Have you ever noticed how the Cathedral insincerely and
hypocritically uses language to enforce its orthodoxies and control the
free speech and actions of its political opponents?
What is the best way for this tactic to be effectively fought?
The only methods I can think of right now are words, votes, or bullets. Are there other ways?
cbsnews | Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Illinois, refuted President Trump's tweeted denials that he used the phrase "sh*thole countries" when discussing legal protections for immigrants from Haiti, El Salvador and African countries. Durbin, who was in the meeting with the president when he made the remarks, said of Mr. Trump's denial, "It's not true. He said those hateful things, and he said them repeatedly."
Durbin attended an event in Chicago Friday and then held a press conference on the president's comments afterward. He told reporters how the issue came up:
When the question was raised about Haitians, for example, we have a group that have temporary protected status in the United States because they were the victims of crises and disasters and political upheaval. The largest group is El Salvadoran. The second is Honduran and the third is Haitian, and when I mentioned that fact to him, he said 'Haitians? Do we need more Haitians?' And then he went on and started to describe the immigration from Africa that was being protected in this bipartisan measure. That's where he used these vile and vulgar comments, calling the nations they come from "sh*tholes" -- the exact word used by the president not just once, but repeatedly.
Mr. Trump on Friday morning tweeted that he had used "tough language" but denied he had used the profane phrase.
The language used by me at the DACA meeting was tough, but this was not the language used. What was really tough was the outlandish proposal made - a big setback for DACA!
And he also denied he had said anything insulting about Haitians, tweeting that he "Never said anything derogatory about Haitians other than Haiti is, obviously, a very poor and troubled country. Never said "take them out." Made up by Dems. I have a wonderful relationship with Haitians. Probably should record future meetings - unfortunately, no trust!"
Never said anything derogatory about Haitians other than Haiti is, obviously, a very poor and troubled country. Never said “take them out.” Made up by Dems. I have a wonderful relationship with Haitians. Probably should record future meetings - unfortunately, no trust!
Durbin said he tried to explain to him why it was he shouldn't use the phrase "chain migration," which refers to the process by which immigrants bring their extended family into the U.S. "When it came to the issue of 'chain migration,' I said to the president, 'Do you realize how painful that term is to so many people?'" Durbin recalled. "'African-Americans believe they migrated to America in chains and when you talk about chain migration, it hurts them personally.' He said, 'Oh, that's a good line.'"
thecut | In
October, I created a Google spreadsheet called “Shitty Media Men” that
collected a range of rumors and allegations of sexual misconduct, much
of it violent, by men in magazines and publishing. The anonymous,
crowdsourced document was a first attempt at solving what has seemed
like an intractable problem: how women can protect ourselves from sexual
harassment and assault.
One
long-standing partial remedy that women have developed is the whisper
network, informal alliances that pass on open secrets and warn women
away from serial assaulters. Many of these networks have been invaluable
in protecting their members. Still, whisper networks are social
alliances, and as such, they’re unreliable. They can be elitist, or just
insular. As Jenna Wortham pointed out in The New York Times Magazine, they
are also prone to exclude women of color. Fundamentally, a whisper
network consists of private conversations, and the document that I
created was meant to be private as well. It was active for only a few
hours, during which it spread much further and much faster than I ever
anticipated, and in the end, the once-private document was made public —
first when its existence was revealed in a BuzzFeed article by Doree
Shafrir, then when the document itself was posted on Reddit.
A
slew of think pieces ensued, with commentators alternately condemning
the document as reckless, malicious, or puritanically anti-sex. Many
called the document irresponsible, emphasizing that since it was
anonymous, false accusations could be added without consequence. Others
said that it ignored established channels in favor of what they thought
was vigilantism and that they felt uncomfortable that it contained
allegations both of violent assaults and inappropriate messages. Still
other people just saw it as catty and mean, something like the “Burn
Book” from Mean Girls. Because the document circulated among
writers and journalists, many of the people assigned to write about it
had received it from friends. Some faced the difficult experience of
seeing other, male friends named. Many commentators expressed sympathy
with the aims of the document — women warning women, trying to help one
another — but thought that its technique was too radical. They objected
to the anonymity, or to the digital format, or to writing these
allegations down at all. Eventually, some media companies conducted
investigations into employees who appeared on the spreadsheet; some of
those men left their jobs or were fired.
None
of this was what I thought was going to happen. In the beginning, I
only wanted to create a place for women to share their stories of
harassment and assault without being needlessly discredited or judged.
