thehill |Morgan Freeman says if you trust him, you'll take his advice and get vaccinated against COVID-19.
"I'm
not a doctor, but I trust science. And I’m told that, for some reason,
people trust me," the "Vanquish" star says in a public service
announcement released Monday by the arts advocacy group The Creative
Coalition.
Freeman, 83, has played God in multiple films and is a popular choice for narrating documentaries and science specials.
“So here I am to say I trust science and I got the vaccine," he tells viewers in the PSA.
"If you trust me, you’ll get the vaccine," Freeman adds.
Morgan, I don't trust you as far as I could spit on you. First, there's your recent Russiagate foolishness and phukkery:
And then, there's that deeply disturbing personal failing from several years ago when your nasty old ass was simultaneously on those blue pills and your own step grand daughter!!! Now, low-information, short-memory, IQ-75 may have forgotten what you were up to, but these liminal views of consensus reality CANNOT UNSEE what they have seen:
jonathanturley | We previously discussed
the controversial position of Alison Collins, Vice President of the San
Francisco school board, in her campaign against meritocracy and effort
to shut down the gifted programs at Lowell High School. The Asian
community was particularly opposed to Collins’ efforts since Asian
students composed 29 percent of the students but 51 percent of the
Lowell student body. Now Collins is under fire for prior tweets
attacking Asians as promoting “the ‘model minority’ BS” and of using
“white supremacist thinking to assimilate and ‘get ahead.’”
These do not appear recent tweets but their content is obviously insulting for any Asian American. The Yahoo News story included
such tweets as accusing “many Asian American Ts, Ss, and Ps” —
teachers, students, and parents — of promoting “the ‘model minority’ BS”
and of using “white supremacist thinking to assimilate and ‘get
ahead.’” It also include a demand to know “[w]here are the vocal Asians
speaking up against Trump?” and statements on how Asians are deluding
themselves by not speaking out against former president Donald
Trump: “Don’t Asian Americans know they are on his list as well?”
Collins continued. “Do they think they won’t be deported? profiled?
beaten? Being a house n****r is still being a n****r. You’re still
considered “the help.”
While the use of the censored version of the “n word” has led to calls to terminate academics,
I do not believe that such objections are fair in this or the prior
cases. Indeed, this controversy should not take away from the campaign
against meritocracy and the effort to eliminate programs for advanced or gifted students in the public school system. As I have previously discussed, I long been a supporter of public schools. These advanced programs are needed to maintain broad, diverse, and vibrant school systems for cities like San Francisco.
Race politics seems a focus on every level in the school system, even in the regulation of student elections.
Likewise, the controversy in San Francisco follows another controversy
in Los Angeles where United Teachers Los Angeles (UTLA) Cecily
Myart-Cruz has also criticized “Middle Eastern” parents
in joining “white parents” in seeking school re-openings. The UTLA was
criticized after Maryam Qudrat, a mother of Middle Eastern descent, was
asked by the UTLA to identify her race after criticizing the union’s
opposition to reopening schools despite overwhelming science that it is
safe. This effort to racially classify critics of the teachers followed
Myart-Cruz attacking critics by referring to their race
ghionjournal |Precisely at the time we need
leadership the most, we have been left out in the cold and shepherded
into the wilderness by black opinion leaders who are more interested in
cashing checks and enhancing their Q ratings than they are in standing
up for justice. Gone are the days of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X and
erstwhile moral giants who confronted racism with the courage of lions,
we are now firmly entrenched in the era of hustling hyenas like
Ta-Nehisi Coates, Barack Obama and Kamala Harris who cozy up to the very
system of repression they pretend to be fighting against.
Instead of leading with imagination, sambos in expensive suits prefer to distract us
with agitprops and tropes. We went from “we shall overcome”, a mission
statement of resilience, to “black lives matter” as we meekly advertise
our inadequacies and beg for social acceptance. I am actually
embarrassed every time I see a similarly complexioned brother or sister
wearing a #BLM logo on their facemask or their chest;
As if doing damage to our psyche was not enough, some decide to add
insults to self-injury by dismissing the plight of anyone who does not
have melanin like ours. It is the height of absurdity to assume that
someone who is “white” has privilege by virtue of their skin color.
Not only is it patently untrue, it is counterproductive as it prevents
likeminded and like-mired “white” people–who would otherwise be
receptive to our plight–from hearing the message we are trying to convey
and joining the fight for redemption.
No one likes to be marginalized and their struggles to be minimized;
this is true for the truly privileged and the most disadvantaged alike.
Think about it; if someone in a wheelchair downplayed your pains and
pooh-poohed your anguish wrought by a broken leg, would you not take
umbrage with that person no matter how crippled she was? People who have
it bad don’t have a license to insult and disparage others who have it marginally better.
Instead of reaching an audience that is sympathetic to our cause, all
we do is close doors and preclude much needed conversations.
The only people who profit from these campaigns of grievance and
woe-is-me victimhood are the very charlatans who are sitting in the lap
of comfort and leading lives of true privilege. The establishment reward
demagogues who incite passions and lead us in the wrong direction.
