The time limit is especially difficult for people with barriers to work,
such as limited education and skills. Most childless adults aren’t
eligible for other forms of government assistance, and their incomes
while receiving SNAP average less than one-third of the poverty line.
kunstler |Health care is now such a
blatant, odious, and ruinous racket that it is a little hard to believe
that it hasn’t ignited an outright revolution or, at least, a workplace
massacre in some insurance company C-suite. It is a well-known fact that
most Americans don’t even have $500 to pay for a car repair. How are
they supposed to cope with a $5,000 deductible health insurance
incident? Answer: they can’t. Their mental health is destroyed in the
process of attempting to fix their physical health. Not uncommonly, they
have to declare bankruptcy after a routine appendectomy or a visit to
the emergency room to set a broken arm. Sometimes, they don’t even
bother to go to the doctor, seeing clearly how this plays out. The
pharmaceutical industry has, of course, been allowed to convert itself
into a simple extortion racket. Got an unusual kind of cancer? We have something that might help. Oh, it costs $43,000 a month….
What kind of a polity allows
this cruel and indecent grift to go on? Why, the Obama administration,
which allowed the health insurance company lobbyists and their
colleagues in Big Pharma to “craft” the Affordable Care Act — the name
of which must be the biggest public lie ever floated.
It’s interesting to see how a
parallel fraud is playing out in higher ed. I submit the reason that
college presidents are not pushing back against the Maoist coercions of
the undergraduate social justice warriors is because the marvelous
theater of the gender, race, and “privilege” melodrama is a potent
distraction from the sad fact that college has turned into a grotesquely
top-heavy and high-paying administrative racket offering boutique
courses in fake fields (Dartmouth College: WGSS 65.06 Radical Sexuality: Of Color, Wildness, and Fabulosity… Harvard University: WOMGEN 1424: American Fetish)
in order to pander to their young customers (students) conditioned to
tragic “oppression” sob stories. All in the service of paying huge
salaries + perqs to the dynamic executives running these places.
Then there is banking, a.k.a.
the financial system, certainly the greatest racket of rackets, since
the fumes it’s running on — combinations of ZIRP, QE, and “forward
guidance” (happy talk) — is all that there is to maintain the illusion
that “money” remains a reliable gauge of value. Finance is the racket
that will go down first and hardest, and when it does, all the other
rackets currently running will go up in a vapor. That elephant will
storm into the room before the political conventions, and when it does,
it will usher in the recognition that nothing can go on as before.
theatlantic | In my house, we have learned to live a no-frills existence. We halved
our mortgage payments through a loan-modification program. We drive a
1997 Toyota Avalon with 160,000 miles that I got from my father when he
died. We haven’t taken a vacation in 10 years. We have no credit cards,
only a debit card. We have no retirement savings, because we emptied a
small 401(k) to pay for our younger daughter’s wedding. We eat out
maybe once every two or three months. Though I was a film critic for
many years, I seldom go to the movies now. We shop sales. We forgo
house and car repairs until they are absolutely necessary. We count
pennies.
I don’t ask for or expect any sympathy. I am responsible for my
quagmire—no one else. I didn’t get gulled into overextending myself by
unscrupulous credit merchants. Basically, I screwed up, royally. I
lived beyond my means, primarily because my means kept dwindling. I
didn’t take the actions I should have taken, like selling my house and
downsizing, though selling might not have covered what I owed on my
mortgage. And let me be clear that I am not crying over my plight. I
have it a lot better than many, probably most, Americans—which is my
point. Maybe we all screwed up. Maybe the 47 percent of American adults
who would have trouble with a $400 emergency should have done things
differently and more rationally. Maybe we all lived more grandly than
we should have. But I doubt that brushstroke should be applied so
broadly. Many middle-class wage earners are victims of the economy,
and, perhaps, of that great, glowing, irresistible American promise
that has been drummed into our heads since birth: Just work hard and
you can have it all.
If there is any good news, it is that even as wages have stagnated, a
lot of things, especially durable goods like TVs and computers, have
been getting steadily cheaper. So, by and large, has clothing (though
prices have risen modestly in recent years). Housing costs, as measured
by the price per square foot of a median-priced and median-sized home,
have been stable, even accounting for huge variations from one
real-estate market to another. But some things, like health care and
higher education, cost more—a lot more. And, of course, these are
hardly trivial items. Life happens, and it happens to cost a
lot—sometimes more than we can pay.