The hope was to create an alternate avenue to report this kind of
behavior and warn others without fear of retaliation. Too often, for
someone looking to report an incident or to make habitual behavior stop,
all the available options are bad ones. The police are notoriously
inept at handling sexual-assault cases. Human-resources departments, in
offices that have them, are tasked not with protecting employees but
with shielding the company from liability — meaning that in the frequent
occasion that the offender is a member of management and the victim is
not, HR’s priorities lie with the accused. When a reporting channel has
enforcement power, like an HR department or the police, it also has an
obligation to presume innocence. In contrast, the value of the
spreadsheet was that it had no enforcement mechanisms: Without legal
authority or professional power, it offered an impartial, rather than
adversarial, tool to those who used it. It was intended specifically not
to inflict consequences, not to be a weapon — and yet, once it became
public, many people immediately saw it as exactly that.
Recent
months have made clear that no amount of power or money can shield a
woman from sexual misconduct. But like me, many of the women who used
the spreadsheet are particularly vulnerable: We are young, new to the
industry, and not yet influential in our fields. As we have seen time
after time, there can be great social and professional consequences for
women who come forward. For us, the risks of using any of the
established means of reporting were especially high and the chance for
justice especially slim.
WaPo | America woke up Monday with a crazy idea in its addled brain: Oprah Winfrey could be the next president of the United States.
The
notion has tugged at the imagination for as long as Winfrey has been
famous, but her barnstorming speech at the Golden Globes on Sunday
electrified much of the 56 percent of the populace that disapproves of
her fellow television personality, President Trump. The possibility of a
Winfrey campaign, on Monday at least, seemed capable of uniting both
ends of the political spectrum.
“I want her to run for president,” Meryl Streep told The Washington Post just after the Globes ceremony. “I don’t think she had any intention [of declaring]. But now she doesn’t have a choice.”
“Oprah.
#ImWithHer,” tweeted Bill Kristol, scion of neoconservatism and the
original promoter of Sarah Palin, whose tongue-in-cheek declaration gave
way to an objective case for her candidacy: “Understands Middle America
better than Elizabeth Warren,” he tweeted. “Less touchy-feely than Joe
Biden, more pleasant than Andrew Cuomo, more charismatic than John
Hickenlooper.”
The
question lingering under this surprising groundswell: Are we now at a
point where we believe celebrity is a prerequisite for winning (let
alone governing)? Jokes about Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson being so widely
likable that he, too, could run for president have recently morphed into
something like actual candidate buzz; the wrestler-turned-actor recently said he’s “seriously considering” a run.
“Arguably
Donald Trump is the most famous man in the world,” said GOP strategist
Rick Wilson, a never-Trump Republican. Under the new rules of political
engagement, “maybe you can only beat a celebrity with another
celebrity.”
Her chances of winning? “One hundred percent,” said
another Republican strategist who has worked on presidential campaigns
and who spoke on the condition of anonymity to speculate brazenly. “If
she runs for the Democratic nomination, I think it’s over.”
Three and a half years ago, I anticipated and wrote about what's now unfolding in the presidential election. Over the next few weeks, there'll be a lot of mendacious talkabout everything on the periphery of what just happened. But let me spell out the truth of the matter very simply and directly here and now.
John McCain's campaign Policy and People-Centric Leadership Challenged DNC Corporate Elites have just dropped an immense turd into the American political punchbowl. (no offense intended to Sarah Palin Oprah Winfrey who is just being ruthlessly exploited for GOP DNC political gain) So how do I know this? Up until a couple days ago, McCain had only ever had one telephone conversation with Palin over the prior 18 months! It's not as if he even knows her or cares to - instead - Palin Oprah is merely a convenient cog in the bottom-scraping GOP DNC political calculus.
The McCain campaign is Corporate Elites and the Deep State are categorically NOT about issues anymore, at all. Instead, it is a desperate and impulsive fin d'siecle crapshoot rooted in pure identity politics. The writing has been on the wall for a minute concerning the GOP DNC endgame, starting with McCain's attack on Obama's "celebrity". Here now is the gist of what I wrote few years ago, and a couple of very important links that may serve to better illuminate EXACTLY what the GOP strategists Corporate Elites and Deep State are attempting to do with the selection of Palin as McCain's running mate Oprah for Celebrity Clash of the Titans 2020.
First, everyone should read A Guide to the White Trash Planet for Urban Liberals. It is an eye-opening view into the next big job for Americans of good faith. Not only must we Work hard on increasing and enriching the level of interpersonal engagement within our own communities, the next evolutionary push will have to involve education, outreach, and socialization - interpersonal communion - with and among the masses of the poor, white, and pissed. This will not be easy. But it is most definitely necessary.