There is a reason, after all, the Obamas were compensated to the tune of $60 million and why Ta-Nehisi Coates keeps landing on the New York Times bestsellers list.
The fastest way to make a buck and get leg up is to sell your own
people down the river in order to be invited into the whites’ house.
The leaders of Black Lives Matter have perfected the art of the
shakedown in ways that puts Jessie Jackson to shame; they have made more
money in our names and using our pains than any black organization
since the NAACP. What do we have to show for the hundreds of millions they have collected since Ferguson?
Email or DM me if you know the answer because I have been searching for
that answer since Michael Brown was assassinated. Far from being
freedom fighters, Black Lives Matter is a co-op of fee collectors who
hear cash registers ringing each time a “black” man or woman gets killed
by a cop.
thehindu | Gorman’s text was also presented and read, and acclaimed, as a poem.
That is where the trouble starts. Is there a major difference between
people who acclaim a political leader despite his bad policies because
they agree with his (good or bad) views, and people who acclaim a weak
poem because they agree with the poet’s (good) views? This controversy
erupted on Twitter, and it ended with the unasked question: If we lower
the standards of policy or poetry for a person, adducing age, sex,
colour or correct opinion as an excuse, then are we doing any favour to
the person or the cause?
The question assumes significance due to various attempts to ‘defend’
Gorman’s poem by bringing up the different traditions of Black poetry.
If Gorman’s poem is an expression of this tradition at its best, then
it’s a good defence. If not, then, to my mind, it does gross injustice
to both Gorman as a person, and to Black poetry. The white women who
posted on Twitter about Gorman’s elegance and poise seem to me to be
indulging in a kind of well-meaning racism: it is a version of the
racism that makes coloured people take care to appear well-dressed,
refined, suave. That is not what is required of a poem.
Does
Gorman’s poem match up to the high standards of the best Anglophone
poetry by Black poets? You need not compare her efforts to works like
Derek Walcott’s Omeros, for that might be considered too
literary an example. Let us compare it to shorter poems that, to my
mind, are among the great poems of the English language today. Note, I
say the English language, not Black poetry.
This is how Gorman’s poem starts: “When day comes we ask ourselves,/
where can we find light in this never-ending shade?/ The loss we carry,/
a sea we must wade/ We’ve braved the belly of the beast/ We’ve learned
that quiet isn’t always peace.” It is a decent start — for a student’s
poem. It is full of standard clichés, none of them redeemed by any twist
of phrase or idea. One does not want to be a grammarian and point out
that ‘shade’ is not just a cliché, but an inappropriate one, for it can
convey repose and rest in sunny climates, such as the American South,
and not necessarily ‘night.’ Such problems crop up throughout the poem —
as they do in any poem by a talented student. An accomplished poet
learns to go beyond them. It is not that clichés cannot be used; it’s
how you use them.
TAC | What I found upon this search was, and is, nothing less than an
embarrassment to our country. A caricature of a parody, unworthy of the
name of poetry, rising not even to the level of propaganda.
But what made it so bad?
First of all, its emptiness. Its platitudes. The fact that, if
presented in prose form and unburdened of its opportunistic rhymes, it
might be mistaken for a New York Times op-ed. There appears to
be a belief among slam poets that this quasi-rap, pseudo-freestyle,
lilting rhythm in which the poems are performed (which spans the entire
genre without alteration) is an acceptable substitute for substance.
That vacuous wordplay fills the shoes of wit. “What just is,” the poet
explains in the opening stanza, “isn’t always justice.” The phrase, of
course, means nothing. But because the punniness is clever (is it even
that?), it passes muster, and ascends to the level of great,
praiseworthy artistic achievement in the eyes of our elites.
Gorman’s
poem also seems to lift a line, practically verbatim except to include a
rhyme, from the recent Broadway hit “Hamilton.” What’s more, that line
(“Scripture tells us to envision that everyone shall sit under their own
vine and fig tree, and no one shall make them afraid”) is itself a
reference to George Washington’s Farewell Address, which is itself a
reference to Scripture (Micah 4:4, Kings 4:25, Zechariah 3:10). The
irony of the fact that, at an inaugural recitation for the oldest ever
American president, more advanced in years than all his living
predecessors, reference is made to our first president’s Farewell
Address, in which he wistfully anticipates his restful retirement, is
too much to bear. In fact, it demonstrates the poet’s unfamiliarity with
her material, and thus smacks more of plagiarism than of reverential
reference (although I’m sure she reveres Lin-Manuel Miranda very much).
Relatedly,
the poem displays a perverse kind of Burkeanism. A contract between the
dead, the living, and the unborn is similarly imagined as the basis of
our social project: “Because being American is more than a pride we
inherit; it’s the past we step into and how we repair it”; “We will not
be turned around or interrupted by intimidation, because we know our
inaction and inertia will be the inheritance of the next generation.”