Yet even that is not the whole story. Life happens, yes, but shit
happens, too—those unexpected expenses that are an unavoidable feature
of life. Four-hundred-dollar emergencies are not mere hypotheticals,
nor are $2,000 emergencies, nor are … well, pick a number. The fact is
that emergencies always arise; they are an intrinsic part of our
existence. Financial advisers suggest that we save at least 10 to 15
percent of our income for retirement and against such eventualities.
But the primary reason many of us can’t save for a rainy day is that we
live in an ongoing storm. Every day, it seems, there is some new,
unanticipated expense—a stove that won’t light, a car that won’t start,
a dog that limps, a faucet that leaks. And those are only the small
things. In a survey of American finances published last year by Pew, 60
percent of respondents said they had suffered some sort of “economic
shock” in the past 12 months—a drop in income, a hospital visit, the
loss of a spouse, a major repair. More than half struggled to make ends
meet after their most expensive economic emergency. Even 34 percent of
the respondents who made more than $100,000 a year said they felt
strain as a result of an economic shock. Again, I know. After the job
loss, the co‑op board’s rejections, the tax penalties, there was one
more wallop: A publisher with whom I had signed a book contract, and
from whom I had received an advance, sued me to have the advance
returned after I missed a deadline. (Book deadlines are commonly missed
and routinely extended.)
In effect, economics comes down to a great Bruce Eric Kaplan New Yorker
cartoon that was captioned: “We thought it was a rough patch, but it
turned out to be our life.”
libertyblitzkrieg |The IMF’s austerity package is inhuman because it will
destroy hundreds of thousands of small businesses, defund society’s
weakest, and turbocharge the humanitarian crisis. And it is unnecessary
because meaningful growth is much more likely to return to Greece under
our policy proposals to end austerity, target the oligarchy, and reform
public administration (rather than attacking, again, the weak).
To give a monstrously exaggerated but terribly instructive
parallel of the IMF’s logic, if Greece is nuked tomorrow the economic
crisis ends and its macroeconomic numbers are “fixed” as long as
creditors accept a 100 percent haircut. But, if I am right that our
numbers added up just as well, while allowing Greece to recover without
further social decline, why did the IMF join Berlin to crush us in 2015?
For decades, whenever the IMF “visited” a struggling country, it
promoted “reforms” that led to the demolition of small businesses and
the proletarisation of middle-class professionals. Abandoning
the template in Greece would be to confess to the possibility that
decades of anti-social programs imposed globally might have been inhuman
and unnecessary.
To recap, the Wikileaks revelations unveil an attrition war
between a reasonably numerate villain (the IMF) and a chronic
procrastinator (Berlin). We also know that the IMF is seriously
considering bringing things to a head next July by dangling Greece once
more over the abyss, exactly as in July 2015. Except that this
time the purpose is to force the hand not of Alexis Tsipras, whose fresh
acquiescence the IMF considers in the bag, but of the German
Chancellor.
Will Christine Lagarde (the IMF’s Managing Director with
ambitions of a European political comeback) toe the line of her
underlings? How will Chancellor Merkel react to the publication of these
conversations? Might the protagonists’ strategies change now that we
have had a glimpse of them?
While pondering these questions, I cannot stem the torrent of
sadness from the thought that last year, during our Athens Spring,
Greece had weapons against the troika’s organised incompetence that I
was, alas, not allowed to use. The result is a Europe more
deeply immersed in disrepute and a Greek people watching from the
sidelines an ugly brawl darkening their already bleak future.
For unemployed adults in 22 states, that's how long they can count on help with the grocery bills: Starting this January, they have three months to find a job or lose their food assistance.
SNAP benefits — formerly known as food stamps — have been tied to employment for two decades. Unless they are caring for children or unable to work, adults need to have a job to receive more than three months of benefits.
But after the recession began, that three-month cap was waived in many areas, as state and federal governments acknowledged that jobs were hard to come by.
Now, as the economy is improving, the time limits are being reimposed — by federal policy in some areas, by state legislators in others.
For 22 states, the time limit returned in some or all of the state at the beginning of this year. It's the largest reinstatement of the three-month cap since the recession, The Associated Press reports
A million SNAP Recipients Affected
The three-month time limit applies to people ages 18 to 50 who aren't caring for a child or other dependent, aren't pregnant and aren't disabled or otherwise prevented from working. After their three months are up, such recipients must be working or in a training program at least half-time (80 hours a month) to receive SNAP benefits.