Not only will this enrich both our respective communities, it will comprise a bulwark against the genuinely evil predations that the backers of the present administration have in store for America. Second, folks need to read The Full Blown Oprah Effect, Reflections on Color, Class, and New Age Racism. This article drives home the necessity of enlarged, renewed, and full engagement on multiple fronts for any genuinely interested in seeing America politically work its way back out of the regressive nosedive engineered by the GOP.
Bottomline - we have all GOT to Work toward being on the same side, or, we will all surely lose in ways and to an extent never previously imagined.
WaPo | On the Internet, the logic of road rage reigns supreme: Alone before
your screen, without trusted friends and other social mediators to
provide context or perspective, and with no relationship between
yourself and the offender, vastly disproportionate responses to
perceived slights begin to make sense. In daily life, you might respond
to an obnoxious joke or snide remark with an eye-roll or a barb of your
own, but online, the temptation to retaliate in much stronger terms
looms.
Often — too often — it takes the form of campaigns to get people fired.
Last
week, Vanity Fair released short video features of several of its
staffers providing New Year’s resolution ideas to various politicians,
among them Hillary Clinton.
Their suggestions for Clinton essentially amounted to don’t run again.
The tone of the video struck many, including our own Erik Wemple, as “snotty and condescending,” and some felt the content of some suggestions (one writer quipped that Clinton should take up knitting, for instance) was sexist. Backlash came swiftly, Vanity Fair apologized, and an infuriated twitter mob has been demanding that the editors and writers involved in the video be summarily fired ever since.
Firing the Vanity Fair staff responsible for the video wouldn’t make
the video go away, nor would it do anything for the candidate’s low favorables.
The urge to drive people who have said or done offensive things out of
their jobs isn’t about pragmatism; it’s punitive, and remarkably
unprincipled.
WaPo | the centerpiece addiction of this year, widespread and growing, is to
outrage itself — to the state of being perpetually offended, to the
need not only to be angry at someone or something, or many people and
issues, but also to always and everywhere be, well, hating. We are all
trapped in this ongoing carnival of venom, a national gathering of
unpleasant souls like that assembled in C.S. Lewis’s 1959 essay “Screwtape Proposes a Toast”
in the Saturday Evening Post (written two decades after Lewis’s famed
“Screwtape Letters”). Google and read it. It is remarkably resonant with
the times.
This
outrage isn’t a current that is always on full strength, like Boston’s
Citgo sign. But it never quite turns off either, as once upon a time the
television stations did with a ritual playing of the national anthem.
(Quaint, especially this year.)
Outrage, rather, pulses,
sometimes quicker and sometimes slower, like the human pulse. And like
the human pulse, it is nowadays a sign of life. Not to be outraged is to
be almost disqualified in the eyes of many from being a participant in
politics, even though the perpetually outraged fall across the political
spectrum. Not only can they not imagine anyone not being outraged, but
also they can’t imagine any kind of outrage save their own.
This
may be the fault of Silicon Valley’s algorithms, which provide us with
near-constant friendly echoes of what we already believe and a steady
stream of bias-confirming stories from bias-bent sources that further
bend our biases along the arc they were already traveling (and it isn’t,
believe me, some preordained arc of history). All very convenient,
these self-congratulatory seances with the unseen millions who agree
with us about our own particular outrage.
Wait
a bit after this column posts online, then check the comments. It will
be a cut and paste of every other comment section of every other column,
left, right and center. Just as cable news talking heads are beginning
to blur into one long declarative sentence of certainty surrounded by
nodding heads.
The amplification of the incendiary and the
extreme in the comments section has broken through into podcasts and
some into talk radio, cable and network news. Outrage is the kudzu of
all media platforms. It will cover us all completely soon enough.
theatlantic | Earlier this month, the research firm PerryUndem
found that Democratic men were 25 points more likely than Republican
women to say sexism remains a “big” or “somewhat” big problem. According
to October polling data sorted for me by the Pew Research Center,
Democratic men were 31 points more likely than Republican women to say
the “country has not gone far enough on women’s rights.” In both
surveys, the gender gap within parties was small: Republican women and
Republican men answered roughly the same way as did Democratic women and
Democratic men. But the gap between parties—between both Democratic men
and women and Republican men and women—was large.
Since Trump’s
election and the recent wave of sexual-harassment allegations, this
partisan divide appears to have grown. In January, when PerryUndum asked
whether “most women interpret innocent remarks as being sexist,”
Republican women were 11 points more likely than Democratic men to say
yes. When PerryUndum asked the question again this month, the gap had
more than doubled to 23 points. A year ago, Democratic men were 30
points more likely than Republican women to strongly agree that “the
country would be better off if we had more women in political office.”
The gap is now 45 points.