But instead of the benevolent passage of the torch from the old to the
young, this poem imagines the promise of that contract to be the
severance of ourselves from our collective past, either by the forward
march of progress or, if that fails, by the revision of the historical
narrative itself.
This actually bodes very well for conservatives
in the long run. As a member of the same generation as Ms. Gorman, I can
say that this poem truly embodies the Millennial and Gen-Z left. That
cunning rhetoric, no matter how sophistic, is all it takes to convince.
That their sense of an artistic—or any—tradition stretches back only as
far as their memory of the latest trends in the pop anti-culture. And
that their political mission amounts, simply, to a total dissociation
from and dissolution of the bonds of our national past. That mission,
like Gorman’s poem, is as self-defeating as it is empty.
Thank you @joebiden from the 87% of Black men that voted for you whom you overlooked when hiring these positions. Instead opting largely for a white female base that in majority did not vote you to President-elect. “Biden hires all-female senior communications team.” pic.twitter.com/ORrUMr57la
blmchapterstatement |It
was recently declared that Patrisse Cullors was appointed the Executive
Director to the Black Lives Matter Global Network (BLMGN) Foundation.
Since then, two new Black Lives Matter formations have been announced to
the public: a Black Lives Matter Political Action Committee, and BLM
Grassroots. BLM Grassroots was allegedly created to support the
organizational needs of chapters, separate from the financial functions
of BLMGN. We, the undersigned chapters, believe that all of these events
occurred without democracy, and assert that it was without the
knowledge of the majority of Black Lives Matters chapters across the
country and world.
We
became chapters of Black Lives Matter as radical Black organizers
embracing a collective vision for Black people engaging in the
protracted struggle for our lives against police terrorism. With a
willingness to do hard work that would put us at risk, we expected that
the central organizational entity, most recently referred to as the
Black Lives Matter Global Network (BLMGN) Foundation, would support us
chapters in our efforts to build communally. Since the establishment of
BLMGN, our chapters have consistently raised concerns about financial
transparency, decision making, and accountability. Despite years of
effort, no acceptable internal process of accountability has ever been
produced by BLMGN and these recent events have undermined the efforts of
chapters seeking to democratize its processes and resources.
In
the spirit of transparency, accountability, and responsibility to our
community, we believe public accountability has become necessary. As a
contribution to our collective liberation, we must make clear:
Patrisse
Cullors, as the sole board member of BLMGN, became Executive Director
against the will of most chapters and without their knowledge.
The newly
announced formation, BLM Grassroots, does not have the support of and
was created without consultation with the vast majority of chapters.
The
formation of BLM Grassroots effectively separated the majority of
chapters from BLMGN without their consent and interrupted the active
process of accountability that was being established by those chapters.
In our
experience, chapter organizers have been consistently prevented from
establishing financial transparency, collective decision making, or collaboration on political analysis and visionwithin BLMGN
For years there has been inquiry
regarding the financial operations of BLMGN and no acceptable process of
either public or internal transparency about the unknown millions of
dollars donated to BLMGN, which has certainly increased during this time
of pandemic and rebellion.
To the best of our knowledge, most
chapters have received little to no financial support from BLMGN since
the launch in 2013. It was only in the last few months that selected
chapters appear to have been invited to apply for a $500,000 grant
created with resources generated because of the organizing labor of
chapters. This is not the equity and financial accountability we
deserve.
We
remain committed to collectively building an organization of BLM
chapters that is democratic, accountable, and functions in a way that is
aligned with our ideological values and commitment to liberation. We
will move forward with transparency and expound on our collective
efforts to seek transparency and organizational unity in a fuller
statement in the near future. As we collectively determine next steps,
we encourage our supporters to donate directly to chapters, who
represent the frontline of Black Lives Matter.
dailybeast | As his now infamous 2016 line about giving Trump a
chance—inadvertently echoed in Biden’s victory speech earlier Saturday
night—revealed, Chappelle’s politics have never been simple to
characterize. His public criticism of Hillary Clinton in the final days of that election were bad enough that he had to later clarify
that he was “not a Trump supporter.” His willingness to give Trump a
“chance” followed him for months, at least until he told Stephen Colbert
in 2017, “It’s not like I wanted to give him a chance that night.”
More recently, during an episode of David Letterman’s Netflix show My Next Guest Needs No Introduction, Chappelle answered a question about Trump’s Muslim ban by offering up what easily could be considered a both-sides take on the two presidential candidates.
“You
don’t expect necessarily that empathy, compassion or cultural
astuteness from a guy like that,” Chappelle, who converted to Islam in
the early ‘90s, told Letterman. “What you’re sad about is that the chair
doesn’t have more humanity in it. But has that chair ever been that
humane? When Biden called Trump the first racist president ever, well clearly that’s not true. So how do I feel when I hear a white person say some stupid shit?”
As Letterman laughed, Chappelle answered his own question with a comical shrug.
“I would implore everybody who’s celebrating to remember, it’s good
to be a humble winner,” Chappelle said on Saturday. “Remember when I was
here four years ago? Remember how bad that felt. Remember that half the
country right now still feels that way. Please remember that.”