LATimes | Nearly three years ago, a group of about 200 workers at McDonald's, Taco Bell and other New York City fast-food restaurants walked off the job and rallied for higher wages.
It was widely described as the largest series of demonstrations ever in the fast-food industry.
Fast-forward to Tuesday, and the so-called Fight for $15 movement
seeking better pay for fast-food and other low-wage workers has spread
to what organizers say are 270 cities across the U.S. All three
Democratic presidential candidates weighed in with support on Twitter
after rallies began. The governor of New York and the mayor of
Pittsburgh issued orders Tuesday that will lead to a $15 minimum wage
for all government workers.
How the once-fledgling campaign has
captivated national political discourse is a testament to the uneasiness
still felt by many Americans left out of the recovery from the Great
Recession. Although jobs have continued to grow since the depths of the
downturn, earnings for lower- and middle-income workers have not.
By galvanizing efforts around fast-food workers —
people who many interact with on a daily basis — the movement's
organizers, backed in part by the nation's second-largest labor union,
have worked to change the public perception of low-wage work.
"For many of us, these are workers who we see every day, yet they're
invisible," said Harley Shaiken, a UC Berkeley labor expert. "What the
Fight for 15 has done is give faces, names and personal stories that
many, perhaps most, working Americans can identify with."
The
federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour has been the same since 2009, and
efforts have stalled in Congress to increase wages. But at the state and
local level, there has been an unprecedented wave of action to boost
wages since the movement began in 2012.
thewire | Since his successful book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, the Frenchman Thomas Piketty
has been considered one of the most influential economists in the
world. His argument for the redistribution of income and wealth launched
a worldwide discussion. In a interview with Georg Blume of Die Zeit, he gives his clear opinions on the European debt debate.
DIE ZEIT: Should we Germans be happy that even the French government is aligned with the German dogma of austerity?
Thomas Piketty:
Absolutely not. This is neither a reason for France, nor Germany, and
especially not for Europe, to be happy. I am much more afraid that the
conservatives, especially in Germany, are about to destroy Europe and
the European idea, all because of their shocking ignorance of history.
ZEIT: But we Germans have already reckoned with our own history.
Piketty:
But not when it comes to repaying debts! Germany’s past, in this
respect, should be of great significance to today’s Germans. Look at the
history of national debt: Great Britain, Germany, and France were all
once in the situation of today’s Greece, and in fact had been far more
indebted. The first lesson that we can take from the history of
government debt is that we are not facing a brand new problem. There
have been many ways to repay debts, and not just one, which is what
Berlin and Paris would have the Greeks believe.
ZEIT: But shouldn’t they repay their debts?
Piketty:
My book recounts the history of income and wealth, including that of
nations. What struck me while I was writing is that Germany is really
the single best example of a country that, throughout its history, has
never repaid its external debt. Neither after the First nor the Second
World War. However, it has frequently made other nations pay up, such as
after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, when it demanded massive
reparations from France and indeed received them. The French state
suffered for decades under this debt. The history of public debt is full
of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.
ZEIT: But surely we can’t draw the conclusion that we can do no better today?
Piketty:
When I hear the Germans say that they maintain a very moral stance
about debt and strongly believe that debts must be repaid, then I think:
what a huge joke! Germany is the country that has never repaid its debts. It has no standing to lecture other nations.
zerohedge |In chaotic scenes, thousands of angry elderly Greeks on Wednesday
besieged the nation’s crisis-hit banks, which have reopened to allow
them to withdraw vital cash from their state pensions.
“Let them go to hell!” said one pensioner waiting to get
his money, after failed talks between Athens and international creditors
sparked a week-long banking shutdown.
The Greek government, which closed the banks and imposed strict
capital controls after cash machines ran dry, has temporarily reopened
almost 1,000 branches to allow pensioners without cards to withdraw 120
euros ($133) to last the rest of the week.
The move has again sparked lengthy queues at banks across Greece —
and outrage from many retirees who are regarded as among the most
vulnerable in society, exposed to a vicious and lengthy economic
downturn.
Under banking restrictions imposed all week, ordinary Greeks can
withdraw up to 60 euros a day for each credit or debit card — but many
of the elderly population do not have cards.
Another customer, a retired mariner who asked not to be named,
told AFP he had no cash to buy crucial medicine for his sick wife.