Over the decades, a similar divergence has occurred in Congress. Syracuse University’s Danielle Thompson notes
that, in the 1980s, “little difference existed between Republican and
Democratic women [members of Congress] in their advocacy of women’s
rights.” In the 1990s, Republican women members were still noticeably
more moderate than their male GOP colleagues. That created a significant
degree of ideological affinity between women politicians across the
aisle. Now it’s gone. There are many more Democratic than Republican
women in Congress. But, Thompson’s research shows, the Republican women
are today just as conservative as their male GOP colleagues.
Why
does this matter? First, it clarifies why Democrats forced Al Franken to
vacate his Senate seat but Republicans didn’t force Roy Moore from his
Senate race. Republicans of both genders are simply far more likely than
Democrats of both genders to believe that women cry sexism in response
to “innocent remarks or acts” and that America has “gone far enough on women’s rights.”
It’s not surprising, therefore, that Democratic women senators took the
lead in demanding that Franken go while Republican women senators
reacted to Moore pretty much like their male colleagues.
Secondly,
this partisan divergence hints at the nature of the backlash that the
current sexual-harassment reckoning will spark: Anti-feminist women will
help to lead it. In part, that’s because anti-feminist women can’t be
labelled sexist as easily as anti-feminist men. But it’s also because,
given their conservative attitudes, many Republican women likely find
the current disruption of gender relations unnerving.
NYTimes | It’s a legitimate observation. It’s also a dead end. Turnabout may be fair play, but it’s foul morality. It’s also foolish politics. Mirroring the ugliness of white nationalists and the alt-right just gives them the ammunition that they want and need.
Which is precisely what some fevered activists at Evergreen State College did when they shouted down a white biology professor and the school’s white president, who stood there as one woman screamed: “Whiteness is the most violent system to ever breathe.” (I deleted the profanity between “violent” and “system.”)
It’s what an adjunct professor at the University of Delaware did with a Facebook post saying that Otto Warmbier — the American student who was imprisoned in North Korea, came home comatose and died soon after — “got exactly what he deserved.” The professor wrote that like other “young, white, rich, clueless white males” in the United States, Warmbier thought “he could get away with whatever he wanted.”
Meanwhile a professor at Trinity College in Hartford used his Facebook page to post an incendiary story about the Republican lawmakers who found themselves under gunfire on an Alexandria, Va., baseball field. Its headline included the language “let them die,” a phrase that the professor also folded into a hashtag accompanying a subsequent Facebook post.
Thanks in large part to social media, which incentivizes invective and then magnifies it, our conversations coarsen. Our compasses spin out of whack. We descend to the lowest common denominator, becoming what we supposedly abhor. I’m regularly stunned by the cruelty that’s mistaken for cleverness and the inhumanity that’s confused with conviction.
NYTimes | “I of all people am aware that there is some irony in the fact that I am leaving while a man who has bragged on tape about his history of sexual assault sits in the Oval Office and a man who has repeatedly preyed on young girls campaigns for the Senate with the full support of his party.”
This irony reveals the limits of the #MeToo movement. This week, Time magazine named those who’ve spoken out against sexual harassment — collectively called “The Silence Breakers” — as its Person of the Year. “When multiple harassment claims bring down a charmer like former ‘Today’ show host Matt Lauer, women who thought they had no recourse see a new, wide-open door,” the cover article says. In truth, however, this new door is open for only some people — those whose harassers are either personally or professionally susceptible to shame.
Since October, when the movie mogul Harvey Weinstein was outed as a serial sexual predator and shunned by the social worlds he once ruled, an astonishing number of powerful and famous men have been fired and disgraced. It sometimes feels as if we’re in the midst of a cultural revolution where the toll of sexual harassment on women’s lives and ambitions will finally be reckoned with.
But the revolution is smaller than it first appears. So far, it has been mostly confined to liberal-leaning sectors like entertainment, the media, academia, Silicon Valley and the Democratic Party. It hasn’t rocked the Republicans, corporate America or Wall Street — with some exceptions — because these realms are less responsive to feminist pressure.
NYTimes | The fliers appeared suddenly on a crisp morning in early November. They were scattered among golden leaves on the grounds of Spelman and Morehouse, the side-by-side women’s and men’s colleges that are two of the country’s most celebrated historically black schools.
“Morehouse Protects Rapists,” some of them read. “Spelman Protects Rapists.”
Some of the documents accused prominent athletes and fraternity members by name. Though workers quickly made the fliers disappear, students were already passing photos from cellphone to cellphone. Before long, the names were on Twitter.
And the next morning, students at Morehouse woke up to another unnerving sight: graffiti marring the chapel, a spiritual gathering place dedicated to a revered alumnus, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Scrawled in red spray paint, the message read: “Practice What You Preach Morehouse + End Rape Culture.”