“Remember
that for the first time in the history of America, the life expectancy
of white people is dropping because of heroin, because of suicide,” he
continued. “All these white people out there that feel that anguish,
that pain, that man, they think nobody cares. Maybe they don’t.”
“Let
me tell you something: I know how that feels,” he added. “I promise
you, I know how that feels. If you’re a police officer and every time
you put your uniform on, you feel like you’ve got a target on your back,
you’re appalled by the ingratitude that people have when you would risk
your life to save them, believe me, I know how that feels.”
“But
here’s the difference between me and you,” Chappelle said. “You guys
hate each other for it. And I don’t hate anybody. I just hate that
feeling. That’s what I fight through. That’s what I suggest you fight
through. You’ve got to find a way to live your life. You’ve got to find a
way to forgive each other. You’ve got to find a way to find joy in your
existence in spite of that feeling. And if you can't do that…come get
these n---a lessons.”
politico | I wanted to believe Hillary, who made campaign finance reform part of
her platform, but I had made this pledge to Bernie and did not want to
disappoint him. I kept asking the party lawyers and the DNC staff to
show me the agreements that the party had made for sharing the money
they raised, but there was a lot of shuffling of feet and looking the
other way.
When I got back from a vacation in Martha’s Vineyard, I at last found
the document that described it all: the Joint Fund-Raising Agreement
between the DNC, the Hillary Victory Fund, and Hillary for America.
The agreement—signed by Amy Dacey, the former CEO of the DNC, and
Robby Mook with a copy to Marc Elias—specified that in exchange for
raising money and investing in the DNC, Hillary would control the
party’s finances, strategy, and all the money raised. Her campaign had
the right of refusal of who would be the party communications director,
and it would make final decisions on all the other staff. The DNC also
was required to consult with the campaign about all other staffing,
budgeting, data, analytics, and mailings.
I had been wondering why it was that I couldn’t write a press release
without passing it by Brooklyn. Well, here was the answer.
When the party chooses the nominee, the custom is that the
candidate’s team starts to exercise more control over the party. If the
party has an incumbent candidate, as was the case with Clinton in 1996
or Obama in 2012, this kind of arrangement is seamless because the party
already is under the control of the president. When you have an open
contest without an incumbent and competitive primaries, the party comes
under the candidate’s control only after the nominee is certain. When I
was manager of Al Gore’s campaign in 2000, we started inserting our
people into the DNC in June. This victory fund agreement, however, had
been signed in August 2015, just four months after Hillary announced her
candidacy and nearly a year before she officially had the nomination.
I had tried to search out any other evidence of internal corruption
that would show that the DNC was rigging the system to throw the primary
to Hillary, but I could not find any in party affairs or among the
staff. I had gone department by department, investigating individual
conduct for evidence of skewed decisions, and I was happy to see that I
had found none. Then I found this agreement.
The funding arrangement with HFA and the victory fund agreement was
not illegal, but it sure looked unethical. If the fight had been fair,
one campaign would not have control of the party before the voters had
decided which one they wanted to lead. This was not a criminal act, but
as I saw it, it compromised the party’s integrity.
I had to keep my promise to Bernie. I was in agony as I dialed
him. Keeping this secret was against everything that I stood for, all
that I valued as a woman and as a public servant.
“Hello, senator. I’ve completed my review of the DNC and I did find the cancer,” I said. “But I will not kill the patient.”
I discussed the fundraising agreement that each of the candidates had
signed. Bernie was familiar with it, but he and his staff ignored it.
They had their own way of raising money through small donations. I
described how Hillary’s campaign had taken it another step.
caitlinjohnstone | Liberals hate leftists. Hate them, hate them, hate them.
They
don’t often admit it of course. Admitting you hate those to your left
at least as much as you hate those to your right would cause a lot of
cognitive dissonance for those who think of themselves as being on the
left, and it would weaken their arguments considerably.
But they do. Liberals hate leftists, for a number of reasons.
Liberals
hate leftists because there is a night-and-day difference between a
capitalist, imperialist establishment and an ideology which wants to
tear down that establishment and replace it with peace and socialism. There’s
more of a difference between true leftists and establishment liberals
than there is between the far right and establishment liberals.
Liberals hate leftists because the psychological discomfort known as cognitive dissonance actually hurts, so those who provoke it can often be perceived as the cause of that pain.
Liberals
hate leftists because they’ve spent their whole lives building and
reinforcing a worldview which validates war, oligarchy and exploitation
while thinking of themselves as defenders of equality and sanity, so
when someone comes in promoting an ideology which highlights the
discrepancy between those two points the cognitive dissonance which sets
in makes them feel like the leftist just slapped them in the face.
Liberals
hate leftists because while both purport to support the working class
and disempowered groups, only one of them actually does so.
Liberals
hate leftists for the same reason someone telling a bogus
self-aggrandizing story at a party would hate somebody who caught them
in one of their lies in front of everyone.