“I worked for 50 years on the sea and now I am the beggar for 120 euros,” he said.
“I took out 120 euros — but I have no money for medication for my wife, who had an operation and is ill, he added.
telesurtv | Speaking at the largest
anti-austerity rally since the Conservatives won the election Brand
questioned their ability to rule the country.
Comedian Russell Brand told anti-government protesters in London
Saturday that Britain’s problems were caused by megalomaniacal leaders
and members of parliaments with poor sex lives.
Speaking at the largest anti-austerity rally since the Conservatives won
the election with a majority 44 days ago, attended by between 70,000
and 150,000 people, Brand talked about the “crushing disappointment”
many people felt at the result.
He criticized the policies made by establishment figures and questioned
their ability to rule the country.
“What I feel like we’ve done is created a culture around the worst
aspects of our nature. I have selfishness in me, I have greed in me, I
have the megalomaniacal tendencies of Boris Johnsonn, or Rupert Murdoch,
or David Cameron, but I don’t turn them into policies. I go to 12-step
meetings and psychiatrists to try and deal with that shit,” he told the
cheering crowd outside the houses of parliament in Westminster.
“I’m assuming that the vast majority or those (in the houses of
parliament), Jeremy (Corbyn) and Caroline (Lucas) aside, are not having
very successful sex lives … Something is wrong,” he added
The demonstration comes in response to the recent announcement by
Britain's Conservative government that it plans to adopt new measures to
reduce the national deficit, including further welfare cuts, cuts to
social services, departmental spending cuts and boosting revenue through
a crackdown on tax avoidance. The Conservative financial minister,
George Osborne, is expected to announce a further £12bn cuts to spending
on benefits, according to Sky News.
“We’re here to say austerity isn’t working,” said Caroline Lucas, the
Green Party representative in parliament. “We’re here to say that it
wasn’t people on jobseekers’ allowance that brought down the banks.
“It wasn’t nurses and teachers and firefighters who were recklessly
gambling on international markets. And so we should stop the policies
that are making them pay for a crisis that wasn’t of their making.”
nationofchange |On Saturday at the Left Forum in New York City, Chris Hedges joined professors Richard Wolff and Gail Dines
to discuss why Karl Marx is essential at a time when global capitalism
is collapsing. These are the remarks Hedges made to open the discussion.
Karl Marx exposed the peculiar dynamics of capitalism, or what he
called “the bourgeois mode of production.” He foresaw that capitalism
had built within it the seeds of its own destruction. He knew that
reigning ideologies—think neoliberalism—were created to serve the
interests of the elites and in particular the economic elites, since
“the class which has the means of material production at its disposal,
has control at the same time over the means of mental production” and
“the ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the
dominant material relationships … the relationships which make one class
the ruling one.” He saw that there would come a day when capitalism
would exhaust its potential and collapse. He did not know when that day
would come. Marx, as Meghnad Desai
wrote, was “an astronomer of history, not an astrologer.” Marx was
keenly aware of capitalism’s ability to innovate and adapt. But he also
knew that capitalist expansion was not eternally sustainable. And as we
witness the denouement of capitalism and the disintegration of
globalism, Karl Marx is vindicated as capitalism’s most prescient and
important critic.
In a preface to “The Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy” Marx wrote:
No social order ever disappears before all the productive
forces for which there is room in it have been developed; and new
higher relations of production never appear before the material
conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old
society itself.
Therefore, mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can
solve; since looking at the matter more closely, we always find that the
task itself arises only when the material conditions necessary for its
solution already exist, or are at least in the process of formation.
Socialism, in other words, would not be possible until capitalism had
exhausted its potential for further development. That the end is coming
is hard now to dispute, although one would be foolish to predict when.
We are called to study Marx to be ready.
The final stages of capitalism, Marx wrote, would be marked by
developments that are intimately familiar to most of us. Unable to
expand and generate profits at past levels, the capitalist system would
begin to consume the structures that sustained it. It would prey upon,
in the name of austerity, the working class and the poor, driving them
ever deeper into debt and poverty and diminishing the capacity of the
state to serve the needs of ordinary citizens. It would, as it has,
increasingly relocate jobs, including both manufacturing and
professional positions, to countries with cheap pools of laborers.
Industries would mechanize their workplaces. This would trigger an
economic assault on not only the working class but the middle class—the
bulwark of a capitalist system—that would be disguised by the imposition
of massive personal debt as incomes declined or remained stagnant.