In a letter to the campus on Oct. 29, the provost, Michael Quick, announced he was convening a series of forums and task forces. “There is no place on our campuses, or in our society, for abuse of power,” it said.
And in Atlanta, the issue is gripping two campuses, and exposed a deep fissure between schools closely linked by history and geography.
Neither Spelman nor Morehouse would disclose how many complaints it has received, and in interviews, Spelman students and professors said they did not believe sexual assault was any more common there than elsewhere.
But most said they believed the colleges had not been taking the issue seriously enough. Now their pent-up frustration has burst into the open during a national moment of reckoning.
“I don’t believe our students would be doing what they’re doing if things like this hadn’t been happening nationally,” said Beverly Guy-Sheftall, a women’s studies professor who was one of more than 70 Spelman professors who signed an open letter supporting students who said they had been assaulted.
In a three-minute speech on Nov. 9, the day the graffiti was found on the King chapel, Harold Martin Jr., the interim president of Morehouse, said there was “clearly a belief that there is a population that does not feel heard.”
progressivekc | UMKC administration once again failed to take concrete action against
sexual assault at the last town hall. They talked about meetings, and
committees and procedures – but when have those accomplished anything?
Their mouths made the same motions they did during last semester’s
sexual assaults, while their actions are still absent.
In face of such incompetence, PYO has taken a stand! We pasted fliers
with the names and faces of two known rapists on campus, in order to
warn the student body, while letting rapists know that they are not
welcome here. During the flyering, we were pleased to discover that
other rebellious youth had decorated the Bloch School of Business.
This is only the beginning – more actions will come. The end goal
of this campaign is to build a revolutionary counter-culture on campus
that will empower the student body to annihilate rape culture ourselves!
Such a goal is a high order, and will require dedicated, protracted
struggle. If you wish to keep in touch with our future efforts, like our
Facebook, and/or keep watching this website.
strategic-culture |That
the relationship between Moscow and Washington should be regarded as
important given the capability of either country to incinerate the
planet would appear to be a given, but the Washington-New York
Establishment, which is euphemism for Deep State, is actually more
concerned with maintaining its own power by marginalizing Donald Trump
and maintaining the perception that Vladimir Putin is the enemy head of
state of a Russia that is out to cripple American democracy.
Beyond
twisting narratives, Russiagate is also producing potentially dangerous
collateral damage to free speech, as one of the objectives of those in
the Deep State is to rein in the current internet driven relatively free
access to information. In its most recent manifestations, an anonymous
group produced a phony list of 200 websites that were “guilty” of serving up Russian propaganda, a George Soros funded think tank identified
thousands of individuals who are alleged to be “useful idiots” for
Moscow, and legitimate Russian media outlets will be required to register as foreign agents.
Driven
by Russophobia over the 2016 election, a group of leading social media
corporations including Facebook, Google, Microsoft and Twitter have been
experimenting with ways to self-censor their product to keep out foreign generated or “hate” content. They even have a label for it: "cyberhate". Congress
is also toying with legislation that will make certain viewpoints
unacceptable or even illegal, including a so-called Anti-Semitism Awareness Act that
would potentially penalize anyone who criticizes Israel and could serve
as a model for banning other undesirable speech. “Defamatory speech”
could even eventually include any criticism of the government or
political leaders, as is now the case in Turkey, which is the country
where the “Deep State” was invented.
thenewyorker | McCarthy wasn’t persuadable on the matter, and certainly not through
personal testimony. To his way of thinking, there was no such thing as
inappropriate tech or inappropriate speech. Besides, who could be
trusted to decide? One post, which McCarthy endorsed, suggested that
letting I.T. administrators determine what belonged on the computers at
Stanford was like giving janitors at the library the right to pick the
books.
McCarthy’s colleagues innately shared his anti-authoritarian
perspective; they voted unanimously to oppose the removal of
rec.humor.funny from Stanford’s terminals. The students were nearly as
committed; a confidential e-mail poll found a hundred and twenty-eight
against the ban and only four in favor. McCarthy was soon able to win
over the entire university by enlisting a powerful metaphor for the
digital age. Censoring a newsgroup, he explained to those who might not
be familiar with Usenet, was like pulling a book from circulation. Since
“Mein Kampf” was still on the library shelves, it was hard to imagine
how anything else merited removal. The terms were clear: either you
accepted offensive speech or you were in favor of destroying knowledge.
There was no middle ground, and thus no opportunity to introduce
reasonable regulations to insure civility online. In other words, here
was the outline for exactly our predicament today.