Liberals hate leftists because leftists are a constant reminder that liberals are not the thing they pretend to be.
Liberals
hate leftists for the same reason you’d hate someone who keeps yelling
out “This is all fake! Those are actors!” at a theater: they disrupt a
pleasant illusion the liberals are trying to enjoy about villains being
fought by heroic protagonists.
But
that writer, who goes by the pseudonym “streiff,” isn’t just another
political blogger. The Daily Beast has discovered that he actually works
in the public affairs shop of the very agency that Fauci leads.
William
B. Crews is, by day, a public affairs specialist for the National
Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases. But for years he has been
writing for RedState under the streiff pseudonym. And in that capacity
he has been contributing to the very same disinformation campaign that his superiors at the NIAID say is a major challenge to widespread efforts to control a pandemic that has claimed roughly 200,000 U.S. lives.
Under
his pseudonym, Crews has derided his own colleagues as part of a
left-wing anti-Trump conspiracy and vehemently criticized the man who
leads his agency, whom he described as the “attention-grubbing and
media-whoring Anthony Fauci.” He has gone after other public health
officials at the state and federal levels, as well—“the public health
Karenwaffen,'' as he’s called them—over measures such as the closures of
businesses and other public establishments and the promotion of social
distancing and mask-wearing. Those policies, Crews insists, have no
basis in science and are simply surreptitious efforts to usurp
Americans’ rights, destroy the U.S. economy, and damage President Donald
Trump’s reelection effort.
“I think we’re at the point where it
is safe to say that the entire Wuhan virus scare was nothing more or
less than a massive fraud perpetrated upon the American people by
‘experts’ who were determined to fundamentally change the way the
country lives and is organized and governed,” Crews wrote in a June post on RedState.
“If
there were justice,” he added, “we’d send and [sic] few dozen of these
fascists to the gallows and gibbet their tarred bodies in chains until
they fall apart.”
After The Daily Beast brought those and other
quotes from Crews to NIAID’s attention, the agency said in an emailed
statement that Crews would “retire”
from his position. “NIAID first learned of this matter this morning,
and Mr. Crews has informed us of his intention to retire,” the
spokesperson, Kathy Stover, wrote. “We have no further comments on this
as it is a personnel matter.”
NYTimes | This underclass status can be traced as
far back as the 1800s, historians say, and is squarely rooted in racism.
Domestic work was then one of the few ways that Black women could earn
money, and well into the 20th century, most of those women lived in the
South. During the Jim Crow era, they were powerless and exploited. Far
from the happy “mammy” found in popular culture like “Gone With the
Wind,” these women were mistreated and overworked. In 1912, a
publication called The Independent ran an essay by a woman identified only as a “Negro Nurse,” who described 14-hour workdays, seven days a week, for $10 a month.
“I live a treadmill life,” she wrote. “I see my own children only when they happen to see me on the streets.”
In
1935, the federal government all but codified the grim conditions of
domestic work with the passage of the Social Security Act. The law was
the crowning achievement of the New Deal, providing retirement benefits
as well as the country’s first national unemployment compensation
program — a safety net that was invaluable during the Depression. But
the act excluded two categories of employment: domestic workers and
agricultural laborers, jobs that were most essential to Black women and
Black men, respectively.
The few Black
people invited to weigh in on the bill pointed out the obvious. In
February 1935, Charles Hamilton Houston, then special counsel to the
N.A.A.C.P., testified before the Senate Finance Committee and said that
from the viewpoint of Black people, the bill “looks like a sieve with
the holes just big enough for the majority of Negroes to fall through.”
The
historian Mary Poole, author of “The Segregated Origins of Social
Security,” sifted through notes, diaries and transcripts created during
the passage of the act and found that Black people were excluded not
because white Southerners in control of Congress at the time insisted on
it. The truth was more troubling, and more nuanced. Members of Franklin
D. Roosevelt’s administration — most notably, the Treasury secretary,
Henry Morgenthau Jr. — persuaded congressional leaders that the law
would be far simpler to administer, and therefore far more likely to
succeed, if the two occupations were left out of the bill.
In
the years that followed, Black domestic workers were consistently at
the mercy of white employers. In cities like New York, African-American
women lined up at spots along certain streets, carrying a paper bag
filled with work clothes, waiting for white housewives to offer them
work, often for an hour or two, sometimes for the day. A reporter,
Marvel Cooke, and an activist, Ella Baker, wrote a series of articles in
1935 for The Crisis, the journal of the N.A.A.C.P., describing life in
what they called New York City’s “slave markets.”
The
markets’ popularity diminished in the ’40s after Mayor Fiorello La
Guardia opened hiring halls, where contracts were signed laying out
terms for day labor arrangements. But in early 1950, Ms. Cooke found the
markets in New York City were bustling again. In a series of
first-person dispatches, she joined the “paper bag brigades” and went
undercover to describe life for the Black women who stood in front of
the Woolworths on 170th Street.
“That is the Bronx Slave Market,” she wrote in The Daily Compass in January 1950,
“where Negro women wait, in rain or shine, in bitter cold or under
broiling sun, to be hired by local housewives looking for bargains in
human labor.”