Politics would in the late stages of capitalism become subordinate to
economics, leading to political parties hollowed out of any real
political content and abjectly subservient to the dictates and money of
global capitalism.
But as Marx warned, there is a limit to an economy built on
scaffolding of debt expansion. There comes a moment, Marx knew, when
there would be no new markets available and no new pools of people who
could take on more debt. This is what happened with the subprime
mortgage crisis. Once the banks cannot conjure up new subprime
borrowers, the scheme falls apart and the system crashes.
Capitalist oligarchs, meanwhile, hoard huge sums of wealth—$18
trillion stashed in overseas tax havens—exacted as tribute from those
they dominate, indebt and impoverish. Capitalism would, in the end, Marx
said, turn on the so-called free market, along with the values and
traditions it claims to defend. It would in its final stages pillage the
systems and structures that made capitalism possible. It would resort,
as it caused widespread suffering, to harsher forms of repression. It
would attempt in a frantic last stand to maintain its profits by looting
and pillaging state institutions, contradicting its stated nature.
WaPo | The poor pay more for everything, from rolls of toilet paper to furniture. It's not because they're spendthrifts, either. If you're denied a checking account,
there's no way for you to avoid paying a fee to cash a paycheck. If you
need to buy a car to get to work, you'll have to accept whatever higher
interest rate you're offered. If you don't have a car, the bus fare
might eat up the change you'd save shopping at a larger grocery store as
opposed to the local corner store.
It's easy to feel that "when you are poor, the 'system' is set up to keep you that way," in the words of one Reddit user, "rugtoad." That comment is at the top of an extraordinary thread full of devastating stories about what it's like to get by with nothing in the United States of 2015.
"Growing up really poor means realizing in your twenties that Mommy was lying when she said she already ate," wrote "deviant_devices," another commenter.
You can buy only a single pack of paper towels at a time, rather than saving on a bundle of 10, as "Meepshesaid" noted:
When
you are broke, you can't plan ahead or shop sales or buy in bulk. Poor
people wait to buy something until they absolutely need it, so they have
to pay whatever the going price is at that moment. If ten-packs of
paper towels are on sale for half price, that's great, but you can only
afford one roll anyway. In this way, poor people actually pay more than
others for common staple goods.
You can't pay for health insurance, and instead buy medicine from pet stores, as "colorcoma" writes:
I
buy "fish" antibiotics online because I can't afford health care. …
Amoxicillin and such. Mostly for husband who has Lyme's disease. We
can't afford our monthly health care rates. We are 30somethings in the
US. Really feel like a "bottom feeder".
I'm
making $150- $200 a week and I need new shoes. So I can buy $60 shoes
that will last or $15 walmart shoes. So I buy the walmart shoes and some
groceries instead of just the $60 shoes and no groceries. Three months
later I'll need new shoes again. But I'll also have to pay rent and my
light bill is due. So I'll pay the light bill and buy some "shoe glue"
for $4 to fix my shoes for another few weeks until I can buy the $15
ones again.
Economists have documented the "ghetto tax," as the additional costs of living paid by the poor are often known. A Brookings study
from 2006 found that someone who is not able to open a checking account
will typically pay between $5 and $50 to cash a $500 check, and that
people in poor neighborhoods paid several hundred dollars more for
homeowner's insurance, or to buy a car of a given make and
model, than someone living in a wealthier neighborhood.
thenation | The austerity agenda as it plays out on the ground in American cities
is often so relentless in demanding cuts in public services that it is
easy to imagine that it cannot be upended. And that goes double for
Detroit, where Michigan Governor Rick Snyder has given his appointed “emergency manager”—rather than local elected officials—control over critical decisions regarding city operations.
But that does not mean that austerity always wins.
Last week, protests by Detroiters and allies from across the country focused
local, national and international attention on the Detroit Water and
Sewage Department’s program of shutting off water service for thousands
of low-income families that have fallen behind in paying bills. On
Friday, religious leaders and community activists
were arrested after blocking trucks operated by the private contractor
that was responsible for the shutoffs. At the same time, a mass march
filled the streets of downtown Detroit with protesters arguing that the
most vulnerable citizens of a city hard hit by deindustrialization ought
not be further harmed by the loss of a basic necessity that the United Nations deems a human right.
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4/3
43
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