McCarthy, who died in 2011, considered his successful campaign against
Internet censorship the capstone to a distinguished career. As he
boasted to a crowd gathered for the fortieth anniversary of the Stanford
computer-science department, on March 21, 2006, his great victory had
been to make the school understand that “a faculty-member or student Web
page was his own property, as it were, and not the property of the
university.” At the time, almost as much as in 1989, McCarthy could
safely see this victory as untainted; the Internet still appeared to be
virgin territory for the public to frolic in. Facebook wouldn’t go
public for another six years. The verb “Google” had yet to enter the
Oxford English Dictionary. The first tweet had just been sent—the very same day, in fact.
Today, of course, hateful, enraging words are routinely foisted on the public by users of all three companies’
products, whether in individual tweets and Facebook posts or in flawed Google News algorithms.
Championing freedom of speech has become a business model in itself, a
cover for maximizing engagement and attracting ad revenue, with the
social damage mostly pushed aside for others to bear. When the Internet
was young, the reason to clean it up was basic human empathy—the idea
that one’s friends and neighbors, at home or on the other side of the
world, were worth respecting. In 2017, the reason is self-preservation:
American democracy is struggling to withstand the rampant, profit-based
manipulation of the public’s emotions and hatreds.
medialens | The truth of corporate journalism, and the great irony of its
obsession with 'fake news', is that it is itself utterly fake. What
could be more obviously fake than the idea that Truth can be sold by billionaire-owned media dependent on billionaire-owned advertisers for maximised profit?
The 'mainstream' worldview is anything but – it is extreme, weird, a
product of corporate conformity and deference to power. As Norman Mailer
observed:
'There is an odour to any Press Headquarters that is unmistakeable...
The unavoidable smell of flesh burning quietly and slowly in the
service of a machine.' (Mailer, 'The Time Of Our Time', Little Brown,
1998, p.457)
A prime example of 'mainstream' extremism is the way the UK's illegal
wars destroying whole countries are not an issue for corporate
moralists. Physicians for Global Responsibility estimate
that 1.3 million people have been killed in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Pakistan alone. And yet it is simply understood that UK wars will not be
a theme during general elections (See here and here). By contrast, other kinds of 'inappropriate behaviour' are subject to intense scrutiny.
Consider the recent resignation of Defence Secretary Michael Fallon
and his replacement by Prime Minister Theresa May's Chief Whip, Gavin
Williamson. Fallon resigned after it was revealed that he had 'repeatedly touched the broadcaster Julia Hartley-Brewer's knee at a dinner in 2002'.
Fallon was damaged further by revelations that he had lunged at journalist Jane Merrick:
'This was not a farewell peck on the cheek, but a direct lunge at my lips.'
The Commons leader Andrea Leadsom also disclosed that she had complained about 'lewd remarks' Fallon had made to her.
Sexual harassment is a serious issue, despite the scoffing of some male commentators. In the Mail on Sunday, Peter Hitchens shamefully dismissed women's complaints as mere 'squawking'.
But it is strange indeed that, while harassment is rightly deemed a
resigning offence, other 'inappropriate behaviour' leaves 'mainstream'
commentators completely unmoved.
medialens | If the human species survives long enough, future historians might well marvel at what passed for 'mainstream' media and politics in the early 21st century.
They will see that a UK Defence Secretary had to resign because of
serious allegations of sexual misconduct; or, as he put it
euphemistically, because he had 'fallen short'. But he did not have to resign because of the immense misery he had helped to inflict upon Yemen. Nor was he made to resign when he told MPs to stop criticising Saudi Arabia because that would be 'unhelpful'
while the UK government was trying to sell the human rights-abusing
extremist regime in Riyadh more fighter jets and weapons. After all, the
amount sold in the first half of 2017 was a mere £1.1 billion. (See our
recent media alert for more on this.) Right now, the UK is complicit
in a Saudi blockade of Yemen's ports and airspace, preventing the
delivery of vital medicine and food aid. 7.3 million Yemenis are already
on the brink of famine, and the World Food Programme has warned of the deaths of 150,000 malnourished children in the next few months.
Meanwhile, Robert Peston, ITV political editor, and Laura Kuenssberg,
BBC News political editor, have seemingly never questioned the British
Prime Minister Theresa May about the UK's shameful role in arming and
supporting Yemen's cruel tormentor. Nor have they responded when challenged about their own silence.