That same year,
domestic work was finally added to the Social Security Act, and by the
1970s it had been added to federal legislation intended to protect
laborers, including the Fair Labor Standards Act. African-American women
had won many of those protections by organizing, though by the 1980s,
they had moved into other occupations and were largely replaced by women
from South and Central America as well as the Caribbean.
NPR | In the mid-'80s, just as his career as a writer was reaching its
first ascent, Stanley Crouch presided over an attempted, unexpected, coup d'etat.
Crouch wanted to return to a time when the serious Black practitioners
participated in the gatekeeping. (The title of a 2000 Crouch piece in
the New York Times says it all: "Don't Ask the Critics. Ask Wallace Roney's Peers.")
That was all to the good, but another, more reactionary and perhaps
even more commercial aspect of his proposed revolution proved impossible
to implement: defining jazz as a fixed object made up of conventional
swing, blues, romantic ballads, a Latin tinge... and not too much else.
While executing this maneuver, Crouch rejected — by some lights,
betrayed — his original peer group of Murray, Blythe and Newton, and
instead embraced the latest musicians intrigued by a comparatively
straight-ahead approach. (Newton complained, "A stylistically dominant agenda in jazz is like bringing Coca-Cola to a five-star dinner!")
It
was an artificial conceit to begin with, and Crouch was too contrarian
and combative to lead a movement. However, he did have one important
acolyte: Wynton Marsalis, the man anointed as the biggest new jazz star
of the era. Marsalis studied the texts of Stanley Crouch and Albert
Murray the way he did the music of Jelly Roll Morton and Louis
Armstrong. In what may have been an unprecedented event, a major jazz
artist actually read critics, and let those critics inform his
music. (Crouch also contributed liner notes to the first run of
excellent Marsalis LPs.)
Between them, Marsalis and Crouch
kicked off the jazz wars of the '80s and '90s, an argument about
tradition versus innovation, a tempest in a teacup that played out in
all the major jazz magazines, in many mainstream publications, in bars
and clubs everywhere – and in the end did very little good to anybody.
(The day Keith Jarrett angrily invited Wynton Marsalis to a "blues duel" in the New York Times was a notable low point.) The 2001 Ken Burns documentary Jazz,
which featured Marsalis and Crouch as both off-screen advisors and
on-screen commentators, was the climactic battleground. People who love
post-1959 styles connected to funk, fusion and the avant-garde are still very upset about Ken Burns' Jazz.
Still. When he started assembling the repertory institution Jazz at Lincoln Center
in 1987, Wynton Marsalis was advocating for the primacy of the Black
aesthetic at a time when the white, Stan Kenton-to-Gary Burton lineage
dominated major organizations like the Berklee College of Music and the
International Association of Jazz Educators. The music of Kenton and
Burton has tremendous value, but their vast institutional sway and undue
influence in jazz education is part of this discussion. We needed less
North Texas State (Kenton's first pedagogical initiative) and more Duke
Ellington in the mix, and Marsalis almost single-handedly corrected our
course – although Marsalis himself would give Crouch a lot of the
credit. Indeed, Crouch's long-running internal mandate to get Ellington
seen as "Artist of the Century" had finally paid off on a macro level, and the free high school program "Essentially Ellington" is one of JALC's most noble achievements.
Crouch
and Marsalis also strove to bury the once-prevalent idea that Louis
Armstrong was an Uncle Tom, and encouraged the Black working class to
reclaim the jazz greats as crucial to their heritage. (Those ready to
hate on Ken Burns's Jazz should keep that perspective in mind.)
There was some bad, a lot of good, and plenty to argue about. What can be said for sure: JALC never quite pulled off Crouch's proposed coup. All these years later, JALC
remains merely a part of what makes jazz interesting today. Younger
practitioners and listeners comfortably see the music as a continuum
that can contain anything from the avant-garde harp musings of Alice
Coltrane to the electric fusion of John McLaughlin to hip-hop stylings
of Robert Glasper. Crouch's definition of jazz does not dominate the
conversation the way he intended, perhaps paradoxically proving the
original point that jazz musicians and critics don't really have much to
do with each other.
NYTimes |You performed at one of Chappelle’s live shows in July. What was that like for you?
When
you’re in the clubs, you learn the rain crowd is the best crowd. Any
time it’s raining, they really want to be there. The pandemic crowd is really good. “Dude, not only do we want to be here, there is nothing else to do. There’s nothing else to watch. Thank you.”
What did you talk about?
I
talked about our political whatever. America. Part of the reason we’re
in the predicament we’re in is, the president’s a landlord. No one has
less compassion for humans than a landlord. [Laughs.] And we’re shocked
he’s not engaged.
Did you ever see that movie “The Last Emperor,” where
like a 5-year-old is the emperor of China? There’s a kid and he’s the
king. So I’m like, it’s all the Democrats’ fault. Because you knew that
the emperor was 5 years old. And when the emperor’s 5 years old, they
only lead in theory. There’s usually an adult who’s like, “OK, this is
what we’re really going to do.”
And it was totally up to Pelosi and the Democrats. Their thing was,
“We’re going to get him impeached,” which was never going to happen. You
let the pandemic come in. Yes, we can blame Trump, but he’s really the
5-year-old.
Put it this way:
Republicans tell outright lies. Democrats leave out key pieces of the
truth that would lead to a more nuanced argument. In a sense, it’s all
fake news.
variety | “ViacomCBS condemns bigotry of any kind and we categorically denounce
all forms of anti-Semitism. We have spoken with Nick Cannon about an
episode of his podcast ‘Cannon’s Class’ on YouTube, which promoted
hateful speech and spread anti-Semitic conspiracy theories. While we
support ongoing education and dialogue in the fight against bigotry, we
are deeply troubled that Nick has failed to acknowledge or apologize for
perpetuating anti-Semitism, and we are terminating our relationship
with him. We are committed to doing better in our response to incidents
of anti-Semitism, racism, and bigotry. ViacomCBS will have further
announcements on our efforts to combat hate of all kinds,” the company
said.
On Monday, Cannon said on Twitter and Facebook
that he has “no hate in my heart nor malice intentions” and doesn’t
condone hate speech. He also said that he holds himself “accountable for
this moment” and takes full responsibility for his actions.
Late on Tuesday and well into the early hours of Wednesday, the host
began retweeting scores of messages of support from fans, some of whom
condemned ViacomCBS for severing ties with Cannon and expressed concern
for the future of long-running MTV sketch comedy series “Wild ‘N Out,”
which Cannon has hosted since its 2005 debut and recent expansion to
sister network VH1. Cannon also retweeted a number of his critics who
called him the N-word.
I want to clarify
my now deleted tweet. I was not supporting or condoning what Nick
Cannon specifically said, but I had expressed my support of him owning
the content and brand he helped create 🙏🏾
The host has had a relationship with Viacom since he was an actor on
Nickelodeon in the ’90s, and into the 2000s with “Wild ‘N Out.” More
recently, he’s been known as the host of “The Masked Singer” on Fox and hosted “America’s Got Talent” on NBC from 2009-2016. He’s also launching a syndicated daytime talk show in September with Debmar-Mercury.
jonathanturley | It is bad enough when you become a political rally cry for the right
as a man trying to destroy our economy or instill fear into the nation.
Now, Dr. Anthony Fauci is being called a mass murderer who, with the
cabal of Bill and Melinda Gates, are seeking to “depopulate the Earth.”
That is hardly the most deranged thing that Nation of Islam leader Louis
Farrakhan, 87, has uttered, but it may be the most dangerous. Farrakhan
is encouraging people to refuse vaccinations, a problem that is already causing world health leaders concerns in Africa. This is viewed as the new “epicenter” for the pandemic
with Africans facing a threat with the need to protect hundreds of
millions of Africans.
Health officials will need their cooperation but
they have now heard from Farrakhan who has declared that, if they want
to live, “Do not take their medication.”
In this Fourth of July remarks, Farrakhan declared that
“They’re making money now, plotting to give seven
billion, five-hundred million people a vaccination. Dr. Fauci, Bill
Gates and Melinda — you want to depopulate the Earth. What the hell gave
you that right? Who are you to sit down with your billion to talk about
who can live, and who should die?
…
I say to my brothers and sisters in Africa, if they come up with a
vaccine, be careful. Don’t let them vaccinate you with their history of
treachery through vaccines, through medication.”
He added “That’s why your world is coming to an end quickly, because
you have sentenced billions to death, but God is now sentencing you to
the death that you are sentencing to others.”
niemanlab | On Aug. 20, 2018, the first day of a federal police surveillance
trial, I discovered that the Memphis Police Department was spying on me.
The ACLU of Tennessee had sued the MPD, alleging that the department
was in violation of a 1978 consent decree barring surveillance of
residents for political purposes.
I’m pretty sure I wore my pink gingham jacket — it’s my summer go-to
when I want to look professional. I know I sat on the right side of the
courtroom, not far from a former colleague at The Commercial Appeal. I’d
long suspected that I was on law enforcement’s radar, simply because my
work tends to center on the most marginalized communities, not
institutions with the most power.
One of the first witnesses called to the stand: Sgt. Timothy
Reynolds, who is white. To get intel on activists and organizers,
including those in the Black Lives Matter movement, he’d posed on
Facebook as a “man of color,” befriending people and trying to
infiltrate closed circles.
Projected onto a giant screen in the courtroom was a screenshot of people Reynolds followed on Facebook.
My head was bent as I wrote in my reporter’s notebook. “What does this
entry indicate?” ACLU attorney Amanda Strickland Floyd asked.
“I was following Wendi Thomas,” Reynolds replied. “Wendi C. Thomas.”
I sat up.
“And who is Wendi Thomas?” Floyd asked.