Future historians will also note that British newspapers, notably The Times and the 'left-leaning' Guardian,
published several sycophantic PR pieces for Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Salman, 'a risk-taker with a zeal for reform'. 'Is he taking on too
much too fast?', asked a swooning Patrick Wintour, the Guardian's diplomatic editor. Martin Chulov, the paper's Middle East correspondent, waxed lyrical
about the Crown Prince's 'bold move' in arresting senior royals, a
prominent Saudi billionaire and scores of former ministers as part of a
'corruption purge'. The dramatic action was designed to 'consolidate
power' while bin Salman 'attempts to reform [the] kingdom's economy and
society'. As Adam Johnson noted in a media analysis piece for Fairness in Accuracy And Reporting, the Guardian's coverage was akin to a 'breathless press release.' A follow-up article
by Chulov, observed Johnson, 'took flattering coverage to new
extremes'. The 'rush to reform' was presented uncritically by the paper,
painting the Crown Prince as a kind of populist hero; 'a curious
framing that reeks more of PR than journalism.'
medium | I’ve
received a sudden deluge of comments from men informing me that I
mustn’t write essays about rape culture anymore, so here’s another essay
about rape culture.
One of the most common recurring themes I’ve seen in the criticisms of my last couple of articles
on this subject is the claim that I only believe rape culture is a
thing because I’ve had a uniquely bad set of experiences with men, which
distorts my ability to provide a clear analysis of the subject. But
that’s just the thing — my experiences aren’t unique. Virtually all women have had extensive bad experiences with rape, sexual harassment and sexual abuse.
All in all I’ve actually had exceptionally good
experiences with men; I have an amazing father, an amazing husband, and
an amazing son. If I thought men were just evil rape monsters I
wouldn’t write about the various ways rape culture is becoming conscious
and how we can explore this as a society. We’ve had a long, chaotic
march into the present moment as a species, and much of that march has
included the commodification of women as essentially the property of a
male partner who was entitled to sex whenever he wanted it. This has
left many vestigial relics in our culture that have yet to move into
consciousness, but we’re getting there. Here are four things that I
would like to use my little platform here to say to every woman about
this journey:
HuffPo | Many
have believed the accusations against Roy Moore of sexual assault and
harassment against teen girls to be massively hypocritical since for
years he’s presented himself as a hardcore evangelical man of faith, and
he has a loyal white Christian evangelical following.
But
what if Moore’s alleged actions actually meld with a religious belief
among some evangelicals, even if the adherents won’t outright admit it?
Moore
in fact represents an extremist wing of an already theocratic-leaning
base of the GOP that believes all women must be subservient and submit ―
as Mike Huckabee, who hasn’t pulled his full-throated endorsement of Moore, infamously once said of women with
regard to their husbands, expressing his own “Handmaid’s Tale” dream
come true ― and that would no doubt include young women such as teen
girls. After all, as one of Moore’s defenders in the Alabama GOP said in dismissing the allegations, “Mary was a teenager and Joseph was an adult carpenter. They became parents of Jesus.”
And
since the advent of Donald Trump, this more extreme group of
evengelicals has cleaved away from others and joined the alt-right and
white nationalists, led by former Trump White House advisor Steve Bannon
― who is a front line warrior for Moore’s election campaign ― and which include white supremacists and racists like those we saw in Charlottesville.
Jack Jenkins, senior religion reporter at Think Progress, has been charting the growth in the Trump era of Christian nationalism ―the
melding of some evangelicals and their beliefs with nationalistic
movements and ideologies ― in several excellent and important articles.
He, too, puts Roy Moore at the nexis of the white nationalist movement and the extremist evangelical movement.
As someone who has covered the Family Research Council’s annual Values Voters Summit (VVS) for years,
I, along with other observers, saw a marked difference in the speakers
and in the crowd this past October, when Donald Trump became the first
sitting president to speak at the event. Some long-time leaders like
those from the Southern Baptist Convention ― whose Russell Moore is a Never Trumper
― were not there, along with their followers. They were replaced by
Steve Bannon, Sebastian Gorka and other white nationalists and their
followers who never had an interest in VVS and are far from what anyone
would think of as devout Christians.
“White Nationalism and Christian Right Unite at Values Voter Summit,” was the headline of Adele Stan’s piece on Bill Moyers.com last month. A longtime progressive journalist, Stan, too, has covered VVS for years, as has Right-Wing Watch’s
Peter Montgomery. Both of them agreed in a discussion on my radio
program that this marriage of evangelicals and white nationalists was
clear at this year’s VVS, a sort of realignment taking place. The star
of VVS this year was Roy Moore ― backed by Bannon and his minions ― who
would become the test candidate for catapulting Christian nationalism
further into the mainstream.
BostonGlobe | “I don’t know how much these women are getting paid, but I can only
believe they’re getting a healthy sum,” said pastor Earl Wise, a Moore
supporter from Millbrook, Ala.
Wise said he would support Moore
even if the allegations were true and the candidate was proved to have
sexually molested teenage girls and women.