She, he replied, used to write for The Commercial Appeal. In 2014, I left the paper after being a columnist for 11 years.
It’s been more than a year since a judge ruled against
the city, and I’ve never gotten a clear answer on why the MPD was
monitoring me. Law enforcement also was keeping tabs on three other
journalists whose names came out
during the trial. Reynolds testified he used the fake account to
monitor protest activity and follow current events connected to Black
Lives Matter.
My sin, as best I can figure, was having good sources who were local
organizers and activists, including some of the original plaintiffs in
the ACLU’s lawsuit against the city.
In the days since cellphone video captured white Minneapolis police
officer Derek Chauvin squeezing the life out of George Floyd, a black
man, residents in dozens of cities across the country have exercised
their First Amendment rights to protest police brutality.
Here in Memphis, where two-thirds of the population is black and 1 in
4 lives below the poverty line, demonstrators have chanted, “No
justice, no peace, no racist police!”
The most recent protests were sparked by the killings of Floyd and of
Breonna Taylor, a black woman gunned down in her home by Louisville,
Kentucky, police in March. But in Memphis, like elsewhere, the seeds of
distrust between activists and police were planted decades ago. And law
enforcement has nurtured these seeds ever since.
I told you a little of this over a week ago. But further confirmation is coming to light.
TMU | When asked if Chauvin had a “problem with Black people,” Santamaria commented that she believes “he was afraid and intimidated.”
In the past, Santamaria has commented that Chauvin had a tendency to become unnecessarily aggressive during
nights when the club had a primarily Black clientele, especially in
terms of by dousing crowds with pepper spray and resorting to calling
police as backup in a move she described as “overkill.”
In video footage from May 25 that has been seen tens of millions of
times over the past two weeks, Chauvin can be seen choking Floyd with
his knee during an arrest attempt that ultimately led to his death.
The white now-former officer held his knee down on the 46-year-old
unarmed Black man’s neck for a total of 8 minutes and 46 seconds in
total, and two minutes and 53 seconds after Floyd lost consciousness,
according to a criminal complaint. Three officers also took part in the deadly events.
The three other former officers who have been charged with aiding and
abetting Chauvin during the second-degree killing of Floyd are J
Alexander Kueng, Thomas Lane, and Tou Thao.
aier | Coronavirus hasn’t been a thing since Friday,” said a friend. “The new story is racism.”
Following American media culture can make one’s head spin.
For three months, all we heard was the danger to life and
civilization presented by a novel virus. Millions will die! Few will be
spared! There will be unprecedented suffering unless we completely
shatter the normal functioning of life. Lock down, shelter in place, and
stand six feet apart – very strange exhortations never before heard in
the modern history of annual viruses or any public policy in many
lifetimes.
All of it enforced by the police power. The same police power that eventually landed on the neck of George Floyd.
They screamed that we had to close schools, shopping centers, sports,
and only allow “essential” business to function even if tens of
millions lose their jobs, because lives – lives that the police power
has utterly disregarded during the protests – are just that important.
Lockdown required that the law change on a dime, in violation of every
legal precedent, every slogan in American civic mythology, and
contradicting the whole of what made America great.
In three days in mid-March 2020, everything we previously believed
had to end because we had to implement a new experiment in social
control as cobbled together by “public health officials” some 14 years ago.
They sat around for a decade and a half, bored and waiting to use the
new way to combat viruses. Any old virus would do so long as it was a
slow news day. COVID-19 was as good an excuse as any. Out was every
foundational belief in liberty, property, and free association, in the
blink of an eye.
That was 75 days ago. People were surprisingly compliant, but what
could they do? They were scared, thanks to media frenzy, and they
weren’t allowed out of their houses to protest in any case. When they
did defy the orders to protest in front of capitol buildings, instead of
staying home and watching CNN, they were derided by CNN as disease
spreaders and enemies of public health.
I’m looking at the headlines today and all the news on the
coronavirus is below the fold or in its own section. It’s all about the
protests, riots, and looters. Racism. Trump is screaming for a crackdown
while the media demands justice for police brutality. As for social
distancing, this was absolutely yesterday’s news. Now a new ethos has
taken hold: gather in the largest possible groups to demand social
justice. And loot.
A Foundation of Joy
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Two years and I've lost count of how many times my eye has been operated
on, either beating the fuck out of the tumor, or reattaching that slippery
eel ...
April Three
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4/3
43
When 1 = A and 26 = Z
March = 43
What day?
4 to the power of 3 is 64
64th day is March 5
My birthday
March also has 5 letters.
4 x 3 = 12
...
Return of the Magi
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Lately, the Holy Spirit is in the air. Emotional energy is swirling out of
the earth.I can feel it bubbling up, effervescing and evaporating around
us, s...
New Travels
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Haven’t published on the Blog in quite a while. I at least part have been
immersed in the area of writing books. My focus is on Science Fiction an
Historic...
Covid-19 Preys Upon The Elderly And The Obese
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sciencemag | This spring, after days of flulike symptoms and fever, a man
arrived at the emergency room at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
He ...