“There ought to be a
statute of limitations on this stuff,” Wise said. “How these gals came
up with this, I don’t know. They must have had some sweet dreams
somewhere down the line.
“Plus,” he added, “there are some 14-year-olds, who, the way they look, could pass for 20.”
For
40 years, “these women didn’t say a word. They were cool as a
cucumber,” said pastor Franklin Raddish, a Baptist minister from South
Carolina and a Moore supporter.
“You’re asking me to believe them,’’ Raddish said, “when their own
mother didn’t have enough red blood in her to . . . go and report this?
Come on.”
The statements are indicative of a broader shift among conservative
evangelicals — and particularly white evangelicals. Long thought of as a
voting bloc that demanded their lawmakers to be pious and spiritual,
some are now even more accepting of a lawmaker’s personal indiscretions
than the average American, polling data indicate.
Eighty percent
of white conservative evangelicals voted for Trump, according to 2016
election exit polls, even after the infamous “Access Hollywood’’ tape
and the numerous allegations from women who said that he sexually
assaulted them.
Six years ago, just 30 percent of white
evangelical Protestants believed an elected official “who commits an
immoral act in their personal life can still behave ethically and
fulfill their duties” as a public servant, according to The Public
Religion Research Institute, a nonprofit polling firm focused on faith
issues.
counterpunch | The New York Times recently
published a list of 25 men “accused of sexual misconduct” since the
Harvey Weinstein revelations first came out in early October. The list
is a who’s-who of “players” in the entertainment, political, media and
corporate worlds. Even scandalous stories about Bush-the-elder are
finally coming out after decades of suppression. In being outed, many
of the male predators have lost their jobs or contracts, some of their
marriages ended, high-priced defense lawyers have been retained and a
few say they are seeking professional counseling.
Many of those identified as being or having been a sexual aggressor
are being subject to public shaming. For a while, their lives might be
miserable, under a public magnifying glass as to how he could have done
what he is “accused” of doing and, therefore, who really is this
man? However, for some, the price to be paid may be far harsher,
including an arrest, trial and (if found guilty) jail as a sex
offender. Prosecutors in New York, Los Angeles and London are
sharpening their legalistic claws as they seek criminal indictments
against Weinstein. Who will be the next player to fall?
Since the Reagan-era of the 1980s, the U.S. has engaged in two
domestic wars – a war on drugs and a war on sex. Both have roots dating
from the 1920s Prohibition campaign; both rejected the 1960s-70s
countercultural insurgency. Both have been played out at federal and
local levels — and both are failures!
The country’s drug-addiction “epidemic” has shifted from black to
while, from the inner-city or urban ghettos to the suburbs and rural
heartland. Throughout the country, low-level drug offenses are being
decriminalized, criminal penalties are being lessened and the
traditional ethos of harsh punishment is being undercut by calls for
restorative justice.
When launched, the war on sex drew politicians, law enforcement and
people of good intentions, conservative and liberal (including anti-porn
feminist and gay-rights advocates), into alignment with the religious
right. They joined forces in a campaign to forcefully suppress what was
broadly conceived as a domestic security threat, violation of the
sexually acceptable.
The sex offender was – and remains — a perfect target for moral
outrage. He (mostly) is someone who crossed a moral line and committed
an unpardonable offense. If he cannot be executed for his affront to
civil and religious decency than, at least, he can be shamed or
stigmatized, imprisoned, placed in indefinite detention and listed on a
sex-offender’s registry.
The 25 men identified by the Times are “players” in the
entertainment, political, media and corporate worlds. Others will
surely be added to the list. Their outing is a friction point in the
seismic shift in American social values now underway. Those so far
identified come from the celebrate sector, not most people everyday
life. Unfortunately, misogyny is endemic to American life, but gets
little local media or public attention until it becomes a media
spectacle like what’s happening today. Its all-to-often considered a
private matter, rather than a social practice.
twitchy | The lengths some people are willing to go to in order to defend Al Franken …
Leeann Tweeden is NOT a newswoman.. She was a
Playboy model & bikini fitness model.. she on cover of Playboy 2x
MAXIM 3x and FHM 5x… and Howard stern. She was brought on USO tour as
part of comedy skit so that she COULD be groped !
Huh. So because she is a Playboy model and has been on
Howard Stern that apparently means what? That she doesn’t count? Oh and
please with that last line, ‘… she was on USO tour as part of a comedy
skit so that she could be groped.’
Sadly this oddly angry meteorologist wasn’t the only one playing
the ‘her skirt was too short’ game with Leeann Tweeden, but this is
certainly one of the uglier tweets we’ve seen on Twitter. Fist tap MVD.
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